HENRY THEODORE TUCKERMAN AS REVEALED 
IN HIS PUBLISHED WORKS 
by 
Richard Grant Ellsworth 
Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School 
of the University of Maryland in partial fulfillment 
of the requirements for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy 
1959 
UlJf Al< 
UNIVERSITY OF ,, 
COLLEGE: PAI M 
AP ROVAL SHEET 
vealed 
Title of Thesis: Henry T
heodore Tuckerman as Re
in his Published Works 
Name of Candidate : Richa
rd Grant Ellsworth 
Doctor of Philosophy , 1959 
Thesis and Abstract Appro
ved: 
o ea 
Assistant Professor 
American Civilization 
Date approved : 
t I 
? '1 I '.? l I ? ? j 
(. , ..., _;_ .J c., u 
/'' 
BSTRACT 
Title of Thesis: Henry Theodore Tuckerman a s Revealed 
in his ublished Works 
Rici:lard Grant Ells,..,w orth, Doctor of hilosophy, 1959 
Thesis directed by: Dr. Otho T. Beall 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman, as rev ealed in his 
published work s, wa s, in many ways, a model of the mid-
nineteenth century American. In his travel accounts, his 
historical and biographical scholarship, his social and 
political attitudes , his artistic and literary criteria, 
is revealed his sincere allegiance to the Romantic Ideal-
ism which dominated his day . This allegiance is shown in 
his belief in the fundamental goodness and inevitable 
progress of mankind ; in his basic individualism, an almost 
transcendental egocentrism, which mysti cally identified 
the human soul with God, and interpreted self-reliance in 
terms of intuitional supranatural ap~rehension; in his 
dichotomization of his realities, separating the Ideal / 
from the ractical, the intuitive from the reasonable, the 
commonplace from t he beautiful, the here and now from t he 
distant and the past ; in his acceptance of Nature as the 
representation of t he Ideal, and of the feminine as the 
symbol of the Beautiful; in his fealty to emotion and 
sympathy as t he mystical keys to all human relationships; 
in his strict and didactic morality; and in his profe ssed 
/ 
national ism and proclamation of divine purpose and destiny 
in Ameri ca . Ye t, he was conservative in his personal 
refusal t o become invol ved in reformism , in either outright 
abolition ' ism or femini sm; in hi s determined and maintained 
attitude of Brahmin aloofness from 11 the herd 11 and 11 t he 
multit ude 11 ; i n his willingness to submi t himself to gove r n-
mental mandate , t o support, at lea s t nominally, what wa s 
legal and generally a c cepted; a nd in his overl y-develope d 
a nd almost unna t u ral r eti c ence whi ch preve nted him from 
ever achieving t ha t int e nse ego- exploration i mperative ith-
i n t he Roma ntic phi l osophy . 
Hi s published work s rev eal him t o hav e b ee n p r o-
fo undly inf luenced by thre e ma j or fac t or s in his pri vat e 
l ife: hi s mo t her ' s death, his Italian r e si denc e , and his 
de ep avers ion for t he comm ercial l ife . Possibly , i n his 
mot er ' s deat h lie t he seed s of his bachel orhood, his ne ed 
for social ( and, esp ecially , fem i nine) a c c eptabili t y, his 
adorat i on of t he ideal woman, and, p erhap s, his easy accept -
ance o f t he s entimental and t he emotional . His Ital i an 
t ravels and residence int roduced him to t he artisti c expe ri-
ence a nd insti l led in him a determination to devote hi s life 
to t he Beautiful and to the encouragement of its creation and 
appreciation . And His aversion to t he common precepts and 
standard s dema nded by Am erican commercial i stic ent erprise 
i nfl uenced t his decision, and s hap ed his life philosophy in 
its decla ration of an over-stressed mat eriality in American 
l i f e, and a co nsequent under-dev elopment of t he sp iritual a nd 
t he i nt ell ectual . 
With the exception of some of hi s better poems , Tuck-
Brman 's travel accounts best reveal his personal attit udes and 
feeli ngs toward his time and his world . 
As a scholar, Tuckerman read widely, but not deeply . 
His recorded perceptions almost always appear to be reflections 
of the parall el concl usions of his greater contemporaries . 
But he conside red his t heories hi s own, and, alt hough he often 
do cument ed a thought or a conclusion, he never admitted to any 
intellectual debt or spi ritual guidance . 
Tuckerman 1 s greatest significance is in his constant 
effort to popularize the Beautiful , and t hus, to enrich 
eri can life. He sought always to broaden the public percep-
tion, to increase Ame r ican aesthetic appreciation, to combat 
American preoccupation with commercialism. He was ever the 
propa gandizer for good taste and cul tural cultivation. His 
published works all evidence t his. As a recorder of travels, 
he encouraged an appreciation for European cultural achieve-
ment. As a historian and biographer, he was narrative and 
moralistic. As a literary and art critic, he ever dilligently 
encouraged the riter and the artist, and always sympatheti-
cally explained and interpreted to their audience . As a poet 
and aut hor in his own right, although he often proved sympa-
thetic with the sentimental demands of his age, he, nevertheless, 
in spite of such lapses, always strove to broaden the public 
outlook toward the Beautiful and the Cultural as he perceived 
them to be. 
That his audience appreciated his effort is readily 
apparent in his evident contemporary popularity . But his deat h 
and the end of his social influence, the broad standard and 
contemporary nature of his appeal , and the swiftly changing 
public interest , all combined t o p rove his fame ephemeral, 
and to banish him to a modern obscurity unworthy of his 
sincere intent and effort, and obvious contemporary accom-
plishment . Henry Theodore Tuckerman deserves to be remembered ,.. 
not only for his yet-standard biographical scholarship, and 
his service as a historian of art and artists in America, but 
also for his exemplary thought and attitude, t he cultured 
reflections of the literary and artistic standards of mid-
nineteenth century America. 
J / 
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 
Much of the credit for whatever merit this study may 
possess belongs to Dr. Otho T. Beall who has most generously 
and kindly given of his time and experience in its creation. 
He has made numerous valuable suggestions, and tactfully led 
me toward the perception of most of the major ideas expressed 
in this paper. 
I should like also to acknowledge the strong guiding 
hand of Dr. Carl Bode who, not only most patiently has guided 
my sometimes reluctant progress, but who also first suggested 
the subject of this study, and constantly encouraged me in 
my efforts to present it honestly and adequately. I am grate-
ful also to Dr. Wesley M. Gewehr for his kindly and sympathetic 
counsel and encouragement through rather trying times. 
And last, and greatest of all, I acknowledge my very 
personal debt to my wife, Betty Midgley Ellsworth, who has, 
these many years, without complaint, devotedly supported and 
encouraged me toward the final completion of this work. 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
Chapter Page 
I . BIOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND ... . . . . 1 
II . TRAVELER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 
III . HISTORIAN AND BIOGRAPHER . . . . . . . . . 74 
IV. POLITICAL HILOSOPHER . . . 110 
v. ART C01"1M ENTATOR . . . . . . . . . . . . 14$ 
VI . LITTERATEUR ??? . . . . . . . . . . . 192 
CONCLUSION .?.?. . . . . . . . . . 249 
SOURCES CO NSULTED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 
CHAPTER I 
BIOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUNDS 
In 1s35 there appeared on the bookstands of American 
book sellers a modes t volume , publ i shed by Key and Biddle of 
Philadelphia, and bearing the title The Italian Sketch Book, 
by an American. This was the first published work of Henry 
Theodore Tuckerman, a nd contained observations taken from his 
journal kept dur ing a winter ' s residence in Italy in 1833. 
It was t h e first of twenty-six books of travel, biography, 
poetry, and collected essays, which Tuckerman published during 
his lifetime. 1 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman was born in Boston, Massachu-
setts, April 20 , lSl3, the son of Henry Harris and Ruth Lyman 
Keating Tuckerman, and the descendant of a long uninterrupted 
line of New Engl and ancestors. 2 He was the eldest son in a 
family consisting of five children.3 His grandfather, Edward 
Tuckerman, 4 had become wealthy as a grain merchant, and had 
made a substantial fortune supplying ship's biscuits for the 
growing shipping trade of nineteenth century Boston. His son, 
Henry Harris Tuckerman (Henry Theodore's father) had inherited 
and improved the family busine s s enterprises, entering success-
fully into banking and insurance. As the eldest son in such a 
well-to-do family, Henry Theodore Tuckerman should have stepped 
into his father's place as the head of this growing family 
empire; however, he evidently was unwilling to do so. Although 
1 
2 
he was the life-long recipient of a comfortable income, which 
supplied all of his physical wants, he seems never to have 
assumed any official position in any of the family business 
interests .5 
In 1S23 , when Henry Theodore was ten years old, his 
mother died. This unfortunate event wa s a formative influence 
in the development of his literary and social attitudes. 
Tucke rman was educated at the Boston Latin School. 
He finished there in 1g30, and entered Harvard College that 
fall (Tuckerman was then seventeen years of age). However, 
the next two years at Harvard were unhappy years; his health 
had never been excellent, 6 and it now became increasingly 
worse until, in 1S32, Tuckerman abandoned the study of law at 
Harvard and returned home to his father's house. His continued 
ill-health through the winter of lS32 caused his father much 
anxiety, and the next year he sent him to the warmer climate 
of Italy in a practical effort to promote some kind of recovery. 
Young Henry Tuckerman landed in Le Havre, France, in 
the early fall of 1g33. After a short visit in France, he 
journeyed south to Italy, where he spent the winter of 1S33, 
and the whole year 1S34- touring and sightseeing,g and keeping 
the journal which later provided materials used so often in 
his literary work. Although this journey did not provide Tuck-
erman with the good health for which his parent had hoped, it 
did awaken interests and energies within him which dominated 
him for the rest of his life. The older civilizations of 
Europe with all their cultural remains and historical relics 
3 
a ppeared a s the fulfillment of the Romantic revelation for 
young Tuckerman. He determined to devote his life to the 
appreciat i on of the Beautiful, and to the "elevation, direc-
tion, and purification of public sentiment." 9 
Tuckerman returned to the United States in 1S35, evi-
dently in somewhat better health than when he had left. 
However, he did not return to Harvard and his legal studies, 
but instead consciously began a literary career, as editor of 
The Boston Book, 10 (in which he was able to include one of his 
own poems, and an essay taken from his Italian journal), and 
The Philadelphia Book. 11 Both of these collections were pub-
lished in 1S36. 
In October of 1S37, Tuckerman embarked once a gain for 
Southern Europe and Mediterranean ports. Again, he was in 
search of better health. That winter, he toured Malta, Gibral-
tar, and Sicily, and in the spring and summer, visited the 
continent. He stayed in Florence the next winter (1S3S), and 
returned to Boston the next spring (1S39). He continued his 
literary efforts, and that summer published a travel romance 
entitled Isabel, or Sicily, A Pilgrimage (1S39). During the 
next few years in Boston, Tuckerman wrote and published in peri-
odicals many of the essays which he later assembled for 
publication in separate book form, and he tried his hand at 
editing a monthly magazine, The Boston Miscellany of Literature 
and Fashion (in 1S43); however, he soon left this for what he 
felt were better and more elevating things. 
Tu.ckerman 1 s great admiration for Irving had first 
4 
become a oparent in The Italian Sketch Book in 1S35; by the 
early 1S40 1 s, feeling that he had es tablished himself to some 
extent as a literary man, Tuckerman determined to move to New 
York, where he might become a part of the literary currents 
which surrounded Irving and his Knickerbocker followers. 
Accordingly, in 1S45, Tuckerman moved to New York City. He 
established bachelor quarters at 51 West 10th Street, 12 and 
settled down to the serious business of literary production. 
He set himself a strict schedule in which he regularly spent 
five hours each day writing at his desk. 13 Although Tuckerman 
lived alone, he evidently was good company in society. He was 
a talented conversationalist. It was not long before he was 
at home among the Knickerbockers, and most welcome in New York 
and Newport society. 14 
Tuckerman's personal activities during the rest of his 
life are, unfortunately, vague. He remained a bachelor, and a 
most reticent one, at least in print. Evidently, he either 
took no part in public activity, or else he conscientiously 
destroyed the evidence of his participation, 15 for materials 
covering the latter parts of his life are sparse. During these 
years his literary reputation continued to grow; he published 
four collections of essays on various subjects by mid-century16 
and that year was honored by Harvard with an honorary Master 
of Arts degree. 17 He visited Europe again in the fall of 1S52, 
and spent most of his time in England and in France. 1g Follow-
ing the unification of Italy in 1S61, he was honored by the 
King of Italy, who conferred upon him an order 11 in recognition 
5 
of his labors on behalf of Italian exiles in the United 
States . 1119 He was also active as a corresponding member of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society and was actively inter-
ested in the New York Historical Society. 20 During the Civil 
War he was vocal in his support of the Union; and gave 11 much 
of his time and literary effort to patriotic service. 1121 And, 
in 1g66, he served on a committee selected to choose represen-
tative American art works for display at the Paris Exposition 
of 1g67. 22 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman was of medium height. He 
had dark, almost black hair which curled slightly in at his 
temples, and which he allowed to grow thick to his collar in 
the manner of the mid-century. He had a dark, heavy beard, 
full from chin to sideburns; and a thick, almost black mustache. 
He was dark complexioned; his eyes were large and deep-set 
under dark brows. He had a prominent nose and chin, 23 and 
rather prominent ears. 24 He was a kindly man and much respect-
ed and appreciated among his associates. 25 
In December, 1g71, while engaged in his literary endeav-
ors at his bachelor quarters, Tuckerman suffered a sudden and 
violent atta ck of pleurisy. He was removed to the home of his 
cousin, Lucius Tuckerman, 26 where he died December 17, 1g71. 
He was buried in Mt. Auburn Cemetery, in Cambridge, Massachu-
setts.27 
Of all the fine words said at his funeral Tuckerman 
would probably have been most pleased by his friend Henry 
Bellows' final summation of his life: 
6 
He was a friend of all, and I know not, I can hardly con-
ceive, that he had an enemy. He showed no literary 
jealousy, and exhibited no undue sensibility either to 
praise or blame. Indeed, he was singularly modest and 
free from egotism. I can hardly recall a literary career, 
as long and full as his, so wholly ~gthout personal con-
troversy, quarrel or mistake ?? ?? 
7 
NOTES TO CHAPTER I 
1 . Besides these sepa r a tely published works, 
Tuckerma n also produced many indivi dual essays which a pDea red 
in various contemporary monthly magazines . He also authored 
sympathetic introduc tory articl es which were published in 
edi t ions of works of various poets . See Bibliogranhy to t h is 
paper . 
2. Bayar d Tuckerman records tha t the earli est Tuck-
erman ancestor i n Ameri ca was John Tuckerman , born in 
Devonshir e , England , i n 1624 , di ed in Boston , 167~. Henry 
Theodore Tucker man is s ix generations of Boston Tuckermans 
from t h is ea r lies t ancestor. Bayar d Tuckerman , Note s on the 
Tuckerman Famil y, ( Boston , 1914), p. 12 , e t passim. 
3. Henry Theodore Tuckerma n 1 s younger brothe r was 
Charles Keat i ng Tuckerman , poet and a uthor i n his own right, 
and Un i t ed Sta t es Minister to Greece fro m 1363 to 1371. 
Arther Lyman Tuckerman, the f amous New York a rchitect and 
a r tist , was Charl es Keating Tuckerman 1 s son. 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman 1 s sis ters were Elizabeth 
Tuckerma n Heath , Ruth Tuckerman Bunner (the mother of Henry 
Cuyler Bunner, well-known New York edi t or novelist, and 
short - story writer), and Lucy Tuck erman, (who marri ed her 
fi rs t cousin, Jos eph Tuckerman). See Baya r d Tuckerman, Notes 
on the Tuckerman Family. 
4. Edwa r d Tuckerman, Henry Theodore's grandfather, 
was reared by his f a t her's s i ster, Thankful and her husband 
Stephen Harris. He married their daughter !his first cousin~ 
Eliza be t h Ha rris, and worked up to a partnership in his 
uncle's grain business. In time, he became full owner of 
t h is growing business, and chief authority on grain and grain 
production and prices in Mas sachusetts. During the Revolu-
t ionary War he supplied the Continental Army with flour, and 
began to build the Tuckerman family fortune by capturing the 
ship 's-biscuit market at the Port of Boston. He was a 
pers onal friend of Paul Revere, and was associated with him 
in a labor regulation organization, and in a mutual fire 
insurance endeavor. He was a Son of Liberty and a member of 
the Revolut i onary Militia. He was instrumental in having t h e 
law repealed (1794) that forba de the theater in Boston. He 
enjoyed paintings and good books, and had a substantial 
libra ry. 
5. Henry Harris Tuckerman (Henry Theodore's father) 
controlled the family enterprises until his death in 1360. 
Henry Theodore lived only eleven years after this. At the 
time of his father's death, Henry Theodore was forty-seven 
years old, and quite set in his very uncommercial ways. It 
is most doubtful that he had any interest in active partici-
pation by that time . His brother, Charles Keating Tuckerman, 
by that time, however , was a prominent man in commercial and 
political affairs in New England; the control of these busi-
ness enterprises most probably passed to him. Yet, the 
Tuckerman businesses must have been fairly self-perpetuating, 
as Charles Keating spent a major part of his life in Europe, 
and was in fact in Florence, Italy , at the time of Henry 
Theodore 's death in December , 1871. See personal correspond-
ence, Frederica G. Davis to Mrs . Hamilton Fish, Dec. 19, 1871. 
6. Charles D. Cleveland, A Com~endium of American 
Li terature ?? ? , (New York, 1859), p . 75. 
7. According to Dr . Henry W. Bellows there previously 
had been some indication that Tuckerman was interested in 
ent er ing the ministry as his profession. What facts turned 
him to the study of law are not at present known. See Henry 
W. Bellows, "Addres s at the Funeral of Henry Theodore Tucker-
man, " in Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, 
pp. 177-184. 
8. Mos t probably Tuckerman 1 s f ather did not turn 
him completely loose in Europe. Although there is no mention 
of it, Henry Theodore's uncle, Joseph Tuckerman (younger 
brother to Henry Theodore's father, and a r a ther famous Uni-
tarian minister, well-known in America and England for his 
cha rity work) was, during these years, in Europe. Henry 
Theodore's short preliminary stay in France may have been 
spent partly in family-visiting with his Uncle Joseph. {See 
National C clo edia of American Bio rah ?. . , ~ ew York, 
1 9 , II, 23 -235. at influence oseph Tuckerman's 
Unitarianism had in the development of Tuckerman 1 s Romantic 
philosophy cannot be defined; however, quite obviously, there 
must have been some influence exercised, especially at this 
time when Tuckerman's ideas were not yet solidified. 
9. Dr. Bellows states: 11 After a few years of 
foreign travel ??? Mr. Tuckerman deliberately set himself 
down to literature as the employment of his life, his appointed 
way of redeeming the time, and of adding to the sum of human 
improvement and happiness." Quoted in Bayard Tuckerman, Notes 
on the Tuckerman Family, p. 178. 
10. The Boston Book. Being Specimens of Metropolitan 
Literature, Occasional and Perodical, (Boston 1336). The 
poem is a heavily Romantic effort, 11 My Mother 1s Memory"; the 
essay , "The Coliseum," is from his notes of the Italian tour 
of 1333-1834, and was published a year earlier in The Italian 
Sketch Book, (Boston, 1835), pp. 43-45; (1.848 edition, PP? 6B-
70J . 
9 
11. The Philadelphia Book, Beinf Specimens of Me tro-
politan Literature, (Philadelphia, 1336. 
12. Tuckerman lived alone at this address for the 
rest of his life. (See Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tucker-
man Family , p . 171, et passim.) Bayard Tuckerman mentions 
only West 10th Street as hi s cousin's address; the actual 
house number appears on Tuckerman's personal correspondence. 
See unnubl ished correspondence, Henry Theodore Tuckerman to 
David A. Wells , March 11, lS69 . 
13. "He .. . made a s serious and persistent a busi-
ness of literature as the advocate does of his law, or the 
mer chant of his trade . 11 Henry W. Bellows, "Address at the 
Funeral of Henry Theodore Tuckerman," in Bayard Tuckerman, 
Notes on the Tuckerman Family, p . 17S. 
14. Tuckerman s pent each summer at Newport wi th others 
of the Knickerbocker elite. Mrs. M. E. W. Sherwood mentions: 
"He was delightful at Newport, where no entertainment was 
perfect without him ???? " Appleton's Magazine, (1S71), 
quoted in Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, 
p . 175. Maude Howe Elliott in This was my Newport, (Cam-
bridge, Mass ., 1944), pp. s4-s5, mentions how she was impressed 
as a child by Tuckerman at Newport: "He was of imposing 
presence ??.. 11 Tuckerman published much about Newport. See, 
for example: "The Graves at Newport," Harper's New Monthly 
Magazine, (August, lS69), and Tuckerman's history of Newport 
in The Life of Silas Talbot A Commodore in the Navy of the 
United States, (New York, lS50 ), pp . 34-64, et passim--here-
after cited as Life of Talbot. Following Tuckerman's death, 
his sister Ruth, dona.ted to the Redwood Library in Newport 
(where Tuckerman ' spent so many hours} a complete set of Henry 
Theodore Tuckerman's works. (See Appleton's Enlarged Cyclo-
pedia of American Biography\ eds., James Grant Wilson and 
John Fiske, (New York, 1900J, vol. VI, under "Joseph Tucker-
man." Stanley Williams in The American Spirit in Letters, 
[New York, 1926] , p . 125, comments: 11 At Newport is a cedar 
and ebony chest in which repose the works of Henry Theodore 
Tuckerman ???? in distinguished darkness ???? 11 ). A typical 
example of Tuckerman's Newport associationship can be seen in 
his own description of his visits with Horatio Greenough there 
i n 1S52. See Tuckerman, A Memorial of Horatio Greenough, Con-
sisting of a Memoir, Selections from his Writings and Tributes 
to his Genius, (New York , lS53), pp . 43-49. 
15. Tuckerman 1 s activities, both in promoting art 
consciousness, and in supporting the cause of Italian freedom, 
must have been restricted almost solely to his written efforts. 
Dr. Bellows, in summi nW up his friend Tuckerman 1 s life said 
t ha t Tuckerman sought a general seclusion from the animating 
influences of either political or public life ???? 11 Quoted 
in Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, p. 17s. 
My own r es earch seems to verify this conclusion. 
10 
16. Rambles and Reveries, (Boston, 1e41); Thoughts on
t  he Poets, (Boston, 1846); Artist-Life: or Sketches of 
American Painters, (New York, 1?47)--hereafter cited as Art
L ii sf te -; and Characteristics of Literature, Illustrated by the
G  enius of Distinguished Men, {Philadelphia, 1g49),--here
c ai ft te ed r  as Characteristics, {1e49). 
17. Dictionar~ of American Biography, ed., D
M uma al so  n e, (New York, 193 ), XIX, 45. 
1e. Tuckerman wrote two travel books from his obse
v ra -tions during this trip: A Month in England, and Papers 
about Paris. 
19. Dictionary of American Biography, XIX, 45 . 
Beyond Tuckerman's written works dealing with Italy and Sicily
a ,n  d the strugWle for Italian independence (in periodical 
c ale rs t i-such as 'Sardinia" in The North American Review, LXXXV
( , October, 1857), 330-36e; and 11 Giuseppe Garibaldi 11 in The
A  m Ne or ri tc ha  n Review, CXC, (January , 1e61), 15-56), there was 
e an pt ply a r-little outside effort. Tyfical, perhaps, of eff
o oth rte sr   than literary is Tuckerman s letter to Hamilton Fish: 
"Some worthy and intelligent Italians resident among us, 
d he as vi ere  d me to ask you to address the meeting to be held 
w nee xek t  to express sympathy and confidence in the Italian cause ? 
? ? ? 11 (Unpublished correspondence, Henry Theodore Tu
to ck eH rmam anil  ton Fish, February 10, 1860.) That Tuckerman fel
s tt  rongly about Italian independence is quite obv ious from his 
writings; however, the value of his efforts toward its accom
~l -ishment cannot be measured by evidences presently av
{ aS ie le a ba ll es .o   Tuckerman 1 s letters concern ing relief for Cretan 
refugees: Unpublished Correspondence, Henry Theodore Tucke
m r-an to Henry W. Bellows, November 22, 28, 1868.) 
20. Lamb's Biographical Dictionary of the United 
States, (Boston, 1903), VII, 390; also Bayard Tuckerman, No
o tn e s the Tuckerman Family, p. 175. 
21. Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Famil
p y. ,  175. See also Tuckerman, The Rebellion: Its Latent 
Causes and True Significance in Letters to a Friend Abroad, 
{New York, 1861)--hereafter cited as The Rebellion. Tucker
m -an1s patriotic service must have been also restricted to 
"literary efforts" for there appear no indications of any 
other type of patriotic activity on his part. 
22. "Appendix : Universal Exposition" in back o
T f uckerman, Maga Pajers about Paris, (New iork, Putnam's R
w aa iy l- Classics, G? . Putnam & Son, 1867). 11 The following 
gentlemen , residents of New York and Philadelphia, owners
e  x ot fe  nsive private galleries, and familiar with private ar
in t  this country, constituted the committee to select work
b se   ts oe  nt to Paris ???? 11 A list of fourteen names follows; 
11 
Henry T. Tuckerman is ninth on this list . (See above refer-
ence, p. 169 .} Russell Lynes, The Tastemakers, (New York, 
1954,, pp . 43, 63-64, c ites Tuckerman as a promoter of the 
New York Art Gallery project, but he does not say in what , 
or how, Tuckerman cont r ibuted to this effort . 
23 . These were family resemblances. Bayard Tucker-
man, in describing a portrait of Henry Theodore ' s grandfather 
Edwar d Tuckerman, says: 11 The face is in profile showing the 
prominent nose and chin, and the large eye which have been 
characteristic of many of the family." {See Bayard Tucker-
man, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, p . 9 .) 
24 . Pictures of Henry Theodore Tuckerman apuear in 
Herrin shaw's National Library of American Biography, ed., 
Th omas illiams erringshaw, ew or, , , 02; 
Stanley T. Williams , American Spirit in Letters, pp . 100, 125; 
and in Ameri can Authors 1600-1900, A Biographical Dictionary 
of American Literature, eds., Stanley J. kunitz, and Howard 
Haycraft, (New York, 193e }. This des cription was t aken from 
these materials . 
25 . Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, 
P? 174 . 
26. Lucius Tuckerman was the father of Bayard Tuck-
erman, and fi rst cousin to Henry Theodore Tuckerman. He lived 
at 220 Madison Avenue, not far from 110 West 10th Street where 
Henr y Theodore had lived during the twenty-six years of his 
New York residence. Bayard Tuckerman records: 11 As a boy, I 
often vis ted Cousin Henry's studio on Saturdays. He was then 
qui te deaf, and sat absorbed at his desk, while I was free to 
rumma ge among the portfolios and books." Bayard Tuckerman, 
Not es on the Tuckerman Family, p . 171. (Henry Cuyler Bunner, 
Henry Theodore 's nephew, also used to visi t Tuckerman's studio. 
He recorded that his interests in literature were first 
aroused through his youthful use of his uncle's library . 
Bunner was sixteen years old when Tuckerman died. See Diction-
ary of American Biography, III, 264. } 
27. Dictionary of American Biography, XIX, 45. 
28. Henry W. Bellows, "Address at the Funera l of 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman, 11 quoted in Bayard Tuckerman, Notes 
on the Tuckerman Family, p. 183. 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman 1 s private library and 
paintings were sold at public auction, June 10, 11, 12, 13, 
1e 72 , in New York City. See Catalogue of the Library of the 
late Henry T. Tuckerman ???? of New York. Including also, 
paintings, sketches, etc., by celebrated artists. The whole 
to be sold by auction. George A. Leavitt & Co., Auctioneers. 
CHAPTER II 
TRA Vl!;L~R 
The point is made in the Literary History of the 
United States that historians have been so impressed with the 
influence exerted by the western frontier on the formation of 
the American scene, that they have neglected the presence of 
"an equally powerful force," the eastern frontier of cultural 
Europe, which also was discovered by Americans during the 
nineteenth century. 1 Obviously, cultural Europe had long 
awaited American discovery, but though Americans had traveled 
in Europe at various times and for various reasons prior to the 
nineteenth century, that attitude of appreciation necessary to 
any cultural exploration and discovery was seldom prominent 
enough, within the thoughts of the traveler to create any last-
ing impression. But, beyond this, at home in America, there 
were scarcely any interested individuals who might have given 
audience to such impressions had tney been created. The 
exigencies and contingencies of physical and political surviv-
al in America did not admit any such delicate competition. 
However, with the movement of the physical frontier 
westward, and the stabilization of economic and so cial values 
in the older, and more settled areas, the European cultural 
heritage and the American environmental experience joined in 
a more solid amalgamation. It was perhaps natural that the 
cultural nationalism which resulted in America should initially 
12 
13 
resent its foreign ties and origins; 2 yet, in time, pride in 
a n assumed superiority induced some pride in its ancestry. 
The result was a gradual turning toward Europe for cultural 
verification of already accepted values.3 For some persons 
this verification was not always forthcoming; in fact, (as was 
the case with James Fenimore Cooper) disillusionment sometimes 
resulted. 4 For others, there came merely disenchantment, and 
this in varied gradations ranging from the eloquent exile of 
Henry James, Thomas Crawford,5 and Hiram Powers, to the stric-
tures of James Jackson Jarves6 and Erastus Cornelius Benedict. 7 
But for most, the verification, such as they desired it, was 
found, and these returned with a renewed faith in the pre-emi 
nence of their American way of life. 
During the first half of the nineteenth century how-
ever, America could hardly be referred to as a nation of 
European travelers. Some travelers there were, such as Wash-
ington Irving, Silliman, and Longfellow, and later N. P. Willis; 
but the great exodus to tour the cultural holy places of Europe 
did not manifest itself until after mid-century. 
With this later mass movement came a different set of 
values, both causes and purposes, and the major difference was 
quantitative, not qualitative. Post mid-century travelers gen-
erally were most interested in absorbing as much culture as 
possible in as little time as should be necessary; pre-mid-
century travelers sought rather to absorb the spirit and quality 
of the land visited. Pre-mid-century accounts were more descrip-
tive essays, describing feelings and attitudes and the 
14 
sub j e c tive proc es s es by wh i ch these came to be, rather than 
the r apid, repetitive, running commentaries enumera t ing places 
and s i t e s vi s i t ed , wh ich began to flood the American home mar-
ket after the 1850 1 s. 
As a writer of travel accounts, Tuckerman is pre-mid-
century. Of his four personal accounts, two were written 
before 1850 and two during the early 1s50 1 a. 8 He dated him-
self as a man of letters in many ways, but in nothing perhaps 
as definitely as in his travel essays. He was a fairly t ypical 
pre-mid- century tra veler; his individuality existed mostly in 
his priority, for he was among the first to record reactions 
which later proved to be quite within the American norm. 
Tuckerman's educa tion and family background had pro-
vided him with ample opportunity to read widely; he was thus 
familiar with the works of the more-prominent writers, and he 
had already consciously accepted the larger precepts of the 
romantic movement as bases for his own philosophy of life.9 
As the son of quite wealthy New England parents, he was the 
product of over two centuries of inbred American New England 
ancestry and environment. 10 He came leisurely to Europe, to 
visit, to observe and to enjoy. He had a whole year to while 
away, and he seemed never to have hurried merely to 11 see 11 any-
thing , nor to 11 be 11 anywhere. However, as an American traveler, 
he felt the somewhat momentous nature of his sojourn away from 
his homeland. Therefore, he kept a journal of his foreign 
adventures which later (and according to a rapidly developing 
American pattern) was enlarged for American publication. 11 
15 
It is not now known how Tuckerman prepared himself for 
his first tri to Europe. He had most probably read and enjoy-
ed Washington Irving 's Sketch Book, Bracebridge Hall, and Tales 
of a Traveler, 12 for he was already an admitted admirer of 
Irvi ng . Whether he had also read, as had many others, Ben-
jamin Silliman 1 s popular Journal of Travels13 is not known. 
That he did prepare himself in some way is evident from the 
route he traveled, and the sites he chose to see, for a resume 
of his travels indicates that he generally followed the pre-
scribed tourist routes, and wrote of most of the prescribed 
places, briefly and, usually, humbly. 
In considering Tuckerman 1 s travel works, first atten-
tion will be given to a brief description of each, individually 
and comparatively; this will be followed by a consideration of 
Tuckerman 1 s ideas and attitudes as they stand revealed within 
these works. 
Tuckerman 1 s Italian Sketch Book, centers around Flor-
ence. Here Tuckerman lived during 1833 and 1S34. Here, also, 
he returned for the pleasant summer of 1837, revelling in long 
contemplations of the art works to be seen at the Corsini 
Palace, at the Mausoleum and Chapel Tomb of the Medici, and in 
countless churches, villas, palaces, and shrines. From Flor-
ence, he made various pilgrimages to specific centers of 
interest: Bologna, Turin, Genoa, Naples, Milan; and all at 
a most leisurely pace. There was no hurry, no rush to absorb 
merely for the sake of absorption. Instead there was much con-
tern lation , much historical pondering, some enumerating, and 
16 
some general descrip tion. 
Tuckerman also made numerous side excursions out into 
the Italian countryside, to the smaller villages: Perugia, 
Spoleto, Terni, Otriculum, Civita Castelana. These trips are 
typ ical of the meandering, pre-mid-nineteenth century tours 
of American Romantic travelers. They are within the American 
Romantic norm. There was no hustle nor bustle, hither and yon, 
but rather a series of relaxed excursionings solely by incli-
nation, with little compulsion to see or do anything, other 
than what one's own developed (or undeveloped) good taste and 
interest might dictate. 
Of all Tuckerman's travel publications, The Italian 
Sketch Book is most appropriately a "travel account." Origi-
nally written as a genuine journal, a "sketch book 11 in the 
true sense of the expression, it contains a record of its 
author's personal travel experiences in Italy. It describes 
the usual sights and scenes sought out by American travelers 
in Italy: classical ruins, Mt. Vesuvius, famous museums and 
art collections; and, in good American style, it complains of 
European lassitude and poverty. Tuckerman 1 s accounts are each 
centered around a single city or area visited; chapter titles 
simply name these areas: Rome, FlOI'ence, Naples, etc. Inter-
jected variously and independently throughout the work, are 
loosely applicable, short stories and folk tales. The Italian 
Sketch Book is Tuckerman 1 s best and most proper contribution 
to travel literature. It is an actual record of a journey; 
from its pages its author's route of travel is easily 
17 
dis c ern ible . It has for s ubject ma t t er the ph ysical sit es, 
ob ject s, bui ldings, and ruins which comprised mid-centur y 
t ourist interest, and it describes these in simple, personal 
terms of immedia te presence and association. True, there is, 
as always, romantic philosophizing and moralizing , but this 
too is typical of most of the travel literature of Tuckerman 1 s 
day. The Italian Sketch Book, of all Tuckerman 1 s publications, 
is perhaps his best communication; it is least etherial, least 
vague, least superficially wise. It was the Sketch Book which 
first brought Tuckerman contemporary recognition, and it is 
the Sketch Book today which is still responsible for much of 
that small remaining fame which its author yet enjoys. 14 
Usually Tuckerma.n 1 s Romantic taste led him to scenes 
of literary and historical significance; there he would sub-
jectively enjoy associating himself with that significance, 
and describing it, in a mildly intellectual style, for his 
stay-at-home American audience. 
In this, Tuckerman was much like his idol, Washington 
Irving, (as well as in other things). Irving too, was a roman-
tic dreamer, a dealer in reverie, a believer in sentiment. In 
the early years of Tuckerman 1 s career, Tuckerman quite obvious-
ly accepted Irving as his example, and in later yea.rs, when 
Tuckerman 1 s literary reputation was better established, he 
moved from Boston to New York in order to be near to the Knick-
erbocker influences, which he felt were the only valid literary 
currents in his time. In New York his most valued personal 
associations were among the fading fellowship of the old 
lS 
Knicker bockers , Wash ington Irving , 15 John W. Francis, 16 
Fi t z -Greene Halleck. 17 
As a firm believer in the sympathetic attra ction of 
l ike souls, Tuckerman probably found much to attract him to 
the older Irving , for Irving had passed through many experiences 
familiar to Tuckerman. Their lives contain many parallels. Like 
Irving , Tuckerman had shown an early interest in literature, 
and a distinct aversion for tne everyday cares of Yankee com-
merce. Like Irving, he had entered the study of law as an 
intended profession, but, also, had achieved only ill-health 
by his efforts. As a result, like Irv1ng 1 s own similar situa-
tion, Tuckerman was sent by his sympathetic family to Europe 
for a two year rest-cure. In Europe, Tuckerman found himself 
also profoundly attracted to the cultural environmen~, and he 
kept a journal (probably intentionally in the manner of Irving) 
which he later published, entitied (probably after Irving 's 
Sketch Book) The Italian Sketch Book. 18 Like Irving, Tucker-
man returned to Europe after a brief stay in America, and found 
Europe even more enticing and compatible than before. Like 
Irving, Tuckerman also tried his hand at editing a contemporary 
magazine of literary sorts, but was unhanpy at it , and aban-
doned it. 19 Tuckerman, like Irving, never married, but remain-
ed a bachelor througnouL his life. 20 And in his later years, 
Tuckerman moved gently in society as had his mentor Irving 
before him; mild mannered, urbane, filled with "dignity and 
sweetness" Tuckerman remained, for post-war New York and New-
port, a kind of resurre cted Washington Irving.21 
19 
In literary effort, Tuckerman and Irving are not 
unlike. Both found the essay best suited to their literary 
needs (Tuckerman's essays being more descriptive; Irving's, 
more narrative), and botn wrote some poetry in similar senti-
mental vein. Neither writer was a very profound nor a very 
original thinker; both were rather indifferent scholars. Both 
writers were romantic in their reaction to life, although 
Tuckerman more so than Irving; both lauded the picturesque, 
the humble, the pathetic. Botn were seemingly incapable of 
recording facts without adorning them with sentiment, anu both 
loved the old ways and the more common things. These simil-
arities were probably recognized by Tuckerman (perhaps he 
intentionally sought to achieve them), for in his essay on 
Irving he listed many of these elements as responsible for 
Irving's genius. 22 For instance, he mentioned Irving's "inap-
titude for affairs, his sensioi~itJ LO tne beautiful ??? his 
love ??? for wandering, observing, and indulging in day-
dreams ??? his tendency to a free, meditatlve, and adventur-
ous life ???? 11 his intuitive feeling fo r the "quaint," the 
"amuslng, 11 and the "chara.cteristic. 1123 He praised Irving 's 
11 conservative tone," his 11 direct, simple, and natural style1124 
and the absence of 11 glow.1ng rhetoric, bold verbal tactics," 
and 11 fierce polemics. 1125 These are all attrioutes which Tuck-
erman must have seen in himself, for they are all cha racteristics 
he consciously sought after in his own writiHg. 
Tuckerman 1 s Italian Sketcn Book is, in pattern, much 
like Irv ing 1 s Sketch Book. Most probably, Tuckerman 
20 
i ntentionally patterned it so. Basically, it is a long 
na rrat i ve of Tuckerman 1 s travel adventure, interrupted rather 
i ndiscriminately by short, romantic, sentimental tales of 
love and adventure. In subject interest, the two authors 
were much the same. Both wrote of the more common relation-
ships, but Irving to greater depth than Tuckerman. Irving 
writes of 11 Rural Funerals 1126 and the customs of the common 
people, and Tuckerman writes of the Italian misericordia, and 
the catacombs and the superstitions of the Italian people 
regarding death . Irving talks of inns, and facilities, and 
so does Tuckerman; Irving describes holidays and holiday cele-
brat i ons, and so does Tuckerman; and Irving visits and 
describes many spots of artistic and cultural interest, as 
does Tuckerman. But the older Irving does all of these with 
greater comprehension than his follower Tuckerman. Tucker-
man's observations are more vague and general; his style is 
more restrained and conservative; he does not attain Irving's 
freshness of interest, nor capture the spirit of each human 
situation, as does Irving. Tuckerman 1 s responses are all 
large and rounded; he does not probe deep nor long. (For that 
matter, neither does Irving, but a comparison of the two easily 
reveals Irving to be either the better observer, or the more 
facile stylist; and it is not impossible that both suggestions 
might be true.) Against Irving's rather poignant theme of 
melancholy at the terrible brevity of life and the transiency 
of man, Tuckerman poises only a rather vague romantic elation 
in the presence of the artistic relics of European antiquity. 
21 
And that oftimes sharp and sometimes wistful humor which so 
often preserves Irving's relationship with his audience, comes 
never to any sort of life in the solemn, unsmiling tones of 
Tuckerman. Of Irving, Stanley T. Williams writes that one 
looks "in vain for sustained wisdom ??? for penetration of 
the intellectual life ???? 1127 And true as this may be for 
Irving , it is many times over true for his romantic young dis-
ciple Tuckerman. Tuckerman's Italian Sketch Book is a pallid 
effort compared to Irving's more human, more humorous, more 
penetrating Sketch Book. Its virtues can be discerned only in 
the light of the literary standards of Tuckerman's day, stand-
ards which accepted Irving's Sketch Book as a monumental 
achievement, and which recognized Tuckerman 1 s Italian Sketch 
Book as a lesser, but yet worthy effort. 
And it was the public approbation of The Italian Sketch 
Book which initiated Tuckerman 1 s rather excellent contemporary 
literary reputation. The importance and recognition which 
Tuckerman came to enjoy during his lifetime was due to his 
very evident popularity with his reading public; contemporary 
reviews of The Italian Sketch Book are representative of this 
popularity, and also representative of the kind of laudatory 
reviews which were generally to follow his literary efforts 
throughout his career. The New York Evening Post called The 
Italian Sketch Book 11 a pleasant book, 11 and the New York Courier 
and Enquirer commended it 11 to universal favor, as one certain 
to repay perusal." The Boston Courier referred to it as "a 
beautiful and popular work, written with all the author's grace 
22 
and richne s s of style and clearness of thought and description . 
. . ? Mr. Tuckerman gives calm, well-considered opinions, 
based on positive knowledge. His work ??? will tend to dis-
sipate many erroneous impressions regarding the Italian 
character." The New York Tribune praised various of Tucker-
man's sketches for their "readability," and their "vivid and 
graceful style, 11 and concluded that "the accuracy and vivid-
ness of Mr. Tuckerman's word-paintings are best appreciated by 
those who have looked upon the scenes he describes, but their 
poetic beauty commends them equally to the perusal of all. 1128 
The literary journals were just as complimentary as the news-
papers. Knickerbocker's announced: 11 We have had much pleasure 
in perusing? ..? this volume,--the first offering of the 
author to the public,--there are exhibited numerous evidences 
of fine taste, rich fancy, pure morality,--and often an impres-
sive interest." Knickerbocker's lauded Tuckerman as the author: 
"? ?? an accomplished young tourist and litterateur, 11 and 
quoted two long passages from The Italian Sketch Book. 29 The 
New-England Magazine was even more enthusiastic: 11 A most 
charming little work ??? written in a gentle, gentlemanly 
and scholar-like style; a work that will make you think and 
think and dream and dream of Italy! Dear Italy! when shall we 
behold thee, and in thy many places of beauty, so pleasantly 
described by the author of this volume--who can be no other 
than our friend and correspondent, H. T. Tuckerman, Esq., just 
returned to the clouded sky of his native land, with his heart 
running over with the love of the beautiful and the grand. 11 3? 
23 
And Sarah Josepha Hale ecstatically proclaimed to her feminine 
audience that The Italian Sketch Book was simply "elegant. 11 31 
Moreover, the reputation of The Italian Sketch Book 
lasted through the years; as late as 1g49, Rufus Griswold 
reviewed it as exhibiting 11 a fine vein of sentiment, and a deli-
cate ideality that justified the favorable auguries of the 
critics concerning the author's future distinction. 11 32 And so 
it was a good, strong beginning, which was still promising a 
brilliant future for its author a decade and a half after it 
was written. 
Tuckerman's account of his second European journey 
(Isabel, or Sicily, A Pilgrimage, [1g39]) is in the form of a 
fictional travel romance 11 for the purpose of avoiding that ego-
tistical tone from which it is almost impossible to escape in a 
formal journal, as well as to obviate the necessity of dwelling 
upon those unimportant details and circumstances which are 
common to every tour of Europe, and, therefore, too familiar 
to be interesting. 11 33 This purpose may have been the result of 
some presently unknown adverse criticism (perhaps of the Italian 
Sketch Book, which was simply a series of informal descriptive 
essays) or it may merely have been the result of Tuckerman 1 s 
excessive sensitivity and reticence.34 At any rate, it is a 
different kind of effort, and the only attempt Tuckerman ever 
made at any sort of novel-length fiction. 
If one assumes that Tuckerman 1 s characters enjoyed funda-
mentally the same sort of journey as did Tuckerman himself, the 
tour of Sicily was of essentially the same leisurely type as his 
prior visit to Italy. It certainly was t h e sort of excursion 
a young America n Romantic would make given the opportunity. 
Tuck erman enter ed Si cily at Messina , just over the narrow straits 
fro m the toe of Italy. He traveled by carriage through Giarra 
(where he rode a mule up the side of Mt. Etna) to Catania. At 
Catania he found much to feed his Romantic interests: the exca-
vations at Biscari, the museums filled with the old household 
relics and effects of the ancient people, the Benedictine Monas-
tery and its beautiful art works, and the home of Vincenzo 
Bellini, t~e composer of the opera Norma.35 From Catania the 
tour continued to the ancient quarries and prisons of Syracuse; 
and from thence to Palermo, where Tuck erman leisurely toured 
the old royal palace, the cathedral, the Monastery of Maria di 
Gesu, the Public Botanical Gardens, the Marina, and the ancient 
ca tacombs. From Palermo, the traveler set out on horseback 
across the mountainous interior of the island, through ancient 
Aegesta, to the old quarry outside Castel-Vetrano, to the Roman 
sea-town of Selinuntium, abandoned by the sea and left in ruins 
far inland. The tour continued south and east to Sciacca with 
its echoes of fifteenth century feuds, to Girgenti (where Tucker-
man was sickened at the sight of chained galley slaves), and on 
to Agrigentium. Here, in this "second ancient city of Sicily, " 
Tuckerman was appropriately fascinated with the old ruins; and 
he took the time to explore thoroughly the remnants of the 
temples to the old gods. After this respite, Tuckerman turned 
back through Catania to Messina, where the tour somewhat wearily 
ended. For the 1e30 1 s this was indeed a very extensive excur-
sion. Few travelers of Tuckerman's time bothered to seek 
25 
culture in Sicily; for Tuckerman not only to seek it there but 
also to find it, and to describe it as completely and as inter-
estingly as he did, was a somewhat unique accomplishment. 
As a travel account, Isabel suffers little from its 
fictional masquerade, for in spite of this attempt to make the 
description more enticing, the form of the effort is maintained 
subservient to the matter (as Tuckerman willing admits), ana. 
the careful and proper romance of Isabel and Count Vittorio 
only superficially coats the essential account of Tuckerman 1 s 
Romantic tour of the island. The fictional travelers follow 
a well-defined, traceable route. They make Romantic pilgrimages 
to ancient ruins and to modern masterpieces. They philosophize 
alone and together over the puzzles of the past and the fasci-
nation of the future. They variously praise and condemn an-
cient and modern works of art, and they react quite honestly as 
travelers would react to the rigors of their back-country 
travel. Each cha racter is quite obviously Henry Theodore Tuck-
erman, and the whole structure merely Tuckerman 1 s thinly-veiled 
attempt to avoid 11 that egotistical tone 11 which had somehow 
become embarrassing to him in its Italian Sketch Book form.36 
The rather random arrangement of the essays which make 
up A Month in England, (1s53) precludes any accurate tracing 
of Tuckerman 1 s English travels. However, the similarity of 
these travel essays, in approach and substance, to those in 
which he treated Italy and Sicily nearly twenty years before, 
indicates that Tuckerman 1 s aims and methods had undergone little 
change. 
26 
A Mont h in Engla~d is a collection of nine se parate 
es says, ea ch containing Tuckerman 1 s react i ons to a place or 
an area visited. They serve as good evidence of his essen-
tially Romantic outlook upon life and its values, for almost 
always, it is the literary-historical associations which pro-
duce interest and comment; other relationships are completely 
i gnored , or, at best, mentioned merely in passing. For 
instance, Tuckerman's comments on the great port city of 
Liverpool are confined to a brief mention of the docks and a 
short description of the city's vast graveyards.37 Yet, at 
Chester, but a few miles south of Liverpool Tuckerman de-
scribes and comments at great length--he relives antiquity, 
describes in detail the inn where he stays and the small shops 
surrounding; he discourses on historical scenes: Rowton Moor, 
Brewer's Hill, and the ancient Roman Castra from which Chester 
takes its modern name.3g 
However, it is in London that Tuckerman literally 
revels in his romantic opportunity. In great delight he 
exclaims: "? .. there is hardly a street that is not asso-
ciated with an author; their very names are redolent of 
pencraft; and how delightful to wander through them, uncon-
scious of the heartless throng ???? 11 39 And Tuckerman wanders 
delightedly and tirelessly through the streets of London, to 
St. Giles 1 s Church at Cripplegate, to the Temple, to Christ's 
Hospital. Musing and philosophizing, he relives England's 
literary past; he visits "the Mitre" where Sam Johnson and 
Boswell talked away long hours; he goes to St. James' Park; 
27 
he s t a nds reverent and awe-filled in the poet's corner a t 
Westminister Abbey. The churches of London do not escape him; 
St. Bride's, St. George's, St. Lawrence, St. Swithin's, St. 
Andrew's, St. Margaret's, St. Paul's, St. Savior's, St. Pancras, 
St. James 1 s, each has its contribution and its significance. 
He goes to Covent Garden, and to Hyde Park on a Sunday after-
noon. He goes to Newgate on the morn of an execution. Drury 
Lane brings thoughts of Garrick, and Siddons, of Goldsmith, 
Kean, Mrs. Bracegirdle, Mrs. Jordan, Liston, Munden, Sheridan, 
and the dark and powerful Lord Byron. He crosses London Bridge, 
and visits Southwark from whence Chaucer's pilgrims started for 
Canterbury. He walks up to Leicester Square and notes the homes 
of Reynolds, and Hogarth, of Burke, and Newton; and he visits 
Group Inn, and Lincoln's Inn, and the Strand, and the Tower, 
and Somerset House; and walks reverently along St. James Street, 
and Bury Street, Norfolk Street, Bread Street, and Bow Street. 
For Tuckerman, London is alive with literary and historical 
significance and he can scarcely bring himself to leave it. 
Essays upon other areas visited by Tuckerman during his 
month in England are, in large degree, lesser editions of the 
ecstatic essay on London. As always, Tuckerman 1 s best efforts 
are released when he discusses places associated in his mind 
with some literary or historical event. 40 
Papers about Paris is the most contemplative of his 
travel publications.41 Begun as a series of familiar essays in 
1~55, and continued in the Atlantic Monthly, Knickerbocker's, 
and Continental, the Papers were originally intended for the 
general interest of the mid-nineteenth century American 
magazine reader. They are typical mid-century magazine fare: 
pure, dry, unsensational, somewhat sentimental, filled with 
literary and historical references, constructed in long, 
rather involved sentences, and paying careful tribute to the 
requisite idols of a largely feminine audience. Of the eight 
essays which make up the collection, four deal with "Paris 
life," three with "Art," "History," and "Character," and only 
one with the actual Journeying and its physical destinations. 42 
Of the two books, Papers about Paris and A Month in 
England, the latter is more appropriately a "travel book. 11 
Although its essay-chapters each stand alone, and do not, when 
bound together, reveal any logical route of travel (nor, indeed, 
advise any), yet in both matter and manner A Month in England 
fits more nearly into the travel pattern than does the Papers 
about Paris. A Month in England discusses specific physical 
sites and objects which are of interest to the American in 
England; the Papers about Paris, on the other hand, is much 
more concerned with cultural attitudes and sociological rela-
tionships. Both of these books treat their subject matter from 
the usual superiority of an American viewpoint, the Papers about 
Paris perhaps more blatantly so than A Month in England, yet, 
the level of discussion in the Papers about Paris is more remote 
and unassociated (almost as though Tuckerman had written the 
work some time after his Paris trip, as he may well have done), 
while that of the Month has the quality of a more immediate, 
on-the-scene-reporting, with a more spontaneous contemplation. 
29 
Turning now to the ideas and attitudes revealed in 
Tuckerman's travel books we find Tuckerman
1 s major observa-
t ions and reactions to the European physical scene were mos
tly 
quite average. 43 Along with most traveling Americans, he 
quite regularly disapproved both the number and the tenacity
 
of the European beggars; he was sufficiently appalled at the
 
tremendous power of the Catholic Church over the minds and 
lives of the European people; he was shocked by the lax mor
al 
standards of Paris, and of Florence; he condemned the social 
and economic evils of the ancient political systems of Italy
, 
 
especially of the Papal states; and he was quite discomfited
by the obvious indifference of the European upper classes 
(especially the British) toward social and economic problems
. 
Quite typically, too, he was glad that he was an American. 
And at times in his recording, he went to rather obvious 
lengths to show that his patriotism was essentially undamage
d 
by his exposure to the false political and economic dogmas y
et 
Persisting in Europe. 44 
Yet there were some stirrings of individuality beneath 
this regularity and conformity. Most Americans in Europe 
Voiced their regret over the European lack of the American 
II 
PUsh, 11 the "go-ahead" spirit, which had come to symbolize 
Americanism. Tuckerman did regret this at times, especially
 
~hen faced with the poverty of the economic drudge in Englan
d, 
or the acquiescence of the Italian beggar; but most of the 
t il'he h gret that th e Am er ican 
II push" was so com-
?u e seemed to re
merc1a1 and so impersonally non-cultural and non-humanitaria
n. 
30 
Slowl y , Tuckerman 1 s strict American Romanticism began to show 
the infl uenc e of the les s rig i d European attitudes. In Europe 
h e felt a more relaxed life. Europeans had time to contemplate 
cultured developments. At least in Europe, the upper classes 
were conscious of their debt to the past, and the strength for 
the future tha t the past gave to them. And gradually, Tucker-
man accepted much of the European philosophy. Those precepts 
encompassing reverence for the pas t over the present, respect 
for the art i stic and the cultural (which seemed to re sult in 
an individual withdrawal from the active everyday world ), 
which were so predominant in the European Romantic attitude, 
and so utterly lacking in the major American scene, all became 
integral elements within Tuckerman 1 s philosophy. In Europe, 
away from America, he came to a near acceptance of all the 
economic and social ills he saw around him as being necessary 
for the continued cultivation and preservation of art. Yet, 
his later life in America indicates that he could not have 
ultimately believed or, perhaps, fully comprehended this, for 
he was always a sort of publicizer and propagandist, in a 
sense a tea cher of cultural values to the American people. 45 
However, Tuckerman is set apart from the main group of 
mid-century travelers by his personal feelings for art and its 
world. True, James Jackson Jarves did excel Tuckerman in 
artistic feeling and devotion, and also in the ability to 
express and teach such feelings; but, Jarves was even more the 
exception than was Tuckerman. 46 For the young Romantic Tucker-
man in Italy, the artistic experience was a tremendous, almost 
31 
undefinabl e, thing. The elation he felt in the presen ce of 
the creations of the old masters, or in the presence of 
modern creations of respected artists, was to him the most 
worthwhile of all life's experiences. And so Tuckerman 1 s trip 
to Italy became a turning point in his life, for it was due 
mainly to this artistic awakening that young Tuckerman came at 
last to forsake completely the commercial obligations of his 
inherited fortune, and to restrict himself to the retired life 
of a p rofessional man of letters. 47 
It is of some interest that Tuckerman 1 s reactions to 
places of great tourist interest do not always follow the 
typ i cal tourist pattern. For instance, at Lake de Aguano, at 
the grotto del cane, 4S Tuckerman does not wait to see the 
experiment from which its name is derived. Later, too, he 
finds the trek up Mt. Vesuvius interesting, but Herculaneum 
and Pompei do not impress him as they have other travelers. 
Tuckerman is more impressed with relics rescued from the ruins 
and displayed, catalogued, and identified, at the museum at 
Naples, than he is by his visit to the actual excavations. 49 
All of this is perhaps indicative of Tuckerman 1 s really reti-
cent, retiring nature. True, he had adventured out into the 
world in search of culture, but his was an almost passive 
search. He was nearly always satisfied with a surface exami-
nation of what he found; during his travels he perceived few 
vital problems; he entered into no controversies; he sweated 
out no depthy perceptions neither for himself nor for his 
readers. Apparently, real life, with all its indiscriminate 
32 
a nd dis ordered experience was not a greeable to him; he much 
pr efer red the library and museum, with their comfortable pr iv-
i leges of persona l select i on and rej ect i on i n vi car ious l iving. 
Herein , perhaps l ie t he seeds of Tuckerman 1 s re j ect i on of rea l 
l ife experience , and h is choice of a quie t , undisturbed gentle-
ma nly-pr oper ex ist ence deep within the Knickerbocker twi l i ght. 
It i s a t any r a t e obvi ous tha t Tucker man best savore d h i s 
tra vels when he was able to re- live imaginatively some select ed 
inspir a tional experience,5? and this was certa inly in accord 
wi th his own Romant i c frame of mind and the spirit of h is age. 
Tuckerman was ever an advocate of travel. Speaking of 
the va lues of travel to the individual, he stated travel to be 
"a test of character. 11 51 It was a means by wh ich the intelli-
gent, contemplative person might achieve a vast humanitarian 
conception of man and his existence, and of himself and his 
11 illimitable capacity" and "obligation" for sympathy, and for 
understanding among other men.5 2 It is with this eloquent phil-
osophy in mind that Tuckerman cries out to the ever-impelling 
Spirit of Travel, 
0 thou enlivener of our faculties, stupified by the monot-
onous circuit of still life,--thou awakener of thought,--
thou restless spirit of travel! How much dost thou lead 
us voluntarily to suffer, how many present blessings to 
sacrifice, how many penances to inflict freely upon our-
selves! ??. Guided and impelled by thee, how much do we 
learn! How do our minds expand with liberality that can 
see good in all things, and with love that can find brother-
hood in every human being; how do we draw principles from 
the mingled teachings of nature and society as their united 
voices variously and eloquently cry to us on our pilgrim 
path! We study the great volume of the world and of crea-
tion, not according to some narrow and local interpretation, 
but as cosmopolites, humanitarians, as men. 11 53 
33 
It is this broader outlook to which Tuckerman would 
lead his American audience. Guardedly, he implied that too 
many Americans are 11 disfigured 11 by "the idea of thrift, the 
eager sense of self-interest, and the iron hand of local preju-
dice." This wa s especially true of local areas, such as, for 
ins tance, produ ced "the unalloyed New England character." 
Tuckerman suggested that the genuine American spirit ("native 
intelligence, and ready perception, ??? unflinching prin-
ciple and manly sentiment ?.. 11 ) could only truly become a 
reality after these provincialities were "tempered to their 
Jua t proportion ??? by the influence of travel and society. 11 54 
Tuckerman proclaimed that cosmopolitanism was within 
the reach of all Americans who would make the effort to travel 
outside of t h eir physical environment and local social sphere. 
Adventure, good health, and the values of fine memories inevi-
tably awaited the American traveler. And, for the more 
educated and sensitive American, travel would teach values 
unobtainable elsewhere. Individual t aste would grow through 
the addition, to school-learned theory, of practical personal 
ex erience and association. Liberality in attitude would be 
encouraged by a more universal contact with men and nature. 
Humility would increase with a realization of a more compre-
hensive View of man and his world, of the transitory nature of 
his life, and the restricting limitations of his knowledge. 
Genu1 ne independence would develop from the escape from the 
social tyranny of local home environments, and through the 
self-reliance and faith in Heaven instilled through meeting 
sfully the exigencies of fore ign travel . Yet, su
ch 
succes
anism does not lessen one's national -?ltriotism;
 
cosmopolit
ther, it de epens the sense of apprecia t ion and lov
e for home 
ra
nd ntry for "No man is fully aware of the reality o
f his 
a cou
55 
love of his coun t ry, until he knows the lot of the stranger.
" 
"We are a ll seekers," said Tuckerman in his essa
y on 
11 56 
Trave1 , but he who seeks, and finds in travel
 its best 
"
s, is he who enters the experience with enthusias
m and 
reward
dealism, seeking through "association," "ardor,"
 and "imagi-
i
nation" "to lose himself at every hall owed spot, 
and keenly 
elish the l east inkling of adventure.n5? And ca
ugh t up in 
r
th
e spirit of his Romantic realization Tuckerman p
roclaimed the 
human soul the oracle of cosmopolitan elevation.
 
history has chronicled, and poetry consecrated, A11 that 
Will mingle and glow in the mind of the enthusia
stic 
oral 
traveler. And without this warmth of fancy and 
m
sensibility , the experience of tra vel is cold an
d unre-
deemed. It is through sympathy with characters 
of renown 
or ideal beauty that their forms are invoked ..
.. ' Tis 
beings of the mlnd are not of clay,' and he who 
would 
enjoy the associations of travel, must have lear
ned to 
reverence Nature and genius ?.? and open his h
eart to 
its teachings. The light which is o throw a ha
lo around 
the ruin, the picture, and the mountain, must or
igi nate in 
his own mind. The charm that elicits delight, m
ust pro-
ceed from himself. The talisman of sympathy whi
ch is to 
k the treasures of travel, must be carried in hi
s own 
Unloc
bosom58 
Tuckerman's travel accounts reveal him to be the
 living example 
or his own philosophy in this. 
Tuckerman was able to establish and maintain in 
his 
1nd 
m a dichotomy of values between two realities , 
so that, un-
 wt h orne, an d P oe, h
 
like hi as s contemporaries, Melville, Ha e w
cism. 
able to avoid t he disillusionment potential in all R
omanti
35 
Tuckerman, although he did not admit it, was Kantian in his 
Romanticism. He perceived an idealistic "real" beyond the 
everyday "real." In his Romantic mind, all literature and all 
history were parts of this idealistic reality. These two 
worlds existed as two layers, one above the other, yet the one 
was superior and really basic to the other. It was as though 
the Romantic idealistic world were the spiritual creation, and 
the obvious, actual world, but its gross materialistic outer 
covering (by which man unwittingly separated himself from his 
best possibilities). Tuckerman sought always to live in this 
realm of the spirit, and his travel interests invariably were 
rooted in this conception of self-elevation to Romantic Ideality 
through joining himself subjectively to the most vibrant moments 
of literature and history. In London, when Tuckerman planned 
his sight-seeing tour, this dichotomy of worlds, its relation-
ships within, and its relationship to Tuckerman, appeared quite 
clearly ? 
? ? ? I resolved upon a pilgrimage to the haunts and homes 
of London authors. I began to trace, on a map of the city, 
the silver lines, which as a web of light, intersect and 
overlay the crowded streets and dingy buildings of the 
modern Babel, with the memories of those who thence sped 
arrows of thought and dreams of romance over the world; 
and bequeathed intellectual dignity and enchantment to 
what otherwise is but a vast aggregation of bricks, mortar, 
traffic, population, magnificence, and want.59 
That, in his own mind, he lived in this romantic world more 
than in the other, is very clear throughout his writings. He 
believed his sensitivity to this reality to be the normal 
reaction for any human being who would seek after the revela-
tion. He felt this to be beyond time, and not the special 
philos ophic production of his own particular age . He spoke 
of the " spir it of r omance, inevitably kindled ??? 60 as though 
there was hardly a means of escape f rom the idealist ic romanti c 
rea l izations which were his . I t a ppea r s questionable , t here-
for e , whe ther Tuckerman can be accepted as a truly educated 
t hinker. 61 Obviously , he was unable t o separate himself from 
his a ge ; he could not see h i mself and his di chotomized worlds 
a s a r esult, in any s ens e , of his environment and its influ-
ences. Mentors he had, and i dols , but never a dmittedly so. 
These were but the ones who trod before him along the way of 
truth and ligh t . He loved and enjoyed them because they saw 
what he saw, or, at leas t, he felt tha t they did. In this 
Tuckerman t ook himself most seriously; in his writ i ngs there 
is very little evidence that he even accepted a s valid any feel -
ing which he may have had which would not fit eas i l y into h i s 
Romantic world . The "Tuckerman" which he extended to his audi-
ences as the 11 real 11 Tuckerman, was the 11 Tuckerman 11 he sincerely 
felt to be true. He was the Romantic, the idealist, the man 
of great poetic sensit i vities, swayed and moved almost beyond 
his will by the stimulations of all the finer forces around him. 
Tuckerman felt himself tremendously stirred by the artistic 
creations of other persons perhaps greater than himself and, 
through a personal association with their physical, mental, and 
even spiritual (in the idealistic sense) environments, he sought 
to attain an equal communion. His almost orgiastic devotion to 
literary London was thus an inevitable expression of his con-
ception of himself. He could hardly have done otherwise. 
37 
Always, and properly so, it was meditation which lifted 
the latch for the young Romantic Tuckerman. Wholeheartedly, he 
accepted the Romantic premise that the seeds of genius in every 
man might be awakened by a subjective identification with nature 
(therefore, to him, the value in "seeing" foreign sights existed 
almost solely in the contemplations and associations which they 
should cause in the mind of the traveler). Meditation, contem-
plation, daydreaming, thought, these were the occupations 
Tuckerman believed were good for all men, and, therefore, good 
for himself . He did not think such a life lazy or unprofitable; 
rather, he felt it to be the most profitable life possible for 
man. Yet, it was a narrow line which he drew between an active 
life deep within the folds of the Romantic world, and an idle, 
lazy life in the real world outside. Tuckerman 1 s separation 
between his two worlds was almost catatonic in its rigidity. 
He exerted every effort to live and think solely within the 
realm of his romantic conception; his justifications to the less 
romantically inclined almost always brought the two worlds to-
gether to some extent; but, instead of mingling or confusing the 
two, his explanations only separated them still more distinctly. 
The truth is the legitimate gratifications ..? are 
eminently meditative. They are alike incompatible with a 
spirit of restless ambition, or gainful passion. They 
address themselves to the imaginative and enthusiastic, to 
the contemplative and intellectual; to those who believe 
there is a greater good than worldly success, a richer 
boon than the distinctions of office; to those who believe 
that the process of improvement does not consist wholly in 
action; to those who do not measure individual advancement 
merely by the direct results of intellect; to those who 
have faith in the refining influences of art and nature, 
and a life of meek self-content', passed in the free and 
independent exercise of thought, imagination, and love; 
and who, while they acknowledge fealty to the demands of 
a ctive duty, recognise the truth, that the mind, like 
the earth, is enriched by lying fallow, and that a tran-
quil life, if permitted by an individual's destiny, may 
be rendered more truly prof itable than one passed in the 
most successful and renowned course of active usefulness.62 
But, what is it that profiteth a man? What does Tuckerman mean 
by 11 prof itable 11 ? Obviously, he believed that he weighed values 
in scales which balanced beyond the reach of money and influ-
ence and the artificial advantages of human society. And yet 
in good New England fealty to predestination he carefully 
included the condition"if permitted by an individual's destiny," 
and this certainly was some sort of a concession to the Realis-
tic world of his father and brother and the very realistic 
fortune which 11 permitted11 him his "tranquil" life. But, in 
Tuckerman 1 s mind, these two worlds were wholly separate; they 
were as different as black and white and he never allowed the 
two to mix (and this, perhaps, preserved his equilibrium). 
The balance, for Tuckerman, was simply between the material, 
perishable, purely physical benefits achievable in the 11 worldly 11 
world, and the more constant spiritual, eternal, universal 
benefits to be had within the Romantic world. And, as with all 
Romantics, the choice had to be a 11 selfish11 one, dealing solely 
with self and self-improvement, reaching out to influence others 
(through reformism) only in the premise of creating a more wide-
spread aelf-opoortunity. Thus, Tuckerman isolated himself from 
reality and from humanity, although he did not believe it. 
He became a sort of monk within the Romantic Order, a lesser 
priest, striving through thoughtful devotion to put himself in 
touch with Inspiration (or "Nature," or Emerson's "Oversoul, 11 
I 
39 
although to Tuckerman it is all too inde f inite for such specific 
names). Thus it is then, that Tuckerman preaches such great 
medita tive value in visits to Europe 1 s ancient churches, to 
its h istori c buildings and locations, to its art galleries, 
exhibitions, and museums, to its ancient cemeteries, and t o 
those long r ambl es wh ich he took about Europe's picturesque and 
peaceful countrys i de. 
Nevertheless, Tuckerman, along with other mid-century 
travelers, repeatedly pointed out that European travel was not 
completely a dream-world experience. There were innumerable 
hardships, discomforts, and impositions put upon the weary 
traveler. Life on board ship could be dreadfully boring and 
quarantine in Mediterranean ports was almost unbearable.63 
Tuckerman proclaimed that to the American utilitarian spirit 
nothing was more galling than this experience. Passports were 
another imposition upon the mid-nineteenth century American 
spirit. Tuckerman referred to the call for passports as the 
"watchword of despotism" which made the American "aware of the 
anomalous fact that a certain portion of his free-agency has 
departed; that he, the self-independent individual, has become 
an element of the social machinery, and is gratuitously relieved 
of a degree of his personal responsibility. 11 64 ?Tuckerman told 
his reader that as he continued his journey he would be sur-
rounded and harassed by further discomforts. His conveyances 
would prove slow, jolting and comfortless.65 He would be 
plagued with a never-ending procession of importuning peddlers; 
vociferous gesticulating guides; and pleading half-articulate 
4o 
b eggars. And when tired and weary, he sought rest for the 
night , he would find his a ccomodations meagre and inhospitable. 
Yet, Tuckerman felt that it was all well worth it. 
For the intelligent, thoughtful, educated American, nothing 
could be more repaying in growth of intellect and character. 
But there was no substitute for a good background in history 
a nd the arts. George Stillman Hillard stated the case well and 
briefly when he said: 11 The more learning the better ??.? An 
i gnorant man in Italy is like a blind man in a picture gal-
lery.1166 And Tuckerman, culturalist that he was, repeatedly 
emphasized the great need among Americans, especially traveling 
Americans, for a more thorough education in the cultural arts. 
Isabel, the major character in his travel romance about Sicily, 
1s not only well-traveled in her own United States, but has 
"reaped the advantages of a faithful private education. 11 Thus, 
Tuckerman made sure that when she came at last to the vast 
cultural storehouse which wa s Europe, she was ready for the 
experience. Tuckerman continued: 11 There is a vague notion 
prevalent among the untraveled, that abroad there are many and 
peculiar means of enjoyment. In one sense this is true; but is 
it enough borne in mind, that the only worthy pleasures pecul-
iar to Europe, are those of taste, and that to enjoy these, a 
certain preparedness is requisite? 11 67 The implication here 
and elsewhere throughout the travel books, is that most Ameri-
cans, in traveling, miss much that might be gained, because 
they are not equipped by their American environment, to per-
ceive the existence of any higher values, especially those so 
41 
un-American as "the pleasures of taste." 
Nevertheless, even though Tuckerman was among those 
Americans educated and most willing to perceive these higher 
values, the harsher realities of modern European civilization 
yet persisted in pushing through to hie American consc i ousness. 
Living , breathing Europe was often too materialistic, too real-
istic, to suit the demands of Tuckerman 1 s romantic world. 
Everyday England, especially, was disturbing to him. 
The first walk I took on English ground, was upon Christmas 
day, and in a quiet street, I was startled by a shout evi-
dently from a host of children, but the pathos of the 
sound was inexpressible; it breathed a kind of smothered 
gladness; there was a latent despair in it strangely blent 
with infantile weakness. I inquired its meaning, and was 
answered: "It is the cheer of the workhouse children at 
the sight of meat. 11 6$ 
Here was a challenge too great for Tuckerman 1 s roman-
ticism to meet. The awfulness of little children born to inevi-
table suffering and poverty, hunger and misery, vice and filth, 
was too much for Tuckerman to face. And he did not; he retreat-
ed from it, refusing to discuss it further. Nathaniel Hawthorne, 
however, in the presence of the same situation, could not escape 
the realization that he must also share the blame for this 
poignant, terrible, and most real situation. Because he real-
ized this Hawthorne's Romanticism was severely shaken; 
obviously, man was not the high creation he proclaimed himself 
to be, or he could not be thus degraded and abused. 
It might also make a man doubt the existence of his own 
soul, to observe how Nature has flung these little wretches 
into the street and left them there, so evidently regarding 
them as nothing worth, and how all mankind acquiesce in the 
great mother's estimate of her offspring. For, if they are 
to have no immortality, what superior claim can I assert 
42 
for mi ne? And how diffi cult to believe that anything so 
pre c ious as a ger m of immortal growth can have been buried 
under this dirt- h eap , plunged i nt o this cesspool of misery 
and vice ! 69 
And Hawthorne was humbl ed by this , though shaken , and h is 
though ts mo ved upwar d , growing towar d the necessi t y f or reform 
a nd s oc ial help f or those beyond s elf-help . 
Slowly, s lowly, as af t er groping a t the bot t om of a 
de ep , noisome , stagnant pool, my hope struggles upwa rd to 
the surfa ce, h earing the half- drowned body of a child a long 
wi th i t , and heaving it aloft for its l i fe, and a ll our 
lives. Unle s s these sli me- clogged nostrils can be made 
capable of i nhaling ce l estia l air, I know not how the purest 
and most int ellectual of us can reasonably expect ever to 
t as t e a breath of it. The whol e ques t ion of e t erni ty i s 
staked there. If a single one of t hose h el pless l i ttle 
ones be lost , the world is lost!70 
And though Hawthorne rose above his philosophy to a new rea l i-
zation, Tuckerman did not. Tuckerman saw the sights with his 
eyes, and hea rd the sounds with his ears, but only darkly--he 
did not allow t hese ever really to invade the sanctity of h is 
inward realizat i on. The subjective meditations which sustained 
his metaphysical reality were applied to aught save the beauti-
ful; the ugly, the disagreeable, the vile, and the filthy, 
evidently were too low for Tuckerman 1 s ethereal Romantic con-
sideration.71 
Thus, although Tuckerman 1 s experiences in England had 
a tremendous potential of great traumatic awakening for him, and 
although he approached some fine observation and rather careful 
analysis, yet he almost invariably stopped short of the complete 
realization, and instead of following his thought through to its 
often harsh conclusions he returned to the safety of his old 
Justifications and authorities. 
43 
For example, in England, Tuckerman perceived two 
definite socio-economic extremes: the "drudge," the worker in 
the vast coal-fed industries, and the 11 duke, 11 the wealthy man 
of leisure who was able through his wealth to surround himself 
with an environment of material beauty and pleasure. For the 
11 drudge 11 Tuckerman as "an American," had great sympathy: 
An American, habituated to the sight of prosperous labor, 
has only to see a spectral child emerge from the shaft of 
a coal mine, look at the pinched features of a female 
operative in one of the manufacturing towns, or try to 
understand a barbarian Welsh peasant raving for work, in 
order to have hie imagination excited to a degree of phil-
anthropic intensity ???? 72 
Yet, Tuckerman did not allow these "American" sympathies to 
preclude a more realistic, but still sympathetic, judgment 
which, by implication, extended beyond the social class itself. 
He perceived that the common people of England were completely 
absorbed by the material struggle for economic existence. 
Their time and their interests seldom extended beyond their 
everyday labor. Caught up in a hopeless routine, from which 
Tuckerman saw no escape other than emigration, and even this 
only for their children, they were mentally enslaved, their 
interests, blunted, their natural curiosity stilled, and their 
lives filled with an almost fatal hopelessness, all of which 
was the natural result of their fixed, limited, and seemingly 
inevitable destiny. 
For Tuckerman, this analysis has the beginnings of 
some fine social crit icism. He has noted that a situation 
exists, and that it is evidenced by certain recognizable phenom-
ena in the group and in its individual members; and he has even 
come t o a general conclusion as to the basic cause of the whole 
44 
social predicament . But, he takes his analysis no further; 
of the fixed and limited destiny, of its origins, its present 
dangers, its future potentialities, both as a peril to the 
English nation, and to the world Tuckerman knows, he says 
nothing. This tendency to approach analysis, but never really 
attain its conclusions, is typical of Tuckerman 1 s writing 
throughout the travel books, and elsewhere. In this particu-
lar social situation he sees only that the differences exist. 
He does not see the implications nor hear the innuendoes. 
Yet, the actuality of the social situation bothers him. 
His Romantic reality is definitely shaken by the real exist-
ence of this "absolutely repulsive"73 lower class. One wonders 
if perhaps the greatest barrier for Tuckerman in contemplating 
England's "drudges" was simply the total absence of beauty in 
them and in everything pertaining to them. Tuckerman abhorred 
all that was ugly and filthy and ignorant. It is certainly not 
a far step from his ingrained Puritan Boston moralism to the 
Hawthornesque conclusion that where beauty was, God was, and 
where beauty was not, could remain only evil. Tuckerman's 
Romanticism, however, was always good; it was high and noble; 
it was really the search after the Kantian "Ideal," the most 
"real" of all "reals. 11 Perhaps, then, it is only natural for 
Tuckerman to be so repulsed by this vast absence of beauty. 
But, the ugly pictures did continue to come at him, and 
he did turn them over disturbedly in his mind, but to little 
avail. In Birmingham, he wrote: 
Here, as elsewhere in the manufacturing districts, the com-
parative extortion and ill-manners were obvious. The lofty 
and far-flashing gaslights loom through the dingy atmo-
s phere like beacons on a sterile coas t. Many of the 
private factories are discovered, after long search, in 
the upper rooms of squalid houses, approached by narrow 
and dirty courts; the attempt to gain a true direction 
from the common people is almost hopeless; they are either 
stupid, or wilfully misinform strangers; and it is scarcely 
credible, that such a number of uncivilized beings can 
exist in the heart of a Christian land ???? But this 
s qualor and savagery becomes a still more impressive fea-
ture to the observer, and a more imperative problem to 
the philanthropist, from the fact that it is so essen-
tially local. Our way thither exhibited no prophecy of 
this human degradation; life in the agricultural, and the 
ancient towns of the kingdom, is not thus perverted ?... 74  
But again Tuckerman dropped his analysis Just at the point of 
possible fruition, and continued, somewhat puzzled, on his 
way. Obviously, Tuckerman, in his safe and picturesque roman-
tic world, could not quite stomach the awful, shocking reality 
of this degrading situation. Against this encroachment of the 
real world of suffering and misery Tuckerman had no active 
defense. His only way of escape was to cease to really think 
about it, and this was his evident path; he quietly retired 
within his rustic romantic world of ancient monuments, and 
literary men, and pastoral simplicity and dignity . In reality, 
Tuckerman simply ignored the problem, he refused to actively 
consider it (even though it kept forcing itself in upon him 
every now and then, however with no lasting success). 
Tuckerman 1 s final rationalization, such as it is, of 
the whole situation, the ugly existence of the 11 drudge, 11 and 
his place in supporting the luxurious world Tuckerman loved, 
is of interest, not only because it is typical of mid-nineteenth 
century American reason, but also because it demonstrates so 
well the powerful influence of Tuckerman 1 s age and society upon 
46 
him. 75 Apparently striving, intell ectually, to conc l ude a 
condemnat i on of the system which produced the 11 drudge, 11 Tuck-
erman final ly excused it on the basis of good America n 
utilitarianism, t hus showing himself to be a child of the 
very influences he gropingly sought to condemn. The repugnance 
he felt for the human misery of the 11 drudge 11 was equalized in 
a recognition of all the comforts and luxuries which are the 
results of the manufacturing system. And as Tuckerman 1 s own 
comfortable, well-to-do-existence admitted a growing necessity 
for these luxuries, Tuckerma n quite righteously admitted an 
equal necessity for the existence of the 11 drudge. 11 76 However, 
his thinking stopped here; he did not attempt to explore any 
ideas for alternate solutions. 
It is indicative of this determined Romanticism that 
Tuckerman, although rationalizing the existence of human degra-
dation, would not accept any personal responsibility for it. 
He maintained a position as commentator only, never admitting 
himself as participator, or contributory creator of any of 
these situations. In fact, having achieved a mental balance 
satisfactory to his own equilibrium, he began to repent that 
he was ever bothered at all, and endeavored somewhat in his 
written account to justify to his audience his evil report. 
Apparently, his greatest fear was that his readers would con-
clude that he delighted in discerning social abuses, and sought 
after them for their own sakes, as a sensationalist, 77 rather 
than as an honest reporter of 11 the melancholy truth. 11 Actual-
ly , Tuckerman need have had little fear of this, for it is 
47 
, as well a s fro m h
is other 
qui t e obv ious from
 the travel books
 disagreeable or o
ut 
otice of anything
writings, that the
 very n
 existence was mos
t pain-
reful Romantic
of harmony With hi
s ca
e is done 
ful for h i m. his audien
c
His reporting of s
uch to 
quite obvious l y re in duty than in 
pleasure. 
mo  
st pleasure that Tu
ckerman told
Yet, i t is in swee
te
cilities. The 11 du
ke' s
th s aristocratic fa
11 
of e "duke" and 
all hi
 Tuckerman'? Roman
tic real-
ly a part of
world Was more per
fect
 
ity completeness of 
the
nd he Wa s filled w
ith wonder a t the 
' a
concent t  all within one are
a for the 
ra ed luxury assem
bled
ro-
nd  individual. And, 
in spite of his p
e
i ulgence of a sin
gl
bj ti bl  
ing o ec ona e 
in
fessed American 
th
democratism, he fou
nd no
this. I dm
itted 
he greatly admired
 it, and frankly a
n fact, 
his 1  terrible memories o
f the 
for it. The
ave and attachment
 
lurked unhappily in
 the 
his awful lot 
it1ful "drudge" and
 tl 
 was apparen y 
background b easy li
fe
, ut the victory o
f the 
in wealth; its advan-assured Tuckerman's mind. Tuckerman li
ke 
t, or perhaps, ta.ges 
cessa ry to hie wor
ld. But he did no
Were ne -
did  all its accomp
any
Want to, comprehen
d its sources and
not 
agreeable implicat
ions.?$ 
ing dis
 other similar evid
ences 
ain many
The travel books c
ont
ems . 
Of T areness of Europe's
 social probl
1 e aw
Uckerman 8
 only vagu
 English "drudge" a
nd "duke" 
lysis of the
Otten, as in his a
na
ely 
he c ually, he me
r
ear to Philosophic 
insight; but, us
ame n t 
stated e a
pparen
nce of certain situ
ations which wer
the existe e-
to him For instance, in P
aris, Tuckerman d
as an American. I i t  vas moving 
scribes t el window. 
t s a
he scene from his 
hot
e, free, frank, an
d 
au of Parisian mid
morning street lif
table
easy. His description definitely catches and passes on to his 
reader this confident French attitude toward the world and 
life. Tuckerman quite obviously is somewhat thrilled by it. 
Yet, given this situation, the discussion of what he saw, plus 
his obvious excitement and sympathy with it, one wishes that 
he had carefully analyzed this Parisian freedom in comparison 
with the more stringent New England aloofness which fathered 
his own attitudes, and which almost always brought him at last 
to rather look down his nose at most of whRt he saw of contem-
porary European society.79 
Perhaps it is therefore that, 11 as an American," he 
was so revolted by "the abject wretchedness" of Sicilian towns 
"choked up with filth and seemingly populated with beggars. 11 80 
He was disgusted by the half-naked street boys, the loud and 
open argumentation, the public 11 flaunting 11 of "wet linen hung 
out to dry, 11 and the clusters of "untidy women . . ? ridding 
each other's heads of vermin--an incessant and conspicuous 
employment. 1181 With good Puritan zeal he roundly condemned 
the decadence of the dying Sicilian aristocracy: 
Of these young men ?? ? scarcely one knows any higher 
ambition than temporary distinction ??.? Among the whole 
circle of these women you can with difficulty find one 
deserving of the office or capable of the duties of a 
mother ??.. Scarcely one of these lovely hypocrites 
pretends to respect her marriage vows ??. And what better 
can you expect in a country where the legitimate objects 
of reverence--parents and priests--set an undisguised ex-
ample of libertinism? Is not the unavoidable consequence 
among the higher ranks--practical atheism? Comer from 
the new world! Look through the finery around you; pierce 
the artificial gloss; read the evidences of exhausted 
resources, unprincipled lives, and frivolous pursuits 
which make up the true history of society here~ and thank 
Heaven your lot was cast in a young republic.Sc 
Neverth eless, Tuckerman 1 s taste for cultured wealth 
tempered his righteous zeal, and he sensed tragedy in the 
passing of a people and a way of life. His sympathy was 
aroused by the pathetic element, by the fact that although 
financially broken, irresponsible, morally corrupt, the living 
members of this dead past still survived, living fruitlessly 
a dead way of life; the old ruined homes were still occupied 
by one or two survivors, poor and comfortless in empty rooms. 
All of their nobility was pretense--their wealthy show, bor-
rowed, their principles, non-existent. Tourists desecrated 
the privacy of their villas and the public found amusement in 
their tastes and collections. This was living history for 
Tuckerman; it was filled with sentiment, and pathos, and he 
lamented its irrevocable necessity, even while he condemned 
its actuality. 
Tuckerman 1 s final analysis of the wretchedness of 
Sicilian society is based upon strict New England morality 
(and this too was a distinctive part of American Romanticism). 
He concluded that the existing spiritual and material poverty 
was due to 11 the low estimation in which integrity, the key-
stone of the social arch, is held" and the "want of reverence 
for those primary ties which form the basis of every community." 
But Tuckerman again did not follow through and complete his 
analyzation; he did not explain what these 11 ties 11 were, or why 
they were basic " to every community"; he merely assumed that 
what he lived by, all men lived by. And this was good nine-
teenth century American philosophy, provincial though it may 
ha ve be en. 
American Romanticism was most easily di st inguishable 
from its European cousin by its tenet of strict morality. In 
America, by the middle of the nineteenth century, morality 
ha d almost become a national preoccupation . It was inevitable 
that the Romantic spirit which swept America should adopt this 
as a part of itself. American propriety thus preceded the 
deve lopment of American native Romanticism, and Tuckerman's 
high morality was probably more a development of his New England 
background than of his faith in any Romantic principles. How-
ever, in his day, the t wo were ho pelessly interjoined; undoubt-
edly he saw in morality an express ion of the Romantic ideal, 
and thus, morality to him was irrevocably an eternal verity. 
The relaxed moral standards of Europe therefore shocked 
Tuckerman, even as they shocked almost every nineteenth century 
American traveler. But Tuckerman's condemnations were not so 
enthusiastic as those of most of his fellow-travelers. He was 
almost gentle in most of his criticisms.S3 Speaking of female 
success in French society Tuckerman said: 11 ??? and, strange 
as it may appear to an American, the social prestige thus 
acquired and transmitted is as often based upon sin as sanctity. 
1134 And t h is is as powerful a report as Tuckerman ever 
made on this delicate subject. Jarves, however, on the same 
subject, exploded: "They are of every shade of integrity and 
crime, refinement and grossness, from that of the honest and 
virtuous grisette ??? to the political spy, fashionable pimp, 
or haggish corrupter of virginity in the pay of hoary debauch-
ism ... 11 35 But Jarves, in contra.st to Tuckerman, had led a 
51 
rather full l ife; he had been forced to face reality in the 
gu ise of disappointed hopes, disaffected children, an unhappy 
and unfaithful marriage, and many kinds of experiences with 
many types of people from the islands of the Pacific to Tucker-
man's well-loved Florence, Italy. Tuckerman, however, had 
refused life. He had shut himself up in a Romantic ivory 
tower. In his zeal to find and follow the ethereal artistic 
and cultural ideal, he had separated himself from his fellow 
men. The actual physical world of lust and ambition, of hurt 
and pain, simply could not co-exist equally with his Romantic 
idealism. Its actuality, its depth and breadth, were never 
felt by Tuckerman. 
Thus he was not the good social historian he might 
well have been. 86 The evils, the vices, the sins and degrada-
tions of his fellows, he saw only vaguely with his eyes, and 
never with his soul (as did his idol, 37 Hawthorne, for 
instance). As an observer he noted many social ills in Europe: 
unregulated morality,gg arranged marriages, 89 illegitimacy 
socially accepted,90 aristocratic decadence and dissipation,91 
social manners prostituted into materialistic pleasure-seek-
ing,92 and individualism degenerated into eelf-gratification,93 
and so on; but, as a philosopher, an interpreter of his times, 
a rophet or a seer (such as Tuckerman's Romantic monasticism 
was undoubtedly intended t~ produce), Tuckerman was a dismal 
f a i lur e. He merely noted; he did not think. Like the unedu-
cated Americans he so righteously reprimanded, who came 
blindly and ignorantly to Europe, so Tuckerman himself came 
52 
unprepared and unwilling to the arena of life. It is perhaps 
no wonder that h is fame proved so ephemera1.94 
It is strange that Tuckerman's philosophy of life con-
ta i ns almost no mention of Emerson or transcendentalism, for 
there exist many parallels. Tuckerman, quite obviously, had 
read Emerson, although perhaps without too deep an understand-
i ng96), but never did Tuckerman admit any spiritual debt to 
Emerson or to transcendentalism as a philosophy. Yet, there 
obviously was much upon which Emerson and Tuckerman did agree. 
Evidently, Tuckerman had no ties with any organized 
religion. Although the Tuckerman family had been Anglican97 
for many years, it is most probable that Tuckerman 1 s parents 
were Unitarian in their religious beliefs.98 Tuckerman 1 s 
utterances reveal him to be philosophically, at least, quite 
closely allied to Unitarianism, butnot completely, nor admit-
tedly, within that fold. Tuckerman had no clear perception 
of the "fatherhood of God;" he merely mentioned in passing a 
vague impersonal paternal relationship between the Creator and 
his creation; and even in this it appears plausible that he 
may have been merely talking in good nineteenth century terms. 
There is no evidence that he believed in a personal God, anthro-
pomorphic or otherwise. And of Jesus, and of his "Christian 
leadership," he said nothing at all. However, Tuckerman did 
believe in the Unitarian tenets of "the brotherhood of man," 
and " salvation by character," and 11 progress of mankind onward 
and upward forever"; and he professed, with Channing, that the 
bases for all divine conceptions were the existence, in man, 
53 
of 11 cons cience, will, and t h e mora l sens ibil i ty."99 Wi th the 
Un i t a r i an s of h is day, he rejected all manner of sects, and 
f orms, and ostentat i ons of a technica l priesthood. Priestly 
auth or i t y , for Tuckerman, came not through one's being employed 
as the technica l representative of some sect, but by the evi-
dent patria rcha l relationship of one's essential humanity. 
"Priesthood and manhood are identical. The authority of the 
former is derived from the latter; by virtue of being men we 
become priests, tha t is, servants of the Most High; and not 
through any miraculous anointing, laying on of hands, courses 
of divinity, or rites of ordination." 100 Tuckerman felt that 
true religious power came only through man's attaining a dis-
interested love for humanity, and developing a will to serve 
others to the best of his ability. 101 For him (as for Emerson, 
and many others), Nature always provided a better means to the 
11 Invisible Spirit" than any "magnificent cathedral," or "mono-
tonous chant of the choir. 11102 
As for belief in any immortality, or life beyond the 
present existence, Tuckerman felt that all men were united in 
the recognition of the "unconscious immortality of the soul, 11 
and he felt that this was indeed the "essential spirit of 
Christianity.ul03 Like Emerson, he perceived the human soul 
to be select, and individual; and, for Tuckerman, its endow-
ments, its "spiritual attributes," were eternal, and even 
though some of these might be left latent in life, they would 
yet, in some future time, 11 shine forth in the glory ordained 
them. 11 104 However, the human soul was beyond complete 
comprehension by our physical faculties. It was a part of the 
true Reality, the really Real, the Ideal. And, although Tuck-
erman does not so express it, it was a part of Kant's noumenal 
world; it was a 11 thing-in-itself. 11105 Its existence coul d 
only be sensed through faith (and this, again, agreed with 
Kant) , which faith accumulates within every man (Tuckerman said 
it was "elaborately constructed") from the assurances of his 
11 inmost experience. 11106 The "revelation" of that faith 11 - - a 
faith that recognizes an existence perfectly independent of 
physical life--11107 came to every man (who was attuned) through 
h is intuitive response to beauty, tranquility, and goodness.lOS 
Intuition thus was spiritual . It was the link between the phy-
sical world of common things (Kant's and Emerson's phenomenal 
world} and the Romantic Reality (Kant's noumenal world, and 
Emerson's world of 11 ends 11 ) which to Tuckerman was so really 
Real. Tuckerman 1 s des cription of this revelation is transcen-
dental: 11 ??? from the lulled waters of the spirit 
emerge ??? a sentiment of confidence in an origin and destiny, 
a speechless gratitude, an undefined hope, a self-content alike 
inexplicable and blessed? ??? 11109 Emerson could hardly have 
expressed it in more transcendental terms. 
Thus, then, are Tuckerman's two worlds Joined in the 
Kantian sense that the one perceived bears witness of the other 
unperceived. The beauty and order of the physical universe 
constantly renews and sustains Tuckerman 1 s faith. Nature ever 
encourages the hopes of his heart. When his soul intuitively 
perceives the "beauty lavished upon the physical universe," he 
55 
feels 11 an as surance that ??? the quenchless, living spiri t" 
mus t also be dest i ned to "renewal, progress i on, and happiness. 11 110 
However, Tuckerman 1 s faith goes beyond the implication 
of some sort of a future resurrection. That physical man must 
die, Tuckerman readily admitted. Man's mortality presses upon 
him ever harder as he grows older. 111 Death and decay are 
every man's inexorable fate; and, to Tuckerman, t his was an 
appalling impression. But man's {and more particularly Tucker-
man1s) faith triumphs over skepticism. In man's spiritual 
attribute of intuition there is a link between his mortal exist-
ence and immortality. The tides of "thought and love" are, 
even in this life, already merged in the "ocean of eternity" 
even though they are now "connected by a narrow and ever-eva-
porating stream with the river of Time. 11112 Thus, through 
"thought and love" Tuckerman bridged his two realities. Man's 
life work must, therefore, to be highest and best, be concerned 
with intuitive "thought" and 11 love 11 for naught else is eternal. 
Herein, for Tuckerman, lay the immortality of Art, and the 
eternity of Beauty. A life spent in a search for the intuitive 
response to these is a life of most valid activity, it is more 
fulfilling to self and to the whole creation than any other 
sort of life might ever possibly be. In this light, Tuckerman 1s 
life becomes a true expression of his religion. In his living 
he was true to his age in that he was true to himself and to 
the best that he felt was in him. 
That Tuckerman was anti-Catholic is perhaps an expres-
sion both of his personal religion and of his age. In Ameri ca , 
56 
dur ing the first half of the nineteenth century , times were 
no t good for t he Catholic Church. 113 Tuckerman undoubtedly 
absorbed much of this, for, without reference to any scriptual-
t h eological differences, he was quite firmly anti-Catholic. 114 
He saw the Catholi c Church in Italy as the guardian of super-
stit i on, deception, and i gnorance. The Catholic ceremonies 
he witnessed betrayed only the tremendous power of the Church 
over the people . 115 This power was founded upon deceit, and 
fear. For Tuckerman the Catholic clergy were either hypocrites, 
or fools, who taught a mockery of real religion for the sake 
of their own pride and physical comfort. 116 Convents and mon-
asteries received strong condemnation: "It is a violation of 
the law of the social universe that any part of the human 
family should withdraw themselves from their allotted share in 
the toil and responsibility of life. 11117 Tuckerman charged 
that the monastic system was the basic cause of poverty in 
Southern Europe; that the money used in support of the idle 
monks and nuns would eliminate the problem of beggary. 
It is interesting that Tuckerman saw no parallels in 
the Italian religious despotism (the support of the Catholic 
priestly aristocracy at the expense of the poverty and beggary 
of the people), and the English economic despotism (the support 
of the elegance of 11 the duke" through the exploitation of the 
poor, dirty 11 drudge 11 ). He condemned the one despotism vigor-
ously; but merely puzzled over the other. In this he was like 
most Americans of his day; it is only a further evidence that 
Tuckerman, though he tried, was really unable to rise above 
57 
the general, and really l ocal, prejudices of his time. 
Of i nterest, too, is the fact that he evidently saw 
no parallels between his own life of separation out of the 
world , of devotion to the Romantic gospel, and the more obvious 
Catholic withdrawal to religious sanctuaries, for a devotion 
to a more theocratic gospel. Tuckerman's withdrawal, though 
entailing no robed investitures, nor priestly ceremony, was 
nevertheless an actual physical withdrawal in his refusal to 
participate in worldly affairs. Mentally, and even more so 
"spiritually," his withdrawal was perhaps more complete than 
many of those religionists he so heartily condemned. 113 
There was much of the recluse in Tuckerman, and, as 
he grew older, he became even more reticent in his self-reve-
lation. Therefore, his travel accounts, especially his 
earlier efforts, take on an added significance for they are 
the best published records of his own personal attitudes toward 
his time and his world. 
Although, through the years, there was apparently 
little change in these attitudes, there did appear, between 
the earlier and the later accounts, an increased interest in 
a more philosophical, less descriptive, approach to observation; 
however, there is little change in Tuckerman 1 s depth of percep-
tion; rather, there is merely more said at greater length and, 
possibly, at less depth, than before. Tuckerman 1 s attempts at 
philosophical analysis not only continue to be abandoned 
before fruition, but also decrease in prevalence in his later 
travel works. And, although this may have been intentional on 
Tuckerrnan 1 s part, it most probably was merely the unconscious 
consequence of his increasing reticence toward any possibility 
of intruding h imself into his own writings. And t his too, 
mi ght be i nterpreted merely as one more evidence among many 
of the passing of the years, for as Tuckerman grew older, he 
depended more upon the realities of his Romantic conception, 
and less upon any physical manifestation about him. Thus, over 
the years, the travel accounts reveal him to be increasingly 
at odds with the demands of the hustling American commercial 
world (which his family had helped to create), and Europe, and 
its cultural past and artistic present, became the best phenom-
enal representation of his Romantic-Idealistic-Noumenal world. 
In Europe he had felt within himself the pleasurable 
stirrings of intuitive response to the Beautiful, all of which 
had foretold for him a future life of Romantic dedication. 
That his family was capable, and, evidently willing, to help 
him to fulfill this intuitive ministry, was extremely decisive, 
for Tuckerman was not another Scott, or Wordsworth, or Carlyle, 
but rather, merely a fairly representative example of the 
young Romantic American, allowed by his fortunate (or unfortu-
nate) financial circumstances to attempt the Romantic fulfill-
ment. Always thoughtful, always meditative, but seldom really 
inspired, Tuckerman in Europe presents an example of the lay 
American Romantic of the nineteenth century in contact with 
the stimulation of the older and more cultured European civili-
zation. 
59 
NOTES TO CHAPTER II 
1. Willard Thorpe, "Pilgrims' Return," Literary 
History of the United States, eds., Robert E. Spiller, 
Willard Thorpe, Thomas H. Johnson, Henry Seidel Canby, 
revised edition, (New York, 1953), II, 827. 
2. The clarion call was Ralph Waldo Emerson's 
The American Scholar, (1837), which contained the now famous 
admonition: "We have listened too long to the courtly muses 
of Europe ." See also V. F. Calverton, The Liberation of 
American Literature, (New York, 1932); and F. O. Matthiessen, 
American Renaissance Art and Ex ression in the A e of 
Emerson and itman, New ork, 19 1. 
3. Indeed, in time, American intelligentsia sought 
confirmation of the American validity among cultures only 
remotely related to the American experience, justifying the 
endeavor by a philosophic belief in the universality of 
human experience when properly attuned. Transcendentalist 
interest, through Emerson and Thoreau, in Far Eastern 
scriptures, The Vedas, The Vishnu Purana, the Bhagavat 
Gheeta was an example of this. 
4. See James Fenimore Cooper, Homeward Bound, or 
the Chase, a Tale of the Sea, (Philadelphia, lS38), and Home 
as Found, (Philadelphia, lS3S); also Robert E. Spiller{ - -
Fenimore Cooper: Critic of His Times, (New York, 1931,, 
and John F. Ross, The Social Criticism of Fenimore Cooper, 
(Berkeley, 1933). However, to be disillusioned was to be 
unpatriotic, and almost every writer of travel accounts made 
a point of reassuring his audience that his foreign travel 
had not corru ted his Americanism. Perhaps most prominent 
among these apologists was C. A. Bartol, Pictures of Europe 
Framed in Ideas, (Boston, 1855). Tuckerman follows this 
patter n fairly faithfully. 
5. Thomas Crawford, father of Francis Marion 
Crawford, was a nee-classical sculptor who spent most of his 
life in Italy. The bronze figure "Freedom" on the dome of 
the national Capitol in Wash ington, D. C., is today his 
best-known work. Maude H. Elliott s biography, My Cousin, 
F. Marion Crawford, (New York, 1934), contains perhaps the 
best brief account of Thomas Crawford's life. 
6. See Jame s Jackson Jarves, Art Hints, Architecture 
Sculpture and Painting, (New York, 1855),--hereafter cited as 
Art Hints; also Francis Steegmuller, The Two Lives of James 
Jackson Jarves, (New Haven, 1951). 
60 
7. See E. C. Benedict, A Run through Europe, (New Y6rk, 
1S60), p . 16 . Benedict states that American travel to Europe 
must bring 11 i nevitable cultivation and instruction, which ?.? 
must be of grea t value to our national character ??? in 
r educ ing our pr etensions- - in moderating our boasts--let t ing 
some of the gas out of our conce it, and some of the hyper bole 
out of our vanity." 
S. Henry Theodore Tuckerman, The Ital i an Sketch Book, 
(Philadelphia , 1835)--citations to the 1348 rev. ed. will be 
de signated ( 1848 ); Isabel, or, Sicily, A Pilgrimage, (Phila-
delphia, 1839)--hereafter cited a s Isabel;A Month in England, 
(N ew York, 1853); Maga Papers about Paris, (New York, 1 67) --
hereafter cited as Papers about Paris; this 1867 edition i s a 
collection of these papers all of which had be en previously 
published in Putnam's Monthly, Atlantic Monthly, Knickerbocker ' s, 
and Continental Monthly magazines. 
9 . Tuckerman's educa.tion and family influences are 
discussed further i n Chapter I of this paper. 
10. "Our family is of New England descent, exclusively. 
Up to our own generation there is not a single i ns tance of the 
mixture of any other blood. Every marriage in the direct line 
ha s been with another New England family, and in nearly every 
case wi th a family settled in New England in the seventeenth 
century." Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, 
P? 4. 
11. No positive evidence has as yet been located which 
would indicate whether Tuckerman 1 s original intention in keep-
ing this journal was its later publication. However, the 
rather dis ordered organization of the 1835 publication, plus 
the fact that materials included in his later Leaves from the 
Diary of a Dreamer, (London, 1853)--hereafter cited as Leaves, 
obviously are from his early Italian journeyings, would indi-
ca te that publication was not his original intention. 
12. Wa shington Irving , The Sketch Book of Geoffrez 
Crayon, Gent., (New York, 1$19), Bracebridge Hall: or the 
Humorists, (New York , 1822), Tales of a Traveler, (Philadel-
phia, 182'+). 
13. Benjamin Silliman, Journal of Travels ??? , (New 
Haven, 1810). 
14. The Italian Sketch Book appeared in three editions: 
Philadelphia, 1?35; Philadelphia, 1839, Revised; and New York, 
1s4g, Revised and enlarged. The 1S4S edition is almost twice 
the size of the 1835 editions; it contains all materials in 
prior editions, plus many added chapters from Tuckerman ' s later 
ex erience. On its yet present contribution to Tuckerman 1 s 
r euuta t ion, see Herringshaw 1 s Nat i onal Library of Ameri can 
Biogr aphy, VI I, 502. Tuckerman 1s fame decreased at a most rapid 
rate following his dea th. Literary dictionaries and compendiums 
during his lifetime contain thorough articles treating his place, 
i mporta nce, and contribution to the American literary scene. 
See for example, Rufus W. Griswold, Prose Writers of America, 
3rd ed., (Phi ladelphia, 1$49), PP? 531-536; Charles Dexter 
Cleveland, A Compendium of American Literature, p. 675, et 
tassim; Austin S. Allibone, A Critical Dictionary of English 
iterature and British and American Authors Living and Deceased 
from the Earliest Accounts to the Latter Half of the Nineteenth 
Century, (Philadelphia, 1871), III, 2466-2467; and Anne C. 
Lynch Botta, Handbook of Universal Literature, (New York, 1$60), 
pp . 540 , 542. In l a ter years, mention of Tuckerman decreases 
in s i ze and in expressed import. See Oscar Fay Adams, A Dic-
tionari of American Authors, (New York, 1901), p. 390; James 
Gra nt - ilson and John Fiske, Ctclopedia of American Biography, 
(New York , 1915), VI; Anne C. ynch Botta, Handbook of Uni-
versal Literature, (New York, 1902); American History told by 
Contemporaries, ed., Albert Bushwell Hart, (New York, 1901}, 
I, 24; II, 11, 30. Modern compendiums either completely 
exclude Tuckerman, or make very brief mention of him, more in 
t h e historical sense than in the literary. Little Journeys to 
the Homes of American Authors, ed., Elbert Hubbard, (New York, 
1896), p . 154, contains a note stating Tuckerman 1 s previous 
opularity, and lamenting its rapid decline. 
15. Bayard Tuckerman states that Henry Theodore Tucker-
man wa s 11 for many years an intimate friend" of Washington 
Irving , and had, in his library, copies of Irving 's works per-
sonally inscribed to him by Irving. Tuckerman also appears 
in the painting entitled "Washington Irving and his Literary 
Friends at Sunnyside." Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tucker-
man Family, P? 175. See also Dictionary of American Biography, 
Dumas Malone, ed., (New York, 1936), XIX, 45 which mentions 
TucKerman 1 s close fri 1e  ndship with Washington Irving. 
Stanley Williams mentions personal correspondence 
between Irving and Tuckerman, and also that Irving praised 
Tuckerman 1 s literary skill to others. See Stanley Williams, 
The Life of Washington Irving, (New York, 1935), I, 206, 390 . 
The a ctual correspondence cited was unavailable for this 
research. 
Following Irving's death Tuckerman wrote a senti-
mental poem entitled "Sunnyside" lamenting Irving's -passing. 
See Tuckerman, A Sheaf of Verse Bound for the Fair, {New York, 
1g64 ), PP? 46-4. 
16. Tuckerman 1 s close association with Dr. Francis is 
evidenced throughout his John W. Francis, M.D., LL.D. A Bio-
~raphical Essay, (New York, 1361)--hereafter cited as John W. 
r ancis. At the funeral of Dr. Francis, Tuckerman served as 
one of the pall-bearers. In 1866, when Dr. Francis' small 
volume of New York memories was published, Tuckerman provided 
62 
a "Memoir" of Dr . Francis, wh ich was included i n the publica-
t i on . Se e John Wakef i eld Francis, Old New York , or Remin i scences 
of t h e Pas t Si x t y Years, (New York , 1$66). Tuckerman a lso wa s 
a close f riend to Dr. Francis' eldest son, John W. Francis, Jr. 
At the death of t h e son, in 1e55, Tuckerman collect ed a memorial 
volume (see Henry Theodore Tuckerman , A Memorial of the Life and 
Charact er of John W. Francis, Jr. ffiew York , 185~ - -hereafter 
cit ed a s A Memorial of ??? John W. Francis, Jr.) as a kind-
ne s s t o the f a ther. The form of this writing also i ndica tes a 
ver y close f r iend sh i p be tween Tuckerman and Dr . John W. Francis, 
Jr. (See a lso Hamilton Wright Mabie, The Writers of Knicker-
bock er New York, ~ew York, 1912], pp . 112-113). 
17. On t h e occasion of Charles Di ckens' second visit 
to the United States, Halleck wrote to his friend, General 
Wi l son: 11 I must come down and hear him [Dickene] and if he is 
not too much lionized, perhaps I can capture him, and we three, 
with Tuckerman, will have a quiet and cozy dinner together." 
N. F. Adkins, Fitz-Greene Halleck, (New York, 1930), p. 295. 
See also P? 362, et passim. See also Tuckerman, "Reminiscences 
of Fitz-Greene Ha lleck, 11 Lippincott 1 s Magazine of Literature, 
Science and Education, I, (February, 136 ), 208-216. 
lS. See Note 14 for information on the editions of The 
Italian Sketch Book. The third edition was more an addition 
than a revision. Tuckerman added to his original text over two 
hundred pages of further observation and description of Italy. 
This material most probably was taken from his revisit to Italy 
in 1S37-38. Tuckerman also published within the 1g4g edition 
of The Italian Sketch Book, some of his sketches and short 
stories which had appeared previously (such as, for instance, 
"The Sad Bird of the Adriatic " which was published by J. Clement 
in London, in 1g41, as The Sad Bird of the Adriatic, An American 
Tale). 
19. Irving edited The Analectic Magazine from 1312 to 
1814. See Stanley Williams, The Life of Washington Irving, I, 
136-141. Tuckerman edited The Boston Miscellany of Literature 
and Fashion during 1S43. See Stanley J. Kunitz and Howard 
Haycraft, American Authors 1600-1900, A Biographical Dictionary; 
XIX, 45. 
20. There is no real evidence that Tuckerman ever had 
any serious love affairs. That he was profoundly affected by 
women, and, at least in his youth, did much thinking about 
love, is evident from his Leaves. Had such situations ever 
existed, Tuckerman 1 s extreme reticence at self-revelation would 
probably have eliminated all evidence from his published works. 
However, for possible indications, see Leaves, pp. 36-37, 47-50, 
74-75, et passim. 
21. 11 He considered his social duties as part of the 
business of life, was a famous diner-out, and often seen in the 
evening at the gayest parties ???? He was the most 
k indly ambassador of society, going from hous e to house with 
the latest mot, the i nteresting anecdote, the friendly 
message ???? His sympathy was so perfe ct, his wit so genial, 
h i s friendship so quiet and constant, that he wa s always 
gaining friends and probably never lost one in his life ???? 
His ma nners were full of chivalrous respect, courtesy, and 
e l e ~anc e . Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, 
PP? 174-175. 
22 . Henry Theodore Tuckerman, Mental Portraits; or 
Stud ies of Character , (London, 1353), pp . 339-369;--hereafter 
ci t ed as Mental Portraits. 
23 . Tuckerman, Mental Portraits, p . 347. 
24. Tuckerman , Mental Portraits, p . 351. There were 
s 0me, however , who would argue with Tuckerman over this . One 
con temporary review of The Sket ch Book compares Irving's 
style to that of 11 a boy moving awkwardly on st il t s, who is 
straining every nerve to prevent a downfall!" Quoted in The 
Li t erary Remains of the Late Wil l i s Gaylord Clark ??? , ed . , 
L. G. Clark, (New York, 1?44 ). See a lso Edward Everett's 
revi ew of The Sket ch Book, North American Review, (Sept ember, 
1s 19), pp. 322-(.56 . Mary Russell Mitford described The 
Ske tch Book as 1a pack of maudlin trash . 11 Life of Mary Russell 
Mitford, ed., A. G. L' Es trange , (London, 1S70), II, 297. 
George Philip Krapp writes of Irving 's style: 11 ??? there is 
often a note of insincerity, a pumping up of the emotions for 
the sak e of pathetic effect ??? an artificialit y of phras-
i ng , a taint ? of fine writing ???? 11 George Philip Krapp, 
11 Introduction, 11 Washington Irving, The Sketch Book, (New 
York, 1905). Tuckerman was too blinded by his own romantic 
inclinat ions and the general spirit of hi s age to perceive 
anything awkward, maudlin, or insincere in Irving 's style. 
25. Tucke rman, Mental Portraits, p. 354. 
26. Irving entitled his chapters ( 11 The Christmas 
Dinner, 11 11 The Mutability of Literature, 11 11 Lit t le Bri tain 11 ) 
with less restraint than Tuckerman; Tuckerman 1 s chap ter 
titles are much more spartan: 11 Turin, 11 11 Lucca, 11 11 Byr onia, 11 
11 Naples. 11 Tuckerman simply did not reach out into the 
interests of his audience as did I r ving. 
27. Stanley T. Williams, "Wash ington Irving , 11 
Li t erary History of the United St ates, I, 245-246. 
23. Thes e reviews are all q oted in the publisher's 
a vertis ement followin the main te xt of Tuckerman's Life of 
Talbot. 
29. Knickerbocker, or the New York Monthly Magazine, 
V, (June, 1835), 543-544. 
64 
30. New-England Magazine, IX, (August, 1S35), 141-142. 
31. American Ladies Magazine, IX, (1s36), 63. 
32 . Rufus Wilmot Griswold, The Prose Writers of 
Alerica, (Philadelphia, 1849), p. 531. John Greenleaf Whittier 
wrot e that Tuckerman 1 s literary efforts were characterized by 
11 enial humanity , urbanity, and good nature.
11 Whittier lauded 
Tu ckerman I s II calm, quiet appreciation of the beautiful in 
com on and daily life ??? grateful presentation of the com-
u ensatory elements of our existence ??? catholic sympathies 
? . . delicacy of taste and feeling . ? ? ? 
11 All of which 
cr iteria are among the excellent and acceptable of Tuckerman's 
day. (See John Greenleaf Whittier, Whittier on Writers and 
Writing, the Uncollected Critical Writings of John Greenleaf 
Whittier, ed., Harry Haydon Clark, (New York , 1950), p. 165. 
33. Tuckerman, Isabel, p . 3. 
34. There is, of course, the possibility that Tuckerman 
was simply experimenting in forms and styles; however, this 
~ossibility seems improbable as he followed certain set 
natterns with little variation throughout his literary work. 
tsee Cha ter VI of this paper .) 
35. Tuckerman believed that a 11 grateful silence, in 
re gard to private intercourse ??? should chasten every 
honorable traveler's record." (A Month in England, p. 227) 
Nevertheless, Tuckerman obviously was well acquainted with 
many of Europe's cultural leaders, but the above-mentioned 
modesty (which he sought after as necessary to literary 
excellence) forbade too prominent a mention of these associa-
tions. In The Italian Sketch Book he offhandedly notes visits 
to Silvio Pellico (famous Italian author of dramatic poetry), 
Horatio Grenough (famed American sculptor living in Italy), 
and Hiram Powers (another American sculptor residing in Italy, 
not so famous as Greenough). In England, he mentions an 
evening spent with the members of the Sketch Club, (a group of 
famous contemporary artists who met, monthly, in London to 
sketch various themes) a personal visit with the artist 
Charles Robert Leslie land the suggestion of Murray's Drawing 
Room, and Stuart Newton, and Washington Allston); a visit to 
a meeting of the Royal Society with Peter Mark Roget (then 
hard at work on his yet-useful Thesaurus), and a personal 
note of introduction given him by Sir Charles Lyell (famous 
English geologist and author). 
36. Tuckerman's Isabel was quite popular; it went 
through three separate editions (Philadelphia, 1s39; London, 
1344; New York, 1352). The work itself, as a work of fiction 
is more completely discussed in Chapter VI of this paper. 
37. Tuckerman, A Month in England pp. 10-12. This, 
~erhaps, is further evidence of Tuckermanls aversion for the 
world of trade and commerce. 
3g . Tuckerman, A Month in England, pp . 13- 26. Tuck-
erman was so impr essed with Chester that he wrote a poem 
about h is experience. See Tuckerman, "Chester," A Sheaf of 
Verse Bound for the Fair, pp. 16-lS. 
39. Tuckerman, A Month in England, p. 67. 
40. Thus, of the remaining essays, those treating his 
visits to Hampton Court, to Warwick Castle, to the ruins of 
Kenilworth Castle (which are so "poetically impressive" that 
Scott's romances over-ride valid history in Tuckerman 1 s 
mind ), and to Stratford-on-Avon are the best reading. They 
are evidences of Tuckerman 1 s extensive reading in English 
literature. His English travel becomes a literary pilgrimage, 
and his English travel accounts, almost a textbook-guide for 
the romantic and literary-minded traveler. Harper's also 
recognized t h is. In their review of A Month in England they 
praised Tuckerman for this very accomplishment: "His book 
is principally devoted to the scenes in England which are 
associa ted with the presence of her great authors. Around 
these he throws a fresh charm by his genial literary enthusi-
asm, reviving our recollections of old localities ??.. " 
Harper's, in line with most other periodicals in Tuckerman 1 s 
time, commends Tuckerman for his "habitual" good taste and 
his "elegant accomplishment," and they are pleased that he 
has given them materials which inspire their "intellectual 
admiration." As always, Tuckerman endeavors to broaden the 
~ublic taste. See Harper's New Monthly Magazine, VIII, 
(January, 1854), 286. 
41. Tuckerman 1 s actual trip to Paris is not described 
other than for a brief mention of the channel-crossing and 
the French countryside. (Papers about Paris, pp. 11-16, 
et passim.) The sparseness of this description, plus the 
actual organization of the chapter itself would support the 
speculation that these essays were written after the journey 
was completed. 
42. The essays which made up the Papers about Paris 
had been previously published in various serials. They were 
collected by G. P. Putnam & Son as part of The Maga Series 
(in turn a part of Putnam ' s Railway Classics), an effort to 
collect the best among 11 Tales, Essays, Travels, etc. 11 
published in prominent serials by "the best native writers, 11 
and produce these in a 11 form and at a cost which will make 
them household friends and traveling companions to the great 
body of American readers" G. P. Putnam & Son, The Maga Series, 
(inside front cover of Tuckerman's Papers about Paris, [New 
York, 1867] ). 
43. With the exception of his evident attraction to 
art, its problems and progress; but even here his approach 
was much more passive and restrained than was the flowing 
subjectivity of Jarves 1 early growth, and certainly less 
penetrating than the later appreciations of C. A. Bartol. 
See James Jackson Jarves, Art Hints; and also The Art Idea: 
66 
Part Second of Confessions of an Inquirer, (New York, 1864); 
and Art Thoughts, the Experiences and Observat i ons of an 
American Amateur in Europe, (New York, 1870). See also 
C. A. Bartol, Pictures of Europe, Framed in Ideas. 
44. See The Italian Sketch Book, p. 221, et passim; 
Isabel, et Massim, especially in Tuckerman 1 s portraya l of 
Frazier; A onth in England, pp . 76-77; Papers about Paris, 
p . 96, et passim. 
45. See Russell Lynes, The Tastemakers, (New York, 
1949), et passim. Lynes lists Tuckerman with such notable 
culture-pushers as Elsie de Wolf, M. E. W. Sherwood, Candace 
Wheeler, and James Jackson Jarves. 
46. Compare Jarvee 1 Art Hints with Tuckerman 1 s 
Artist-Life. This situation is discussed more fully in 
Chapter V of this paper. 
47. See Chapter V of this paper. 
4S. The experiment consisted of forcin g a do g to 
inhale the gaseous fumes which came from the grotto, causing 
the dog to lose consciousness. From Tuckerman's acc ount it 
is rather obvious that the experiment was distasteful to him. 
The Italian Sketch Book, (184$), p. 137. N. P. Willis describes 
the experiment more fully. See N. P. Willis, Pencillings By 
the Way, (New York, 1844), p . 101. 
49. The Italian Sketch Book, (1S4S), pp. 137-139. 
50. Tuckerman lives thus (as a true Romanticist), 
more fully in his imagination than in his actuality; objects 
take on importance for him according to their applicability 
as parts which can fit into a pre-conceived pattern of real-
ity which is pleasing (and, therefore, excellent) to 
Tuckerman. Best evidences of this are in his long contem-
lations of ancient Roman ruins, and of English medieval 
castles (which he sees largely in the light of Sir Walter 
Scott's historical romances). See The Italian Sketch Book, 
(184S), pp. 54, 142; A Month in England, Chapters IV, VI, 
VIII; and Isabel, pp. _80-$1, 193-195, 210. 
51. Henry Theodore Tuckerman, America and her 
Commentators (New York, 1864), p. 200,--hereafter cited as 
America; 11 Travel, 11 The Optimist, (New York, 1S50), pp. 31-59. 
52. Tuckerman, Isabel, p. 184. Tuckerman 1 s roman-
ticism in this is echoed by William Dean Howells: 11 ??? at 
any s pot where men have been moved to great actions, he 
O!owelli) was willing to be entranced. 1At home, 1 he says, 
'one may read history, but one can realize it as if it were 
something fersonally experienced, only on the spot where it 
was lived. To effect this realization, Howells believed, 
67 
was the prime use of travel. " (Willard Thorpe, 11 Pilgrims 1 
Return, 11 Literary History of the Unit ed States, II, g39.) 
53 . Tuckerman, Isabel, p . 1g2. 
54. Tuckerman, The Italian Sketch Book, (1g4g), 
p . 86; also "New England Philosophy, 11 The Optimist, p. 5. 
This of course brings to mind Tuckerman 1s aversion for the 
commerc ial, utilitarian aspect of American character, and to 
its dominant existence in the Real world in neglect of the 
wealths of the Romantic world to which Tuckerman had given 
his a llegiance. The best extended reference to this in 
Tuckerman 1 s published works , is his portrait of Clifford 
Frazier, Isabel ' s uncle, 11 a thorough utilitarian, " in 
Isabel . Jarves also mentions at some length American local 
rovincia lities and pecul iarities , adding tha t these will 
t end to disappear as 11 we increase in wisdom and general 
knowledge of the world ???. 11 See James J a ckson J arves , 
Italian Rambles, Studies of Life and Manners in New and Old 
Italy, (New York, 1333), pp . 407-411, et passim. 
55. Tuckerman, "Tra vel," The Optimist, pp. 31-59 , 
esp. 51. 
56. Tuck erma n, "Travel, 11 The Optimist, p. 51; also 
Isabel, pp . 100-101. However, Tuckerman still holds himself 
aloof , physically and mentally, from the masses of people. 
He admits only a spiritual sort of romantic relationship. 
Had Tuckerman been able to link himself into the vas t picture 
of mankind as did Hawthorne (who at the sight of the poor in 
England cri ed out: 11 God help them, and us likewise, their 
brethren and sisters!") perhaps his impression might have 
proved more lasting. (See Nathaniel Hawthorne, Our Old Home, 
A Series of English Sketches, \)Jew York, 1863] p. 320.) 
57. Tuckerman, "Travel" The Optimist, p. 57. There 
follows a page and a half of examples of possible subjective 
c onjurations, inspirations, and imaginations. 
58. Tuckerman, "Travel, 11 The Optimist, p. 59. 
59. Tuckerman, A Month in England, p. 30, also 7-g; 
and The Italian Sketch Book, (1S35), f? 135; Isabel, p. lOS; 
Leaves, p. 164; Book of the Artists, New York, 1?67), 
P ? 150. 
60. Tuckerman, A Month in England, p. 193. 
61. Tuckerman, obviously, thought himself to be a 
thoroughly educated person. He knew himself to be 11 self-
educated, 11 and felt this to be the only valid education 
possible. (A Month in England, p. 149.) Yet, his guide 
t hroughout his life must have been solely his own subjective 
tastes and sensitivities, and these, admitted or not, were 
shaped by his age f or better or for worse. 
62 . I sabel, p . 16. 
63. Tuckerman, Isabel, pp. 7-S, 20; The Italian 
Sketch Book, (1S4S), p . 91. Other travelers who found ship-
board life disagreeable also were: David R. Locke, Nasby in 
Exile ???? , pp . 25-26 ; and Henry B. McLellan, Journal of a 
Residence in Scotland ???? , (Boston, 1834), pp . 82-91. 
Although Tuckerman states that life aboard ship can be uncom-
forta ble, he does mention briefly tha t it can be pleasant 
also. He describes a few of the games which are played to 
wh i le away the time, and specifies that often in the party 
there may be those of great "socia l excellence"; he even 
ment ions the existence of a tendency for close friendships, 
"even love," which may result from shipboard society. See 
Tuckerman, The Italian Sketch Book, (1S4S), pp . 96-98, 232-
233 . Cf. Erastus Cornelius Benedict's shi pboard attitude in 
his A Run through Europe, pp . 18-26. See also Ralph Waldo 
Emerson, English Tra its, (Boston, 1S56), pp. 30-34; and 
Samuel L. Clemens, The Innocents Abroad or the New PilHrims 
Progress ??. , 11 ( New York, 1869), pp. 18-30, 61-63. ow 
regrettable that Tuckerman lacked some of this easy humor! 
64. Tuckerman , Papers about Paris, p. 12. 
65. Compare the attitude of the jaunty N. P. Willis 
in Pencillings By the Way. ? ?? , PP? 47-48. Willis finds 
his company much more disturbing than his physical conveyance. 
66. G. S. Hillard, Six Months in Italy, (Boston, 
1853), II, 454. 
67. Tuckerman4 Isabel, pp. 15-16. See also Papers about Paris, PP? 41- , 99-111. 
68. Tuckerman, A Month in England, p. 131. 
69. Nathaniel Hawthorne, Our Old Home, A Series of 
Engl ish Sketches, P? 317. 
70. Nathaniel Hawthorne, Our Old Home, A Series of 
English Sketches, p. 31$. 
71. All of this was perhaps rightly so, at least 
for Tuckerman and h is Romantic world. Any deep meditative 
consideration g iven to the sorrows and ills of men isolated 
by circumstance in the "real" world, would have destroyed 
Tuckerman. As it was, he never rose to the challenge of 
reformism. Reformers, at least the more blatant activists, 
were abhorred by Tuckerman, most probably because he detected 
in their belligerence some sort of a baffling invasion of the 
Romantic by the Utilitarian, a merger of his un-rnergeable 
worlds. 
72. Tuckerman, A Month in England , pp. 130-131; 
but Tuckerman 's "philanthropic intensity 11 of mind pr oduces 
no further mention of any philanthropic endeavor (and a 
search of his private life reveals no evidence of any such 
a ctivity). 
73. Tuckerman, A Month in England, p. 79. 
74. Tuckerman, A Month in England, p . 79. Thus, 
for Tuckerman, the drudge and his life is a perversion of 
what really is. By r efusin~ ~o face it further, he is able 
to keep his Romanticism shiny and clean, undisturbed and 
unchanged. It, along with Tuckerman, simply lies 11 fallow11 
(in Tuckerman's own apt words), but it is very doubtful that 
there ever was profit, mental or spititual, in it, either 
for him, or for others. 
75. Tuckerman's American Romanticism had no 
exp erience with situations such as this on P in England, 
wh ere there was no safety valve for t he release of economic 
pressure, such as America enjoyed in the westward frontier. 
Tuck erman, along with most Americans of his time, could 
hardly comprehend the forces which created the spectacle 
they found so foreign and revolting. 
76. Tuckerman, A Month in England, pp. 72-73? 
77. Or an 11 insurrectionist" reformer, perhaps? 
7S. The rising English middle class, the shop-
owners and clerks and small brokers and businessmen, who 
were to dominate England the years following Tuckerman 1 s 
death, are referred to by him as 11 intermediate drudges." 
Tuck erman vaguely senses their potential, but has little 
but contempt for t h em nonetheless. (Tuckerman, A Month 
in England, PP? 7S-79.) 
79. This same New England provinciality which 
Tuckerman elsewhere condemns in others, is most vividly 
evident in Tuckerman 1 s basic assumption, (never stated but 
implied throughout) that America is Boston, and that Boston 
morality and social achievement is the American norm. Tuck-
erman1s championing of America throughout his travel accounts 
is really the championing of Boston by a native Bostonian. 
Tuckerman 1 s writings reveal him to be basically out of touch 
with the vibrant young America which was thriving up around 
him. 
So. 11 Let no one fancy he has witnessed the lowest 
degree of human destiny until he has seen the mendicants of 
Sicily. 11 Tuckerman, Isabel, p. S4. One wonders why the 
e conomic 11 drudge 11 in England disturbed him so. He was not 
emo tionally upset in the least by the Italian and Sicilian 
7o 
beggars. Could it be merely a matter of familiarity? 
Tuckerma n was much longer in South ern Europe than in England. 
Or could it be that Tuckerman 1 s philosophy in 1853 was 
defined much more clearly than it had been in 1833? 
Sl. Tuckerman, Isabel, p. 95. Here a gain, perhaps, 
the basic problem is the absence of beauty. 
82. Tuckerman, Isabel, p. 178. Compare G. S. Hillard's 
similar reaction in his Six Months in Italy, II, 452. Tucker-
man implies that some of these same ingredients exist in the 
court which surrounds Louis Napoleon of France (see Papers 
about Paris, p. 116), but, again, it is implication only. 
One wonders whether Tuckerman might have perceived much more 
than he recorded. M. P. Willis in his Pencillings By the Way, 
P? 74, obviously does. 
A few years later William Dean Howells repeated 
the same accusations against Italian society. (See W. D. 
Howells, Tuscan Cities, [l3oston, 1886], pp. 91-92), and Henry 
James, Portraits of Places, [Boston, 1883], PP? 236-238.) 
S3. See, for example, Tuckerman, Isabel, pp . 34-35, 
39, 83, 84, 147; A Month in England, pp. 70, 129-131, 133, 190; 
Papers about Paris, PP? 34, 50-51, 75, 87,. 112-113? and The 
Italian Sketch Book, pp. 78-79, 80, 131; {1848), 34 2. 
84. Tuckerman, Papers about Paris, pp . 32-33. 
85. James Jackson Jarves, Parisian Sirhts and French 
Principles Seen through American Spectacles,New York, 1855), 
p. 14?. 
86. See Tuckerman 1 s scholarly achievement, America; 
also his rather fine starts at analysis as seen in Papers 
about Paris, pp. 16-17, 34, 130; A Month in England, pp . 78-79, 
237; Isabel, pp. 111-124; and The Italian Sketch Book, P? 158. 
87. See Tuckerman 1 s laudatory essay 11 The Prose Poet: 
Nathaniel Hawthorne," Mental Portraits, pp. 250-270. Interest-
ingly enough, Tuckerman wrote twenty pages of praise of 
Hawthorne's artistic skill, his truth to his subject matter, 
his excellent style 11 the staple of cha rming invention is 
adorned with the purest graces of style," but he never men-
tioned Hawthorne's allegorical struggle with evil and the 
real world. 
BS. Tuckerman, Papers about Paris, PP? 32-33, 133-134. 
89. Tuckerman, The Italia.n Sketch Book, (1848), p. 87. 
90. Tuckerman, Papers about Paris, p. 70. 
91. Tuckerman , The Italian Sketch Book, pp. 7g-79; 
Isabel, pp. 169-180; and Papers about Paris, pD. 31-32 . 
- ~-----=-==------=-------------=== ---
71 
92. Tuckerman, A Month in England, pp. 129-130; and 
Papers about Paris, pp. 61-62. 
93? Tuckerman, Papers about Paris, p. 87. 
94. Parallel, and perhaps basic, to all of this are 
other basic Tuckerman problems: commerce and comfort; wealth, 
aristocracy, and the preservation of the excellent; and 
marriage, love, the woman image. 
95. See Tuckerman's very brief review of Emerson's 
essays in 11 A Sketch of American Literature, 11 in Thomas Budd 
Shaw A Complete Manual of English Literature, (New York, 
1868~, p. 503. Occasionally, but always most briefly, Tucker-
man mentions Emerson or his works; see, for examples, 11 New 
England Philosophy, 11 The O~timist, (New York, H~50), P? 23 n.; 
"The Moralist, Channing, 11 haracteristics, (1849) p. 75; and 
Book of the Artists, American Artist Life ??? , 1\N ew York, 
1367), PP ? 273 n., 344. 
96. In a letter to James Elliot Cabot, August 3, 1845, 
Emerson noted that he had read 11 Mr Tuckerman 1 s book ??? with 
great pleasure and respect." (See The Letters of Ralph Waldo 
Emerson, ed., Ralph L. Rusk, [ New York, 1939] , III, 293.) 
That, at this time, there existed no personal acquaintanceship 
between Tuckerman and Emerson, is evidenced by Emerson's later 
letter to Cabot reporting that he had lent 11 Mr Tuckerman 1 s book 
??? to Miss Peabody ??? & she lost it ???? If Mr Tucker-
man will not put his book into the shops, will you not prevail 
with him to give you another for me: tell him I also am a 
maker of books, & will testify my sense of his goodness by 
sending him the first new specimen I have of my own manufacture. 11 
( Emerson to James Elliot Cabot, September 1, 1845; III, 299.) 
This last testifies not only to the probable beginning of a 
friendship, but also to the general acceptance which Tucker-
man enjoyed in his day. (The book Emerson is speaking of is 
most likely Tuckerman 1 s Thoughts on the Poets.) 
97. See Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman 
Family, pp. $-9? Emerson remarks that the gospel the Anglican 
Church preaches is 11 By taste are ye saved" (English Traits, 
p. 213), and, in this light, Tuckerman should have made a 
faithful Anglican. However, it 1s Tu ckerman's American demo-
cratism which creates his criticisms. He cannot reconcile 
rich church and poor parishioners with any sort of true reli-
ion. (See Tuckerman, A Month in England, PP? 131, 133.) 
Emerson, basically, objected to this also, but found most 
objectionable, the results of the wealth on the free thought 
processes of the clergy. (See Emerson, English Traits,pp. 211-
213.) 
9S. On the Tuckerman family and Anglicanism, see 
Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, pp. 8-9 . 
72 
Evidence t hat Tuckerman 1 s arents were Unitarian is in 
Rufus Wilmot Griswold, The Poets and Poetry of America, 
(Philadelphia, 1g55), p . 500, who states that Tuckerman 1 s 
f a t her's brother was Dr. Joseph Tuckerman (who was a famous 
Unitarian minister), and that Tuckerman's mother was "related 
to and partly educated with another distinguished Unitarian 
clergyman, Joseph Stevens Buckminister ???. 11 Tuckerman 1 s 
own account of Dr. Channing's visit to the home of "one of the 
families of his p rish, who were bereaved ??? of their 
dearest earthly friend" is undoubtedly a description of 
Channing's visit to Tuckerman 1 s own home following the death 
of Tuckerman' s mother in H~23. ( See 11 The Moralist, Channing, 11 
Characteristics, (1849), pp . 70-71.) That Tuckerman always 
held himself aloof from any formal allegiance to Unitarianism 
is perhaps traceable to Tuckerman's detectable bitterness and 
hurt that Channing in this instance did not measure up to 
the needs of this family. Tuckerman does not criticize 
Channing's philosophy, but the hurt and disappointment are 
certainly a pparent. Tuckerman tries to lay this to Channing's 
own personal remoteness and separation from the basic needs 
of humanity. 
99. Tuckerman, "The Moralist, Channing," Character-
istics, {1 $49), p. 77, et passim. 
100. Tuckerman, "Preachers," The Criterion? or the 
Test of Talk about Familiar Things, {New York, 1366), p. 301, 
311-312, et nassim,--hereafter cited as Criterion. 
101. Tuckerman, "Preachers , 11 Criterion, PP? 30$-309. 
102. Tuckerman, "Preachers , 11 Criterion, p. 302, et pa,ssim. 
103. Tuckerman, A Month in England, P? 10. 
104. Tuckerman, Isabel, P? 92. 
105. See Immanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason 
(Riga, 1781), passim; but more close to Tuckerman was Emerson's 
transcendental interpretations of these ideas as seen in his 
discussion of 11 Idealism11 (Part VI of Emerson's Nature, [ Boston, 
1g36J ). Tuckerman certainly had access to this. 
106. 11 ??? a faith, not merely general but elabo-
rately constructed from our inmost experience, and vivified 
by revelation ???? 11 Tuckerman, Isabel, PP? 107-108. 
107. Tuckerman, Isabel, p. 107. 
108. Tuckerman, Isabel, p. 104. 
109. Tuckerman says this through Count Vittorio; the 
quote continues: 11 ??? Is it that we imbibe the language of 
73 
the universe, or are exhilarated by her music? Is it that we 
momentarily lose the weight of life's burden, or forget in so 
cheer ing a presence that the earth is not a gar den? " To which 
I sabe l replies: "It is perhaps that we realize anew the good-
ness of the crea tor, and thus renew our faith in his paternity." 
( Tu ckerman, Isabel, p . 104.) 
110. Tuckerman , Isabel, p . 104, et passim. 
111. Note Tuckerman's comments upon the Catholic cata-
c ombs , and religious consecra tions to death. See The Italian 
Sketch Book, (1848 ), pp . 294-295, et passim; and Isabel, 
PP ? 107, 146, et passim . 
112. Tuckerman, Isabel, pp . 107-108. 
113. Ray Allen Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 
1S00-1860g A Study of the Origins of American Nativism. (New 
York , 193 ). As a resident of Boston from 1313 to 1345, and 
of New York from 1845 to his death i n 1871, Tuckerman lived 
through much of this, and it must have had some influence upon 
his t hink ing . However, there are no direct references in his 
works to any of the events Billington describes. This perhaps 
is a nother indication of his basic separ ati on from the world. 
114. These feelings find expression only in his tra ve l 
books. As Tuckerman grew older he seems to have become more 
reticent about making definite Judgments (or, at least, pub-
lish ing them) about anything. Prime exceptions to this 
generalization are his stands on Italian freedom, and on the 
American Civil War. 
115. Tuckerman, The Italian Sketch Book, pp. 81-83; 
and (1848 ), pp. 294-295. Tuckerman does however, see a hopeful 
sign in the more free and open thinking of the younger Italians. 
See The Ital ian Sketch Book, p. 189. 
116. Tuckerman, Isabel pp . 88 , 107, 146, et passim; 
and The Italian Sketch Book, {1848), pp. 320, 343, et passim. 
117. Tuckerman, Isabel, p. 85. Tuckerman evidently, 
felt that he was fulfilling his "allotted share.h See also 
The Italian Sketch Book, (1848), pp. 100, 101. 
118. In his later parlor-to-parlor conduct in Newport 
society (see Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, 
pp . 174-175) Tuckerman reminds one of the Sicilian nuns he 
describes who "manage to maintain a surprising acquaintance 
with the ??. doings of the metropolis .??? 11 and who trade 
bon-bons for sweets of gossip. Isabel, p. 111. 
I -
CHAPTER III 
HISTORIAN AND BIOGRAPHER 
By the middle of the nineteenth century America had 
begun to take pride in her past. The early efforts of such 
men as Jeremy Belknap, 1 Ebenezer Hazard, 2 Abiel Holmes,3 
Benjamen Trumbull, 4 Timothy Pitkin,5 and Jedidiah Morse6 
began to bear fruit in such compilations and collections as 
that of Peter Force, 7 in biographical works such as Jared 
Sparks' Library of American Biography,g and in such popular 
volumes of American history as those written by George 
Bancroft.9 History-mindedness penetrated literary New Eng-
land, and the relaxed life permitted by large inherited fortunes 
made possible the monumental . productions of William Hickling 
Prescott, Francis Parkman, and John Lothrop Motley. By mid-
century American historical scholarship had even matured into 
controversy, and, as the century approached its close, advo-
cates of pure, objective, 11 scientific 11 history gradually began 
to edge out those of their colleagues who sought to impose upon 
historical facts a pattern either ideological or literary. 
Richard Hildreth10 was the earliest idol of this movement, and 
Henry Adams11 its most famous nineteenth century advocate. Al-
together the nineteenth century was a rather history-minded 
age. National periodicals began to publish materials of his-
torical interest; 12 and historians successfully entered 
74 
75 
politicrs and were accorded national recognition. 13 Boston, 
was the hub of American historical scholarship and the giants 
of the age, Prescott, Motley, and Parkman, were among the 
best of the Brahmin bluebloods; Bancroft and Hildreth, although 
not members of the high caste, were Bostonians nonetheless; and 
Jared Sparks, though born in Connecticut, was a professor at 
Harvard, and later its president. That Tuckerman, as a nine-
teenth century Bostonian, of established and accepted family, 
with inherited wealth, and filled with the Romantic spirit of 
the age, should thus evidence interest in American history and 
biography is not strange, but simply a further evidence of his 
susceptibility to the influences around him. 14 As an histo-
rian, Tuckerman produced one rather scholarly historical work, 15 
two quite scholarly biographies, 16 and three soft-spoken, sym-
pathetic memoirs of close personal friends. 17 
Since Tuckerman's ability and skill as an historical 
scholar are best understood in terms of his own thought and 
that of his day, first consideration will be given to his 
expression of his scholarly philosophy, its relationshin to 
the trends of Tuckerman's day, and Tuckerman 1 s application of 
this philosophy to his own life. This will be followed by a 
description and comparison of Tuckerman 1 s historical and bio-
graphical publications and a final estimation of Tuckerman's 
place as a historian-scholar in his own history-conscious nine-
teenth century America. 
Tuckerman states in one of his essays that the authen-
tic scholar belongs to a species of men, who, as a class, is 
76 
almost obsolete. He is among 11 those who regard order as 
es s ential and strive to harmonize by a nice standard, the 
products of thought. nlS As life is not thus "ordered, 11 the 
scholar finds it necessary to "isolate himself" fro m all the 
"confl i ct ing agencies 11 which 11 act upon the mind in this age of 
soc ial excitement," and, because he attempts to "conf orm to a 
strict discipline either of moral fe eling or intellectual 
t a ste," he must separate himself from the 11 herd 11 and from all 
contact with "inferior minds. 1119 He must adopt a manner of 
reserve, and of restraint. Because of this manner, the true 
scholar is thought to be proud and haughty, but, in reality, 
his reserve only hides his vast sympathies, repressed in one 
direction but redirected 11 to gush more loftily at the chosen 
outlet. 11 This redirection, and concentration, creates, within 
the s cholar, a greater "delicacy of feeling, 11 which is always 
accompanied by a pride in integrity, and a disdain for hypo-
crisy. Because the true scholar is a member of a "mental 
aristocracy" he cannot in honesty conform to the tastes of the 
crowd for the mere sake of popularity; his happiness must be 
romot ed more by self-respect, than by display or notoriety.20 
Although this statement is quite condensed, it is a 
r easonably complete explanation of Tuckerman's attitude toward 
the life and work of the scholar. The key to its practical 
application is in his philosophy of the redirection of sympa-
thies. Tuckerman evidently believed that to every man (of 
scholarly potential) came the imperative "choose ye this day 
wh om ye will serve" and Tuckerman simply chose to serve the 
77 
kindly arts of culture (wherein he perceived the Romantic 
promise of eternal soul-growth), and rejected the American 
Mammon of commercialism. It was a conscious choice on his 
a rt. He evidently did not feel that he was running or hiding 
from a more active life. 21 Rather, in hi s Romantic conception, 
his life separated from the commerc ial reality, and dedicated 
to the Romantic world of literature and history, was the best 
fulfillment of "the part assigned" to him "by the creator in 
the elevation of society ?.?? "22 Yet, he did not mean to be 
haughty in his separation; he felt that sympathies and interests 
(enjoyed by others) in areas apparently outside hie interests, 
were also potential within him. But the shortness of time, and 
the restrictions in ea ch man's capabilities, had influenced 
Tuckerman to redirect these lesser interests toward the greater 
(to him) objectives of his scholarly endeavor. 
Tuckerman enjoyed joining in the elevated discussion 
wh ich filled the better drawing rooms of New York and Newport. 
He liked being accepted as a member of the "mental aristocracy." 
Therefore, his "isolation" for the achievement of a "greater 
delicacy of feeling" is somewhat tempered from the expressed 
i deal. He states that "social enterprise and culture" are the 
basic aims of human existence. It is therefore, and in accord 
with the law of compensation (and this 1s really Tuckerman 1 s 
redirection of sympathies) that even the most absorbing duties 
of any special vocation be made subservient to these basic aims. 
For the toiler in the material world, he proclaims that social 
life thus may serve as an "escape" from the "mechanical routine " 
and "narrow s phere of experience" to whi ch his life has 
" degenerated . 11 23 and although the same terms are not applied 
to the toiling scholar , the same implications are pre sent 
hether he realized it or not, for he goes on to state that 
s chola rship could degenerate into "the arid isolation of the 
mere bookworm . 11 The true scholar, for Tuckerman, is a 11 social 
hilosopher 11 who gains much from the "interchange of opinion, 
the di scus sion of oublic questions, 24 and the exercise of 
mutual sympathy. II He must, thus, be true to his acqui-
s i tion of truth, h is vision, his insight; he must live close 
to the social life of his fellowmen. 11 The life of the soul, 11 
says Tuckerman, 11 is most real in the atmosphere of ideas and 
emotion and ?.? of contact with suoerior and select intel-
11 ences. ? II Books are the authentic scholar's 11 best 
viaticum 11 upon his mortal journey (the ourpose of which is to 
11 forge 11 his mind, not merely to 11 furnish 11 it); their source 
and their object is humanity, and the scholar will "cheerfully 
turn to society as the means to employ and to nourish his 
mental activity. 11 2 5 
Tuckerman 1 s application of this philosophy in his own 
life is clear. It fits well with his inheritance of Boston 
Brahminism. He perceived no conflicts in his equating as 
scholarly necessities, isolation and society. His demand was 
for isolation from 11 the herd, 11 from common association with the 
lower class of people . 26 Social intercourse with such persons 
wo ul d have been corrupting to that "delicacy of feeling" so 
i mnerative to the true scholar. For a member of the "mental 
79 
a r is t ocra cy" to hold himself aloof f r om s uch a s s oci ation was 
merely t o fulfill h is proper destiny. When Tuckerman s peaks 
of "soci ety" he employs the term in a most restricted sense. 
He refers t o those who are also members of the 11 aristocra cy 11 
to which h e himself be longs. These are the educated, the 
wealthy, the me n a nd women who, through inherited fortunes 
such a s h i s own, were emancipated from the slavery of economic 
need . The 11 humanity 11 he thus cheerfully turns to, is a very 
narrow layer of s ociety; it is similar to the Boston Brahmin 
society he was used to, and it suited the scope of his 
interests. 27 
But, basically, though his insight here is true, and 
his theory of the superiority of social association to social 
isola tion in the creation of the scholar, basically sound, 
the values perceived by him through his application of this 
philosophy are never deep or far-reach ing. Tuckerman never 
really knew society or humanity on any level other than this 
self-imposed restricted plane; the real problems of society 
and humanity never became apparent to him because hie philos-
ophy was never really applied. That he perceived this true 
relationship is certainly noteworthy; however, that he was 
unable to apply it more fully through rising above his own 
environment is regrettable. In his move to New York in 1845, 
Tuckerman probably meant to express his determination to iso-
late himself from the distracting commercial influences of 
Boston, and to purposely bring himself into contact with 
"superior and select intelligences. 1128 In his lifelong asso-
c iation and identification with New York and Newport society, 
Tuckerman sought after a development of a mora l and intellec-
t ual ta s t e commensurate with his intuitive identification of 
himself with a "mental aristocracy." Morality was in this 
for him, for hi s integrity dictated that he should follow the 
inner leadershi p of his intuition. To have remained in Boston, 
to have subjected himself to the duties inherent in his com-
mercial responsibilities, to have channelled his interests 
along these repugnant paths, simply because it was expected of 
him, was hypocrisy to him; it would have been catering to the 
tastes of the crowd (in which he probably included his own 
family in this case), in op osition to the higher callings 
wi thin him. 
Tuckerman, as a historian, was an intermingling of the 
Bostonian Brahminism of Prescott, Motley, and Parkman, 29 the 
florid patriotism of Bancroft,3? and the ethical moralism of 
Jared Sparks.31 He was a great admirer of Macaulay, and states 
t hat he is 11 an admirable specimen" of what the nineteenth 
century historian ought to be,32 and this, obviously, must have 
been what Tuckerman himself sought after in his historical 
scholarship. 
The principal tenets of Tuckerman 1 s criteria for 
writing history are his stress upon individuals and ideas as 
most suitable subject matter,33 and his emphasis upon narration 
r ather than interpretation as the only suitable method.34 
Other parts of his philosophy of history are all subservient 
to thes e major emphases. 
Tuckerman felt that the question to be determined in 
any writing of history was "the spirit of the times." This 
should be the main premise about which all other principles , 
as ''secondary" centers, should revolve. It is the duty of 
the historian to organize his materials so that in his presen-
tation these main ideas might be a pparent to the reader. (In 
this Tuckerman obviously sta nds with those historians who 
believe it their right to imnose a pattern upon narration. 
But, in Tuckerman's mind, this pattern ls organizational, not 
ideological. It seeks only to point out the ever-presence of 
certain factors, of course, agreeable with the author's view 
of reality.) In this regard, historical emphasis should not 
be national in the sense that the account becomes merely "a 
confused Jumble of wars, councils, and successions," but rather 
it should expr ess nationality in its portrayal of national 
tra its35 as seen in the individuals participating and contri-
buting to the events presented.36 
This emphasis upon the individual and his influence 
u on events in the run of history is part of the Romantic 
s irit of mid-century America. An inheritance from eighteenth 
century rationalism, it grew from the principle that every man 
was individually responsible for his actions, and, therefore, 
a free agent; its Romantic expression appeared in the doctrine 
of the intrinsic worth of the human soul (simply by virtue of 
human-ness), and the intrinsic power to act, rather than to be 
acted upon. It followed easily from this that the events of 
history were, to a large degree, shaped by the individuals who 
participated in them. Tuckerman's Brahmin contemporaries all 
subscr ibed to this . Pr escott' s brilliant portrayal of Cortes, 
of Montezuma, of Philip the Second, all are in this conception, 
each of them masterfully , if unconsciously, portraying the 
spirit of his nation, his people, and his time. Motley's some-
what more livid portrayal of Philip, and of his heroic 
antagonist, William of Orange, is in the same tradition, and 
Parkman's great men and their oppos ing ideas dominate for the 
most part his recounting of the French and English struggle 
f or North America.37 For the literary historian the struc-
tural ideal was in the domination of events by powerful men of 
o posing ideas. Tuckerman's advoca cy of much the same premise 
marks him in philosophic agreement with the dominant feelings 
of hi s age. That he did not achieve a brilliant practical 
a p lication of it was perhaps more the result of the interfer-
ence of other more pe rsonal standards, than to any major 
philosophic disagreement in scholarly theory. 
The precise boundaries which separate narration and 
interpreta tion in the writing of history, are not well-defined 
in Tuckerrnan 1 s theory. He is quite convinced that history 
should not be "profound." (That history written by Macaulay 
is not so, says Tuckerman, is "one of its decided charms.") 
"It is the office of the philosopher to follow truth to its 
last analysis, and deduce great principles from successive 
facts. The prime duty of the historian is to narrate. 11 38 
A historical account should be "graphic, methodical, clear"; 
it should unite "scenic touches, sketches of manners and soci-
et y , and individual portraits into one consistent and elaborate 
83 
i c ture of the era .?.? 11 39 "Simplicity and nature" is the 
fi rst principle, the "genuine rule of excellence," in writing 
history . The historian who seeks to write histor y with a pre-
con ce ived object in mind (as did Gibbon--"Cold design over lays 
every page ,") has mistaken the prime objec t of history which 
is to portray the spirit of the time, a 11 living picture of the 
past ." Such a writer substitutes for this true and natural 
conception, his own interpretation of the factual materials. 
In doing this, he lessens his own reliability, for he intro-
duce s into his account his own prejudices and factional 
doctrines . 40 Simple narration, authentic, clear, sympa thetic, 
is Tuckerman 1 s preachment. 
However, with the advent of the adjective "sympat he-
tic," Tuckerman 1 s clear sta nd for pure and simole narration 
be ins to be less clear. That the idea of sympathetic inter-
est should be a criteri on was integrally inevitable because 
of the really Romantic bases of Tuckerman's thought. The 
love of humanity and the search to intuitively comprehend the 
worth of each soul's contribution to the whole, made time of 
no consequence; the Judgment of the past, like the judgment 
of the present, could be valid only through the impulses of 
the heart, and never through the perceptions of the intellect. 41 
But, when this ideal is applied to the writing of history, the 
peril of possible author intrusion certainly increases. Vague-
ly, Tuckerman seems to sense this, but he rationalizes its 
necessity through citing the demand of the age for a strong 
a nd positive approach. In this respect, Prescott (whom 
S4-
Tu ckerman admires elsewhere for his "correct and tasteful 
narrative") is reprimanded by Tuckerman for what is really his'  
objectivity . With the excep tion of fine narrative (so advo-
ca ted in a historian by Tuckerman), Prescott seems "vastly 
overrated. 11 Tuckerman charges him with a lack of 11 earnestness 
of o urpose, that high and uncompromising tone of sentiment, 
that genuine love of humanity which should distinguish the 
his torian of the nineteenth century. 11 42 It is obvious from 
Tuckerman's own historical work that the 11 earnestness 11 and the 
"uncompromising" high tone of which he speaks has to do with 
the moral implications of the ideas and actions of the person-
alities of the past . The sincere historian, because he is 
''in earnest, 11 will not so neglect the opportunity to make 
"natural and sensible" observations and comments as the occa-
sion arises. These comments should be 11 spontaneous 11 ; they 
sh ould spring naturally from the occasion; they should never 
be forced. Tuckerman, thus, seeks truth in spontaneity. Com-
ments whi ch originate in the intuition of the author, even in 
writing history, still enjoy the authority of the oracle. It 
is thus Tuckerman 1 s strong allegiance to the Romantic philos-
ophy whi ch brings him, in practice, if not in theory, into 
the camp of the older moralist-historians.43 
Emphasis is really the crux of the argument. Tucker-
man felt that the historian ought to present to his reader 
"ample food" for philosophic thought. "Just, dis criminating" 
occasional suggestions and remarks were in good taste, but 
11 mo re elaborate or a cute comments" were absolutely 11 out of 
$5 
place in a professed historian." As historical method, the 
former was va 11 d, and the latter, invalid. The former was 
simnly II v i gour of statement, 11 while the latter was simply not 
h isto ry, but uhilosophy, and thus out of place. Beyond this 
Tuckerman desired only that the reader be furnished with his-
torical fact , " the material for analogy and deduction," so 
that he mig 1h 14t 4  11 philosophize for himself! That Tuckerman 
apnarent ly did not recognize the incongruity of his overall 
Position can only be Justified in the light of his devotion 
to his own personal Romantic interpretation. But even in this 
he Wa s blind to his apparent violation of his own rule of reti-
cence , Which absolutely forbade any personal intrusion. 
Tuckerman 1 s own scholarly work shows the influence of 
these ideas. His romantic criteria would adm  it no o th er b asis 
for hi story than people, their feelings, and their actions. 
For TU ckerman, history consisted of the daily experience, the 
d.a11 Y observation, the daily thought-communion of people. The 
historian was the man aware, the man remembering. He  i twas 
r,,,ho, With "an eye for the picturesque, a heart for the humane, 
a sen Be of life and its revelations, society and its amenities, 
Nature and her miracles," perceived "meaning and charm" in the 
fam111 ar and the disregarded. 45 It was, there f ore, mos t appro-
l'late that Tuckerman should author !merica and her 
~C ,46 for it fits well into the pattern of his 
scholarly ideas and theories? 
The object of America and her Commentators is twofold--
h:tst Orical, and bibliographical? Tuckerman hoped " to present 
86 
a gene ra 1 view of the tra its and transitions of our country, 
as recorded at d ifferent periods and by writers of various 
nationalities?,  and to afford those desirous of authentic infor-
mation in regard to th e Un  i te d S ta t es a gu1'd  e t o t h e sources 
thereof." ( And, in accordance with his historiographical 
theory, he added th at any II discussion o f th e comparative value 
and int erest of the principal critics" is 
11
incidental to and 
4
naturally growing out of" the above-stated purposes . 7) 
Tuckerman's materials are extensive. Within the four 
hundred and fifty pages of bis ~merica he cites by author, 
title, and content over two hundred differen t t rave 1 accounts, 
letters , Journals, and tracts concerned with the reactions of 
People Visiting the United States. 4~ His documentation, 
though not adequate by modern standards, is well above the 
ai,er age maintained by American historians of his time. He 
orga nized hi s materials chronologically and topically ~ by 
na 11t1onalit Y, beginning, rather broadly, with Ea r1  Y Di scov-
erers and Explorers" and continuing through French accounts, 
Br1ti sh accounts, Northern European accounts, Italian accounts, 
and th e records left by Americans who traveled in their own 
count ry. He succeeds in maintaining a fair impartiality 
t(hij r oughout, except in his discuss ion of the British writers. 
e divides them unconsciously into two groups: the fair and 
the unr h t on 
11
E
a ni gr, l isa hn  d includes a forty page cap er 
Abuse or America " in which his "spontaneous " remarks and com-
rnent s reflect both his Ameri can bias, and his pro-Union ci vil 
War 
attitudes).50 
Tuckerman's style in ~merica is in keeping with his 
Proc1 aimed th eory . He attempts to achieve the s pirit of the 
feelings of each national group in each veriod of time . He 
ca:reful l y avoids any dist inct judgment or comment, except in 
the matter of morals51 (which includes his judgments upon 
Eisn gland for h er negligence in supporting the Union, for this 
a moral qu 2es tion with Tuckerman 5 
He summarizes much, 
). 
and "1h en he feels it appropr iate to achieve the full flavor, 
he quot es extensively .53 He leaves much to his reader (whom 
he apparently assumes is as well-read as himself) . Heap-
'Pi>oach es cr iticism of his sources most carefully, often 
qdui ,Otin g the ad verse criticisms of others, thus avoiding a 
favr ect statement o f h is own. 54 When he cannot escape an un-
Praoi rabl e or di sagreeable comment, he seeks first something 
? se"1orth Y, and, after a discussion of this good thing , he 
a?ubolv ea , rath er cautiously into that which he finds objection-
bede  ? ..,5 As a whole, America and her Commentator~ might best 
and escrib ed as a cross between an extended personal essay, 
Tuck an annotated bibliography;56 and this is in keeping with 
Ve erman? a8 i m as stated in the "Preface" of the=$, and 
a~ ry much in accord with his scholarly attitude toward histori-
<::ira h y. 
gr However, contemporary reviewers evidently were not 
one atly impressed with Tuckerman's AmericA? Apparently, only 
on1 Of th e major literary journals reviewed it, and then, 
?er ' Y rnost briefly, stating that Tuckerman had done "a good 
"ice" both historically and bibliographicallY with America, 
8$ 
however, objec ting to its "one-s idedness in some
 r espe c ts, and 
to its incompleteness ," and finally conc l uding th
at i t was 
"worthy of general approbation and ci rculation .
11 57 The r eview-
y 
er , quit e evidently had given t he wor k only a cu
rsor
examina t ion , and t h e revi ew its elf refl ect s his o
bvious lack 
of enthusiasm. 
Al t hough Tuckerman evidently fel t t hat there wa s 
a 
di f fe r ence i n aim and int ent between his bi ogr ap
hies and h is 
i r s , 58 it i s diff icult to discern any real differ
ence. 
memo
80th are rea l l y written history; both serve to record
 in remem-
brance the personal thought and action of a fello
w human be ing . 
80th should s eek to "look beyond the casual landmarks 
tha t 
life, and seek 
Circums t ances lea ve a long the path of a finished 
to revive the habi ts of mind, the tendencies of c
haracter, the 
e principles of those who have gone before ????
 " 
Purpose s and th
In short, both ought to have as their major aim the dete
rmina-
tion 0 f the major motivations of their subjects, or in ot
her 
0rd , "what the New Testament significantly calls, 't
he spirit 
-w- s
th
ey are of' ?? _1159 Secondary to this is an auth
entic des -
ect's environment, 60 iption of the subj "? .? the men, 
the 
cr
ach1 
evements, the opinions, and the public affairs w
herewith 
 and truth-
? ? ? he was identified, 11 and this, if adequately
ru11 
Y accomplished, "would form a history of his tim
es, a cata-
~ of the means and motives whereby? ? ? social 
Pro~r i 
~ ess and national development attained the r pre
sent con-
dit.1.on.1161 
 
These two major bases were applied by Tuckerman t
o
biogr aphica l studie s and memoirs. They coincide in his 
historica l theory to h i s major demand that the historia n shoul d 
pr i mar i ly achieve "the s pirit of the a ge" over all else, and do 
t h is through a narrative presentation of 11 authentic 11 facts a.s 
they portray the creation of events at the hands of men. 62 
For subjects of biographical studies, Tuckerman seemed 
always to choose persons with whom he enjoyed a mutual sym-
pathy. Dr. Francis, and his son John W. Francis Jr., John 
Pendleton Kennedy, and Horatio Greenough were all Tuckerman 1 s 
close friends; they enjoyed mutual bonds of aesthetic idea and 
interest. Silas Talbot, as a devoted patriot and a figure in 
the Romantic past, also found easy inclusion in Tuckerman 1 s 
sympathetic circle. All were "nature's noblemen," members of 
the "natural aristocracy," self-reliant, full of native cour-
age and benign sympathy. For Tuckerman, each one of these men 
lived exemplary lives which, if recorded, might serve to set a 
moral precedent for others to fol l ow. 63 Tuckerman 1s recording 
of their lives is, then, in accord with his moralistic inter-
pretation of historiography; it is persona lly agreeable and 
sufficient for him, because he feels able, through intuitive 
mutuality of interest and sentiment, to justly and adequately 
portray their lives. Ulteriorly, however, his motives varied 
with each situation. The memoirs of the Francises had their 
origins in Tuckerman 1 s affectionate memories and in the desire 
of himself and others, to preserve some of these for others to 
enjoy. 64 The Greenough memoir is part of a memorial collec-
tion of Greenough 1 s better essays; it attains historical 
90 
irn ortance in that it defends Greenough as a great artist and 
a great man in the fa ce of contemporary public criticism of 
Gre en ough 1 s "Washington. 1165 The biography of John Pendleton 
Kennedy was done at the personal request of Kennedy's wife;66 
a nd the life of Talbot, as before mentioned, was originally 
initiated as a part of Sparks' American Biography series.67 
Tuckerman's style throughout his biographical work is 
most kindly and sympathetic. He seems to have striven to take 
to himself that attribute he assigns to his friend John 
Francis, Jr., the power to adopt his subject of study 11 i nto 
h is s phere of consciousness, to partake of h i s spirit, respond 
to his sentiment, and be prepared to defend his claims and 
illustrate his excellence. 1168 And this was most appropriate, 
for it fits in completely with Tuckerman 1 s Romantic reliance 
up on intuition as a major guide to the compreh ension of human 
character. His memoirs thus are written in a solemn, quiet, 
a greeably-determined tone, 69 which seems to indicate that 
Tuckerman knew that the memories he was calling up might be 
painful to his reader, yet that he felt Justified in the moral 
worth of preserving records of character. As a dedicated 
Romantic, Tuckerman was eminently suited to write such sympa-
thetic memoirs and biographies. In them he found means for 
his expression of some of the most salient of Romantic ideas. 
The sad, sentimental, melancholy tone; the low lament over 
the passing of the old, the honorable, the genuine;70 the 
sadness of death, 71 especially young death, 72 and the acknowl-
edgment of the great powers of nature, and their tremendous 
91 
ho l d over t he s oul of man; 73 and the true nobilit y of bravery, 
and t h e de ter minat ion t o l ive a nd the wi l l to die for pr i n-
cip le, a nd f or pa triotism, i n the face of any adv ersity,74 were 
all most su i table to Tuckerman 1 s frame of reference. More-
over, Tuckerman relates his a ccounts in tried and true 
Romantic terms. Strong sentimental a d jectives abound . Ameri-
ca n patriots a r e "gallant," "valorous," 11 orderly, 11 11 cool, 11 
"daring , 11 yet 11 gentle, 11 11 chivalrous 11 and 11 tactful 11 ; they fi ght 
11 bravely 11 and r e treat "reluctantly," and, when called upon by 
f a te and circumstance, they go forth "with a smile to die. 
. . . II Life is filled with an "undercurrent of melancholy"; 
though tful and kind men are "generous," 11 sympathetic, 11 and 
"strong 11 in the face of "stern justice"; they think 11 deep 
thoughts" concerned with the "fragility of pleasure," the 
"mutations of fortune," the "lessons of mortality," the "pres-
sures of care" and of 11 death 11 and the "loneliness of old age;" 
they are fond of 11 domestic retirement," and the "pleasures of 
home, 11 the 11 simple things of life. 11 75 
As a moralist, Tuckerman exploits hie opportunity 
fully, In the Life of Talbot his "suggestive" comments and 
expressions paint almost everyth ing either white or black. 
All Americans a re good, brave, righteous; all British are bad, 
infamous, grevous, calculating, selfish.76 Throughout, Tucker-
man admits no conception of any understanding of the British 
side of the argument, or of the social and olitical feelings 
of the American Tories.77 
However, in spite of this emotionalism in style, 
92 
Tuckerman is a reliable reporter of fact as it is available 
to him. His use of documentation in his biographies is equal, 
if not superior, to the practice of his contemporaries. He 
makes some use of appendices to support his accounts and to 
provide further information, but, most often, his sources are 
included i n the body of his text. 7g That he is yet quoted as 
a source by modern, reputable, biographical works is a further 
evidence of his historical reliability.79 It further attests 
his honesty and sincerity in his intent to follow his own his-
tor10 graphical injunctions, to present the reader with the 
facts to make his own judgment. Thus it would appear that 
Tucke rman sincerely believed that his own moralistic inter-
jections were not destructive to the sch  o1a rs hiP o f hi s work, 
but were simply agreement with his reader, and not efforts to 
Propa gandize or convert. 
Tuckerman's Romantic outlook upon the values of the 
Past brings him, at times, into a rather close alignment with 
them odern 11 grass roots," social historian. Tuckerman was a 
lover of the small and simple things of everyday existence. 
These were the "living 11 features and phases of life go to him. 
Re enjoyed working with old diaries, journals, letters, and 
records.~l He stated of the Revolutionary War that "the 
domestic correspondence, and the household traditions of the 
People, yield more dramatic hints of that eventful struggle 
than the annals of the historian. 11 S2 And he felt that this was 
true for Thus, he sea al rl c hh ei ds  t fo or ri  c ta hl e  research. 
more closely-related, the more minor traits and interests of 
93 
his subjects, and included them as of worth in the attainment 
of t he larger picture of the spirit of the age, or the nature 
of the man . 83 For instance, when telling of the interests of 
Dr. Franc is, he mentions numerous simpler i nterests such as 
newspaper articles, speeches, and epigrams which Dr. Francis 
enjoyed, badges he wore, and songs he sang and loved. 34 
Dr. Francis was, for Tuckerman, a grea t source of early New 
York so c ial history, 35 and Tuckerman sought , through a knowl-
edge of the everyday life-experiences of other men, to live 
i n tuitively beyond the limits of his own mortality. He saw 
in this relat ionship the evidence that man's experience in 
life is ever the same regardless of the age or time in which 
he lives. 86 He thus perceived the past as a part of himself, 
and he tried diligently to relate the everyday ac t ivities of 
his own existence to the common experience of the human race. 
Through this he felt that he achieved an understanding of the 
common search and realization of the ideal in human life, 87 
and, he felt somewhat humble in this realization. 38 
History, thus, for Henry Theodore Tuckerman, meant 
more than a simple chronicle of physical events. Separated as 
i t was by time, from the harsh and personally disturbing dis-
cords of a present reality, it must have partaken, in a sense, 
of some part of the Ideal for him. In Tuckerman 1 s mind it 
u erhaps attained the Beautiful in that it was constant and 
unchangeable. At any rate, for him, historical scholarship 
was a most va lid occupat ion. It presented a means for intel-
l i gence to partake acceptably of the life within the Ideal 
and for Tuckerman, as a scholar-historian in mid-nineteenth 
century America, this was most satisfying to his Romantic con-
ception . And in this he was not unrepresentative of his age 
which saw in history but the glorious reflection of itself, 
and the rather glowing preamble of an undeniably splendid 
future. 
95 
NOTES TO CHAPTER III 
1. Jeremy Belknap was an early local historian 
f a mous for h i e History of New Hampshire, 3 vols., (Bost~n, 
17e4, 1791, 1792); and American Biography ??? , 2 vols., 
(Bost on, 1794-179g). Belknap is noted for careful research 
and l i t er a ry i mpartiality quite remarkable for his time. 
A brief a nd excellen t account of Belknap is in John Spencer 
Bassett, The Mi ddle Group of American Historians, (New York 
1917), pp . 24-36, et Passim. Belknap 1 s granddaughter pub-' 
lished a s ympathetic biography; see Jane Marcow, Life of 
Jeremy Belknap , D.D., The Historian of New Hampshire, {New 
York , 1847). 
2. Ebenezer Hazard influenced the work of Belknap 
and many others through h is Pennsylvania historical researches 
and collect i ons. His Historical Collections, State Papers, 
and other Authentic Documents, 2 vols., (Philadelphia, 
1792-1794), is still significant as a collection of source 
materials from early United States history. An account of 
Hazard is found in Bassett, The Middle Group, pp. 36-44, 
et passim. 
3. Abiel Holmes, the father of Oliver Wendell Holmes, 
wrote The Annals of America, from the Discovery by Columbus 
in the year 1492, to the year 1826, (Cambridge, Mass., 1s29), 
one of the first reliable chronological compendiums. 
4. Benjamin Trumbull authored A Complete Histor~ of 
Connecticut ??? , (Hartford, 1797, revised New Haven, 1 1$) . 
Trumbul1 1 s historical writing showed evidence of much careful 
research; it was accurate, but extremely heavy reading. 
5. Timothy Pitkin wa s a Connecticut lawyer who wrote 
a Political and Civil Histor of the United States .?. , 
2 vols., New Haven, 1 2 , which stressed the affairs of 
New England and the virtues of Federalist policies. His 
Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States ??. , 
(Hartford, 1S17), is still esteemed as a work of scholarship. 
See Bassett, The Middle Group, PP? 45-46 . 
6. Jedidiah Morse, perhaps America's first geogra-
pher (Geography Made Easy, m ew Haven, 1784] ), also was a 
well-known New England antiquarian who authored A Compendius 
History of New England ? ?? , (Charlestown, Mass., 1804), 
and Annals of theAmerican Revolution ??. , (Hartford, 1S24) . 
7. Peter Force is the most famous of the early 
collectors and compilers. He is best remembered for his 
Ameri can Archives ?.. , 9 vols., (Washington, D. C., lS37, 
96 
1853 ) , which is a collect ion of rare offic ial and priva te 
cor r espondenc e and manuscript mat erials covering the years 
1774-1776. Force's original pl an project ed publicat i on of 
t h irty- s ix volumes, covering the years 1700 to 1789. Bassett , 
Th e Middl e Grouo , pp . 233-302 , is a s ympathetic study of 
Peter Force a nd h is efforts to preserve the documents of 
Ame r ica' s early history. 
8. J ared Sparks, The Libra r~ of American Biography, 
25 vols., ( Bost on, 1834-1g33, 1344-1 47). Although Snarks 
tend ed toward r a ther unscientific scholarship , he did gather 
most of h i s i nf ormation from manuscrip t sources. The Liter-
ary History of the United State s, III, 116, cites Sparks 1 s 
Libra ry of American Biography as 11 a skillful compilation" in 
s pite of defects so easily discernable today. 
9. Bancroft produced nine separate ext ensive works 
dealing wi th American history. Perhaps the most popular of 
these was his A History of the United States, from the 
Discovery of the American Continent, 10 vols., (Boston, 
1834-1375). The key to Bancroft's immense popularity was 
his skill in tapp ing the resources of h is own romantic, 
patriotic America. "Bancroft told the American people what 
they wanted to hear in stirring , dramatic terms; he had 
fixed ideals of heroic grandeur that dominated his work . 11 
See Russel B. Nye, George Bancroft: Brahmin Rebel, (New 
York, 1944), p. 186. 
10. Richard Hildreth 1 s proclamation for 11 scientific 11 
history was his History of the United States, 6 vols., (New 
York, 1849-1852), which was factual, dry, and heavy reading 
for anyone but scholars who had like interests. Hildreth 
was prominent in the American Historical Association which 
led out in the movement toward more objectivity and restric-
tion to critically determined facts. The movement was a 
reaction toward the irresponsible patriotism of Jared Sparks 
(and the popular but extremely unreliable Mason L. Weems), 
the floridit y of George Bancroft, the careless disorgani za-
tion of John Back McMaster, and the literary style and 
emotional color displayed by Prescott, Parkman, and Motley. 
11. See Henry Adams, History of the United States 
during the Administrations of Jefferson and Madison, 9 vols., 
(New York, 1?g9-1g91). 
12. Most notable among these were the North American 
Review, founded in 1815 and edited by such history-minded 
persons as Edward Everett, Jared Sparks, J. R. Lowell, and 
Henry Adams; and the Atlantic Monthly, founded by Lowell in 
1857, which published articles by Motley, Parkman, Charles 
Sumner, Carl Schurz, and other historically-conscious people. 
See Mark A. DeWolf Howe, The Atlantic Monthly and Its Makers, 
(Boston, 1919). 
13. George Bancroft is perhaps the best example of 
97 
ltehae dheri stoof r i an-po l i t ic ian. Bancroft, as the a cknowledged 
organizin the Democratic Party in Massachuset t s, was the 
Preside g power behind the election of James Polk to the 
of the ~cy of the United States. He served as Secretary 
Polk'? ~vy and as American Minister to England during 
!2.rahmlnaRmi nistration. See Russel B. Nye, George Bancroft: 
in politiebel, PP? S5-1S3. Other historians who indulged 
active Wh~s and diplomacy were Richard Hildreth, who was an 
Cha lai g ; Jared Sparks who secured appointment as 
Lothro n to the U. S. House of Representatives, and John 
and asps Motley, who served in the Massachusetts Legislature 
Russia e~retary of the u. S. Legation at St. Petersburg 
Loth
J r:1 oJ3 ? ee Chester Penn Higby and B. T. Schantz, John' J.P Motley, Representative Selections ??. , (New York 
9 ' and Bassett, The Middle GrouQ, pp. lSS-199, 224. ' 
famil 14? The social position and wealth enjoyed by his 
relatf must have brought Tuckerman into some kind of close 
Motle onship with the Brahmins, Prescott, Parkman, and 
Wouldy. The extent of his personal friendships elsewhere 
Writte~upport this supposition; yet, there apparently is no 
'Sketch evidence of personal acquaintanceship. In his 
.121.!tte M of American Literature," in Thomas Budd Shaw, A Com-
Pralsesa~ual of English Literature, pp. 477-532, Tuckerman 
beaut rescott for 11 the freshness of his subjects, the 
mount!dof his style and the difficulties he bravely sur-
as "re ? ? ? ? 11 ( p. 494.) Parkman' s work is described 
is briliable" and "admirably planned." (p. 496.) Motley 
finishe,ly(lauded for his 11 elaborate research and artistic 
here ? P? 532.) However, there is no known indication 
reiatior elsewhere in the published works, of any personal 
ls in onship with any of them on Tuckerman's part (and this 
osophyaccord with Tuckerman's reticent nature, and his phil-
wr1ti of) not imposing his personal business upon his 
ngs. 
fu1 r Tuckerman praised George Bancroft for his "care-
thou ~search and genuine enthusiasm," (p? 492-493), and 
and gtt the "special merit" of Hildreth s work =sits "plain 
Was 8 raight forward narrative." (p. 493.) That Tuckerman the ~ersonally acquainted with Jared Sparks seems obvious from 
lnte act that Tuckerman'? Life of Talbot was originally 
(seen~ed to be part of Spa"rks's Librar of American Biography, 
the r Preface" to Tuckerman'? Life of TalboJ;_, P? 1), and from 
ls5 .act that Sparks was president of Harvard from 1$49 to 
M.A3' it was in 1S50 that Tuckerman was granted an honorary B1o?rdegree from that 1natitut1on. See ?ictionary of American 
~' XVII, 430-434. 
15. America and her Commentators. 
Kenn 16. Life of Talbot? and The Life of John Pendleton 
~~?- (New York 1$71)::~hereafter cited as ~ohn Pendleton , 
17. A Memorial of Horatio Greenough, Consisting of 
a Memoirt Selections from his Writings, and Tributes to his 
Genius, New York, 1?53)--hereafter cited as A Memorial of 
Hor atio Greenough . See also A Memorial of ?.. John W. 
Francis, Jr.; and John W. Francis. 
18. Tuckerman notes that these are "classical" 
attributes; whether he meant to imply a condemnation of these 
attributes as opposite or contrary to Romantic precepts is 
no t c l ear; however, he does not seem to condemn them, and his 
own adoption of such attributes in his life indicates an 
a pproval . 
19. Although Tuckerman consciously strove to attain 
a genuine democratic attitude, and although he probably 
sincerely thought himself a strong advocate of democracy, he 
was more Federalist than Democrat, more Boston Brahmin than 
"man of the people." Such expressions as "the herd 11 are 
indicative of Tuckerman 1 s basic Bostonian Brahmin belief in 
the fundamental inequality of men. A more thorough discus-
sion of Tuckerman's political philosophy is in Chapter IV of 
this paper. 
20. Tuckerman, "The Scholar, Mark Akenside, 11 Charac-
teristics of Literature Illustrated by the Genius of 
Distinguished Writers, (Philadelphia, 1s51), p. 22S,--hereafter 
cited as Characteristics, (1851). 
21. Tuckerman's portrayal of the character of Frederic 
Otley would indicate that Tuckerman, at least in 1838-1g39, 
yet foresaw a future necessity and responsibility to return 
to lead the commercial enterprises of his family. Isabel, 
pp. 11-12. Compare Tuckerman ' s statement of admiration for 
J. P. Kennedy as one who was able to accomplish both of these 
alternatives 11 without sacrificing either self-respect or peace 
of mind. 11 Tuckerman, John Pendleton Kennedy, p. 12. The 
implication, of course, is that the course followed by Fred-
eric Otley would have entailed such a sacrifice for Henry 
Theodore Tuckerman. 
22. Tuckerman uses these words in condemning the 
Catholic convent system, wherein men and women withdraw "from 
the part assigned ???? by the creator ? ??? 11 See Isabel, 
p. 65. That Tuckerman never doubted that his "assigned part" 
was what he made it is evidence of his faith in the Romantic 
gospel, and the revelations of his intention. 
23. Tuckerman, John W. Francis, p. lxi. 
24. From Tuckerman ' s own life it is apparent that he 
meant the quiet, governed, dignified discussion of the drawing 
room, and not the more public discussion carried on by poli-
ticians and reformers. "Depth and refinement of feeling are 
l onely growths, and can no more spring up on a gregarious and 
f es tal life than trees in quicksand," Papers about Pa ris, 
99 
p. 15S-159. Tuckerman, evidently, did not see his own 
social existence as II gregarious" nor 11 festal. 11 
25. Tuckerman, John W. Francis, p. lxi. 
26. Tuckerman included in "the herd11 the immigrants 
who poured into Boston and New York in countless numbers 
during his lifetime. He calls them 11 i gnorant" and 11 degraded. 11 
See Tuckerman, America, p. 44-3. 
27. Vernon Louis Parrington 1 s assertion that the 
Boston Brahmin mind was most concerned with isolating itself 
from the issues of the day, would seem applicable to Tucker-
man in this respect; however, Tuckerman would have vigorously 
denied it. Parrington says: "The Brahmin conceived the 
great business of life to be the erection of barriers against 
the intrusion of the unpleasant." (Main Currents in American 
Though~, [ New York, 1930] , II, 435-436 1 --hereafter cited as Main Currents.) Parrington continues by saying that the 
historical works of Tuckerman 1 s Boston contemporaries, Prescott, 
Motley, a nd Parkman, all "suggest that aloofness from the 
sordid realities of America so characteristic of 
11 the Brahmin mind. (Main Currents, pp. 43S-439.) As Tuckerman (and 
probably Prescott, Motley, and Parkman) would have denied this, 
so does B. T. Schantz in behalf of Motley. See Chester Penn 
Higby and B. T. Schantz, John Lothrop Motley, Representative 
Selections ?? ? , pp. cxxv-cxxxi . 
2S. That Tuckerman should move to New York for such 
association when Boston and its environs were fast becoming 
the center of the American intellectual renaissance, poses 
pos sibilities for speculation. George Bancroft moved to New 
York in 1S49, obviously due somewhat to his political and 
social unacceptableness among the Brahmins. (See Russel B. 
Nye, George Bancroft: Brahmin Rebel, pp. 1S4-1S5.) Although 
Tu ckerman, apparently, was socially and politi cally within 
the fold, one might wonder whether a social slight of some 
nature may have influenced the young aspiring Tuckerman. 
That such a slight may have been felt by the Tuckerman family 
is not improbable in the light of the number of Edward Tucker-
man's descendents who moved to New York from Boston, (see 
Bayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Family, passim), and 
Charles Keating Tuckerman 1s rather harsh, sarcastic criticism 
of Boston, and its literary "Mutual Admiration Society. 11 See 
Charles Keating Tuckerman, Personal Recollections of Notable 
People at Home and Abroad, With Other Papers, (London, 1395), 
I, 19-22,--hereafter cited as Personal Recollections. 
29. Tuckerman, Prescott, Motley, and Parkman were all 
Boston atricians. All were the heirs of fortunes adequate 
to support them in a life of leisure. All found the commer-
c ial life of trading (which had produced their wealth) nerson-
ally disagreeable; and all purposely withdrew themselves from 
100 
parti c ipation i n it. All studied law at Harvard , all en joyed 
a Wanderj ahre in Europe, and all returned from Europe and 
devo ted themselves to literary and cultural pursuits. See 
Wilber L. Schramm, Francis Pa r kman, Representative Selections 
??? , ( New York, 1938 ); William Charvat and Michael Kraus, 
Wi lliam Hicklin Prescott Re resentative Select i ons ... , 
Tifew York, 19 3 ; and heater Penn Higby and B. T. Schantz, 
John Lothrop Motley, Representative Selections ??.? Tuck-
e r man was seventeen years younger than Prescott, one year 
older than Mot ley, and ten years older than Pa rkman. Motley, 
at least, was personally acquainted with the Tuckerman 
fami ly . (See Cha rles Kea ting Tuckerman, Personal Recollec-
t ions, I, 25, 125-126); it may be safely assumed that Prescott 
and Pa rkman were also . 
30. For example, Tuckerman writes of Talbot: "And 
then ca me the dreary interlude of misfortune; the reminis-
cence, too fresh not to rankle still in his manly bosom, of 
cap tivity on sea and shore, embittered by disease, privation 
and insult. And now he once again stands on his native soil--
a freeman, with the proud consciousness . of having been true 
to himself and the noble cause he had es poused; and proved 
by endurance as well as valor his claim to the title of 
patriot . 11 Life of Talbot, p . 102; and in John Pendleton 
Kennedy, p . SS: 11 Ke y watched the conflict all day and through 
the weary and anxious night; when morning dawned, the flag of 
his country still waved triumphant on the rampart, and the 
cheering sight inspired him in an hour of natriotic exalta-
tion, to write the 1Star Spangled Banner,' a martial lyric 
which has endeared hi s name to his countrymen and survives by 
virtue of its national sentiment and musical emphasis, all 
his other effusions." 
George Bancroft was well acquainted with the Tuck-
erman f amily, and evidently on good personal terms with them 
( a lthough he differed with them politically). (See Charles 
Kea ting Tuckerman, Personal Recollections, I, 152,157, et 
passim.) Bancroft resided in New York through the 1g50T"g; 
during this time Charles Keating Tuckerman records that he saw 
h i m often, and this must also have been true for Henry Theodore 
Tuck erman. That Tuckerman was personally acquainted with 
Bancroft is evident from his personal corresnondence with him. 
(See unpublished correspondence, Henry Theodore Tuckerman to 
George Bancroft , November 15, 1g64, and February 12, 1869.) 
Other members of Bancroft's family knew both of the Tuckerman 
brothers. Frederika Da vis, wife of Bancroft's nephew John 
Chandler Bancroft Davis, and a great favorite of Bancroft, 
writes of Henry Theodore's death in 1g71, and of Charles 
Keating 1 s grief at the news. (See unpublished correspondence, 
Frederika Davis to Mrs. Hamilton Fish, December 19, 1~71, from 
Geneva, Switzerland.) 
31. Tuckerman 1 s Life of Talbot was originally meant 
to b e part of the series of Library of American Biography 
101 
edited by J a r ed Spa rks. Tuckerman stat e s in h is pre fa ce to 
t h is wo r k that it is published separately 11 at the suggestion" 
of Snarks, due to the suspension of Spark's work on t hat 
proje c t . That Tuckerman was asked by Sparks to write this 
biogr a phy of Talbot is indicative not only of a cquaintance-
shi between them, but also of approva l by Sparks of 
Tucke rman 's historical and scholarly approach to his subjec t . 
With a r ighteousness worthy of Sparks, Tuckerman writes that 
h is historical purpose is "to render literary justice to the 
memories of our departed heroes, to chronicle their deeds 
for t he emulat ion and gratitude of posterity, and keep bright 
the escutch eon uoon which their names are i nscribed. 11 Life of 
Talbot, pp . vi-vii. Tuckerman is a more-learned Sparks, but 
t he ethi cal-moral interpretation is t h e same: "The superi-
ority of demo cratic institutions, as f a r as the individual is 
concerned, is moral and intellectual, rather than material ; 
t h ey involve, as their chief good, the necessity of self-
reliance ??? t h ey assume immunity from dependence or 
arbitrary f a vor to be an inestimable privilege; it is because 
manh ood finds scope, and not because honor or favoritism 
allures, tha t the wise advocates of free institutions vindi-
cate t h eir worth." Henry Theodore Tuckerman, The Rebellion, 
p . 10 . 
32. Henry Theodore Tuckerman, "The Historian, Macaulay," 
C aracteris t ics, (1849), pp. 190-191, et passim. Tuckerman 
u raised Macaulay 's authentic ictures of personal manners, his 
oi cturesque deliniations of scene and charac ter, his skillful 
interrelat i ng of cha racter and event, his use of primary 
ma terials, his clear narra t ive approa ch and his spontaneous, 
unstud ied style. All of tllese were representative of Tucker-
man's historical philosophy . 
33. Tucke rman states this ideal most clearly in his 
Character istics , (1849) , PP ? 172-173, in his discussion of t he 
sta tus of historiography in the nineteenth century; however, it 
is amply illustrated and variously expressed throughout his 
historical efforts. 
34. Tuckerman, Charact eristics, (1S49), pp. 176-177. 
This is a major point for praise of Macaulay. Tuckerman says 
l a ter on in the essay, that Macaulay does restrict himself to 
a simple narration of the facts with only an "occasional," 
"spontaneous," 11 reflective suggestion" or comment to assure 
his reader that he is 11 in earnest." 
35. Tuckerman was an exponent of the nineteenth 
century dogma that certain personality characteristics are 
not only peculiar to certain national groups, but also that 
th ese traits were inherent within the blood of certain 
na tionalities. He saw national boundaries almost as racial 
boundaries, and a knowledge of a person's nationality justi-
fi ed certain basic assumptions of his character. See The 
Italian Sketch Book, pp. 188-189, 192, 198-205, 215-2lb; 
102 
p( p1S. 4g6S) ~64 7, 4~4-415, 422-424 , et 2assim; A Month in Engl and 
l:,ari s pp6 ' 16 135-137 236-2~ et pa4 s sim; Papers about ' Pp . 153_ ?4 6 - ?65 , 135-1 5 , 156-159, et pa s sim; America , 
15 , 2o 6- 26 7; et passim. 
36. Tuckerman, Characteristics, (1349), p . 173. 
theory fJ? Parkman, in practice, veers
.  l!> f 1 arther from this North ~n Prescott or Motley. Parkman s France and England 
forth bet merica ? ?? (Boston, n.d.), see-saws back and 
and idea }een logical 1\ cause and effect ) and dramatic (men 
defect s tpeo ints w of vi ew. To Parkman t his appeared as a See ~nd planned to completely revise the whole work. 
~?ct1io1 er ? Schramm, Francis Parkman, Representative 
structurns ? ? ?? P? cvi11. Actually, however, the varied 
struggle" of the book lends reality to the account of the 
Motiey?s?f Pa:kman's work is certa inly more permanent than 
religio ?r instance, who followed the dramatic formula 
Schantz us 1Y? On Motley's theory of history see Higby and Pp. xxx~ PP? lxxxiii-cix; on Prescott, see Charvat and Kraus 
Histori 1-xlviii, lxiv-lxix; G. P. Gooch, History and pp. a ' ns in the Nineteenth Centur, (London, 1913), 
Nevin12s- .. ~, is excellent brief estimate11  of Prescott. Allan ~:!!!.!'_ric ? Lrescot t , Motley, and Parkman, American Writers
P  p o. n  6n iterature, ed., John Macy, (New York, 1913), 
men. 22 - 242, conta ins an excellent treatment of all three 
38 ? Characteristics, (1?149), P? 176. 
?39. Characteristics, (1349), P? 191. 
this i 4o. Charac~ t eristics, (1$49), p. 1ss. For Tuckerman we11 not only historical heresy, but literary heres
W ya  s asth   or one of the cardinal sins in Tuckerman's concept i on, 
reade e intruding of the author ' s self upon his unwitting 
r. 
?ions i1? The Italian Sketch Boo]!:, (1S4S), P? 420. ExpresW -orks. t h is i dea are 
0 multitudinous in Tuckerman's publ ished 
Conc1 42 ? Characteristics (1S49) PP? 190-191. Tuckerman He i Udes that Prescott "is' a kind ~f elegant trimmer. ? ? ? " 
hen: so "balanced" in hiS stand that he is negative, because 
(How glects his opuortunitY for a more positive position. 
}s 11~'-'er, as a nai-I'ator Tuckerman giv11 es him high prarse; he Sket~re, 11 'delightful /, uremarkable . See Tuc!cermOf a nE  n s  h of Am rican Literature" in Shaw,/!:.. Complete Manual 
OPini lish Literature P? 494. ) Illustrative of how v
t ah ra it e d~  ns may be is th~ fact that Prescott actually believed 
or mo istory "should instruct us to achieve a higher de gree 
he fer~lity ..?? " (Charvat, P? xlviii). Quite obviously 
his work was doing just that. 
103 
43 . I n this regard Jared Sparks's complaint to 
Francis Par kman regarding his purely narra tive treatment 
of the crueltie s described in Pontiac, would undoubtedly 
have been seconded by Tuckerman. Sa id Sparks: "Although 
you relat e events in the true s pirit of calmness and justice 
yet I am not sure but a word or two of indignation now and ' 
then, at such unnatural and inhuman developments of the 
inner man, would be expected of a historian, who enters 
deeply into the merits of his subjects. 11 See Henry Dwight 
Sedgwick, Fra ncis Parkman, (Boston, 1904), p. 222. 
44. Characteristics, (1S49), pp. 176-177. Tucker-
man's implication here that the most powerful communication 
is in suggestion, is not only nroperly a part of the Roman-
tic de endence upon intuition to communi cate from s oul to 
soul, but it may - also be a key to Tuckerman 1 s apparent 
sunerficiality as observed, for ins t ance, in his often vague 
observation and analysis. 
Tuckerman apnlied 11 suggestion 11 as a major 
criterion in all of his own scholarly work. In America, 
pp. ii-iv, for instance, he states that the work is "intend-
ed to suggest rather than exhaust" his subject, and that 
11 suggestiveness 11 has been a chief consideration in the work. 
45. Tuckerman, John W. Francis, p. lxii. These same 
romantic criteria were ap9lied by Tuckerman's brother, 
Charles Keating Tuckerman, in his Personal Recollections. 
In his 11 Preface, 11 Charles Keating Tuckerman says: "These 
off-hand papers consist mainly of passing impressions of 
men and things ???? It is the light experiences which, 
with a dvantage it seems to me, we might more frequently 
record. The wei ghtier ones record themselves. 11 
46. Henry Theodore Tuckerman, America and her 
Commentators, with a Critical Sketch of Travel in the United 
States, (New York, 1$64). 
47. America, P? 11. 
4~. Two hundred and twenty-three sources are named 
complet ely and used in discussion by Tuckerman; forty-five 
sources are only partially documented. Tuckerman must have 
been exceedingly well-read in the literature available in his 
day for, according to his "Preface" (America,pp. iv-vi), the 
sources he used were selected out by him from numberless 
others, as being most representative and most intelligible. 
It is of interest that America is cited by a modern authority 
as a reliable source of scholarly opinion. See George 
Harrison Orians{ A Short History of American Literature, 
(New York, 1940J, p. 106. 
49. Materials are first grouped by nationality of 
author, then by topic or major attitude; these are then 
104 
writ ten up chronolog ically with an aim for sh owing the develop-
me n t , or common preva l ence, of certa in beliefs or attitudes 
towar d Amer i ca among observers of different nationalities. 
Gr ea t es t emphas i s t hus is upon top ica l co nstruction (and th i s 
is a ccord ing t o t h e romantic historical attitude preva lent in 
Tu ckerman's time. See Charva t, pp . lxiv-lxvi). Unfortunately, 
t h ere is, in America, no separate bibliographical listing of 
h i s sources; however, there is an Index, a nd this is helpful. 
50. See America, pp . 253-292. Anti-British feeling 
ran high i n the North during the Civil War due to British 
commerc i al i nterest in the South's cotton. Tuckerman felt 
tha t British encouragement of the South in th e conflict was 
t h us urely selfish and materia l, in utter disregard for the 
obvious mora l principles involved. His deep feelings about 
this ca used him at times to lose his perspective in his dis-
cus sion of the Bri t ish commenta tors on the United States. 
For Tucker man on British Civil War attitude see America, 
op . 8-12 , passim, 242-243; and The Rebellion, pp. 37-44. 
In America, p . iv, Tuckerman sta tes as a secondary nurpose 
of his work, the 11 hope of vindicating ?.. our outraged 
nat i ona l ity." 
51. Tuckerman 1 s spontaneous, suggestive comments often 
took the form of simple descriptive words, or perhaps, if 
appropriate, a swift judgment on the private life of the 
author in question. An example is the following: "Among the 
exceptions to that general rule of ignorance and crudity 
wh ich marks the hasty records of American travel by English 
tourists ?.. is the once famous book of Captain Thomas 
Ham i lton. The author of a successful novel of modern life--
as far as literary cultivation may be considered an element 
of success--this intelligent British officer claims the 
consideration which is due to a scholar and a gentleman, 
although he was not the highest exemplar of either title." 
(See America, p. 223.) To a charge that such words and 
comments as these influenced his reader's judgment, Tuckerman 
would p robably have replied that he was not shaping judgment, 
but merely showing his agreement with what wa s obvious and 
true, about which his reader had most likely already formed 
a similar op inion. 
52. This situation sometimes created difficulties 
for Tuckerman. For example, Dickens in his American Notes, 
(London, 1S42), is quite harsh in his criticism of mid-century 
America. Tuckerman finds this very "shallow" and "egotisti-
cal." But, Dickens' condemnation of Southern slavery is most 
a greeable to Tuckerman. Therefore, Tuckerman praises first 
Dickens' great skill as a novelist, then quotes at some 
leng t h from Dickens on slavery in the South; he concludes 
that the discussions on slavery are "authentic," but that the 
work, as a whole, is II sneering" and II superficial. 11 ( See 
America, p. 220-221.) Tuckerman later indicates that Dickens 
105 
mbyu spt rhoaduvec i un.d  ers t ood to some extent the company he was keeping 
ng his account. (America, p. 264.) 
277_ g53? For examples of this see America pp. 77-so, 
27 313-328. I . 1 
Pp. 19, 5ioo Ty~ ica1 examples of this appear in America, 
, lo2 , 4H~. 
Occasio~5? See America, pp, 310 , 225-?29, 241-244. 
man contal~y, when the objection was relatively minor, Tucker-
defense ens himself with a 'spontaneous" and most immediate 
Tuckermaof the institution or persons maligned, For instance 
!2.!ates n quotes Henry Wansey {An Excursion to the United ' 
ing abou1 n the Summer of 1794, ('.sallsbury, 179"[)) as complain-
him fromtEthe discomforts of the American ship which brought 
exist a urope to America , Wansey states: 'There does not 
Passa e more sordid, penurious race than the captains of 
re orf s. an~ merchant vessels. 1 To which Tuckerman swiftly 
Captain~ A nobler class of men than the American packet 
nation ?(? ? never adorned the merchant service of any 
? 11 See America, p. 194.) 
summari56, America ls repetitive in examples of critical 
~Trav el es similar to the following said of John Davis, ye" of Four Years and a half in the United States durln 
Versesars 179 to 1$02 , London, 1 03 : Anecdotes and 
With n' philosoph i cal reflections and natural history items, 
a charumerous personal confessions and impressions, make up 
the acteristlc melange in which the vanitY of a bard and 
but w8 t~culatlons of a tr~veler sometimes grotesquely blend, 
result~ so much good nature and harmless pedantry, that the 
P, 201.) s diverting, and sometimes instructive." (America, 
Liter 57, The American Monthly Knickerbocker Devoted to 
~ture, Art, Scien~nd Politic~, LXII, (June, 1864), 
more 5S, Tuckerman evidently felt the memoir to be the 
Pers Universal work and th1S because of the subjective, 
Suchona1 nature of the author ' s relationshio to his materials. 
intui~ relationship ls much more conducive to the Romantic 
guide lonal inspiration which Tuckerman embraced as the 
this r to the universal norms, But Tuckerman does not put 
it at eallzation into exact words, although he comes near to 
times. See his !I,_ohn w. Francij!, P? lxii i . 
Tuckerman A Memorial of ?.? John w. Francis, J r., 
p. l o. 59 . I -
Tuck 60. In di ing the life of his friend Dr . Francis, 
to a~rman says: ~~~!"scenes of a man's life are as requisite 
adequate view of his character , as t h e frame of a picture 
10 6 
a nd t he p r oper dis t ance and light where by to exam i ne it. 
Every huma n being is more or less the subject of local influ-
enc e s, a nd hi s convictions and habitude s are insensibly 
~odified by his surrounding s. Accordingly, the place where, 
a nd t he peopl e a mong whom, a life-drama is enacted, are 
elaborately desc r i bed and discus s ed in all memoirs that 
aspi re to intellectual a1 d moral portraiture . ? ? ? 11 John W. 
Francis, p . xv. 
61. John W. Francis, p. lxiii. 
62 . Tuckerman 1 s biographical essays (such as t hose 
found in his Essays Bio ra hical and Critical? or Studies of 
Cha r acter, [Boston, 1 ,-- ereaf er cite as Essays; an 
? ental Portraits; and variously, in other essay collections) 
s hould b e read with these criteria in mind. 
63. See John W. Francis, p . v; Life of Talbot, p. vii; 
an d Jo hn Pendleton Kennedy, p. 11-21, passim. Of interest is 
t h e ract that Tuck erman holds Kennedy up as a special example 
to t ho se who have the financial means to secure leisure; 
Kennedy is one who exercised literary skill and also attained 
p oll ti cal p rominence 11 wi thout sacrificing either self-respect 
or p eace of mind. 11 Did Tuckerman recognize the implications 
for himself in this acknowledgment? (See John Pendleton 
Kennedy, p. 12.) 
64. John W. Francis, p. v; A Memorial of ?.? John W. 
Francis, Jr., p. 10 . 
65 . See Tuckerman, A Memorial of Horatio Greenough. 
Knick erbocker's praised Tuck erman 1 s defense of Greenough, 
and praises Tuck erman for his "faithfulness" and "almost 
filial devotion" in presenting his appreciation of Greenough 1 s 
g enius. See Knickerbocker, or New-York Monthly Magazine, 
II, (September, 1353), 297 . 
66 . John Pendleton Kennedy, pp . 19, 483-484. Tucker-
man 's work is yet considered the standard authoritative source 
on Kennedy. 
67. Life of Talbot, pp . v-vii. In reviewing the 
Life of Talbot, Harper's New Monthly Magazine, ( Nove
1 m3 b5 e0 r ,)  , I, 861, recognizes this fact as an honor to Tuckerman, 
and commends his industry in rescuing 11 from oblivion the 
name of a brave commander and devoted patriot." Harper 's 
p raises Tuckerman for his 11 flo wing and graceful narrative. 11 
68. A emorial of ??? John W. Francis, Jr., p. 24. 
69. The best example of this tone is in A emorial 
of .?? Jo hn w. Francis, Jr., p. 1-2, et passim; however, 
it is detectable throughout Tuckerman's biographical works 
( wit h the exception of Life of Talbot). 
107 
70. See John W. Fra ncis, pp . ciii- c i v, et pas s im; 
a nd J ohn Pendl eton Ke nnedy, pp . 10, 186-187, et pass i m. 
71. Tuckerman handle s hi s dea t h scenes wi th loving 
care . Almos t a l way s there i s the mela ncholy decline, t he 
in t i mation of approa ching dea th, the bedside vigil, the l a st 
lu c id moment s of t h e dying ma n, a nd the final words prophetic 
of a passing over r a ther tha n a n abrupt end. See A Memorial 
o f ?.? Joh n W. Francis, Jr., pp . 46-47; John W. Fra ncis, 
n o . xci-xcviii; A Memorial of Hora tio Greenough, pp . 40-42; 
and John Pendleton Kennedy, pp . 463-465. 
72. Joh n W. Francis is portra yed in the romantic 
l i ght of t h e young wa rrior off t o the battle of life, who 
fought t oo ha r d a nd too generously and perished for his 
goodness, a nd is carried home on his shield. Young Francis, 
a medical doctor like his f a ther, actually died from sickness 
contracted in treating a charity patient. See A Memorial 
of ??? John W. Francis, Jr., pp. 46, 50-53. 
73. Tuckerman makes a point to bring in evidence that 
h is subjects were responsive to the intuitive intimations of 
n ture. See Life of Talbot, pp . 25, 57, et passim; John W. 
Fr a ncis, p . xcix, et passim; A Memorial of ? ? ? John W. 
Francis, Jr., pp . 28-37, passim; A Memorial of Horatio 
Greenough, pp . 22-24. Tuckerman often applies much the same 
method to his considerations of his commentators in America, 
( see pp . 49-51, 118, et passim) . 
74. See Life of Talbot, p. 30, et passim; John W. 
Francis, pp . xci-xcix, et passim; A Memorial of ? .. John W. 
Francis, Jr., p. 46, et passim. 
75. See any of Tuckerman's memoirs or biographies; 
but especially Life of Talbot, and John W. Francis . The quote 
11 with a smile to die 11 is said of Kennedy 1 s cousin who dies 
at the Battle of the Wilderness in the Civil War. See 
J ohn Pendleton Kennedy, p. 315 . 
76. Life of Talbot, PP? 53-55 , 92-94, et passim. See 
also America, pp . 1?9-190, 249, 275, 285, 444, et passim. 
77. Life of Talbot, pp . 77-79, et passim. See also 
America, pp . 189-190. 
78. See John W. Franc is, pp . cvii-cxxxvi; and John 
Pendleton Kennedy, pp . 477-490 . The biography of Kennedy is 
most illustrative of Tuckerman's textual inclusion of sources 
79. Spe Dictionary of American Biography, VI, 5s1; 
X, 334; XVII, 280. 
80. Tuckerman praises John Pendleton Kennedy's 
Swa llow Barn, (1s32), because it does present a "living loca l 
I c ture. 11 'l'uckerrnan says: 11 As a record it is all the be t t er 
for not being a novel ?... Such f a ithful contribut i ons to 
ocial history have a perma nent va lue; they conserve the 
features and Phases of life and afford materials for the 
future analist and artist .... 11 See John Pendleton 
Kennedy, p . 14-9 . 
$1. Tuckerman 1 s biography of Kennedy is almost 
co mpletely made up of such primary materials, collect ed, 
organized, and edited. Throughout, Tuckerman offers little 
a nalysis other than moral a greement. 
82 . Life of Talbot, p . 10. Thus, Tuckerman believes 
that primar y sources are the best and most fruitf ul for the 
wo r k of the genuine historian . 
$3 . See, for example, A Memorial of ... John W. 
Francis , Jr., pp . 22-25 , et passim. Tuckerman sought to 
include numerous small accounts of good deeds, sayings, 
j okes, remarks, and homely occurr ences illustrative of the 
e rson's character . See John W. Francis, passim; John 
Pendleton Kennedy, passim ; A Memorial of Horatio Greenough, 
pass im; see a lso Ameri ca , pp . 7-8, et passim. 
$4. John W. Francis, p . lxvii, et passim. Tucker-
man 's ap reciation of the newspaper as a primary source for 
su ch so cial fa ct s is seen in his essay 11 Newspapers 11 in The 
Criter i on, pp . 254-256 . 
s5 . John W. Francis, pp . xiv, xv, xx, lv, et nass i m. 
Tu cke r man loved to ride around with Dr . Francis t hrough old 
ew York and listen to his tales of this occurrence and tha t 
ha pening, which took place her e , and there, on t h is spot , 
and tha t. Tuckerma n thus sought a link with the past t h rough 
h is association with one who had lived through these experi-
enc es now become history. See also Tuck erman 1 s A Month in 
Engl and, p. 199, et passim. Such personal association (really 
a subjective immersion) in the past Tuckerman ca lled 11 SDirit-
ua l coloring11 (The Ita lian Sketch Book, [ 1s35J , pn . 214-215); 
it a i d ed him to a chieve tha t 11 retrospective ideality 11 to whi ch 
h is own persona l Romantic ph iloso hy subscribed so comp letely 
thr ou ~hout h is lifetime . l See The Italia.n Sketch Book, 1$35 , 
. 200 . ) 
$6 . Cosmopolitanism achieved through his travel 
ex )eriences helps h im toward this realiza t i on. After a visit 
to Pompei he meditated: "We seem to know as never before that 
h uman nature has ever been the same--the same in wants, if not 
in re sour ces . 11 The Italian Sketch Book, (184$ ), p. 135. 
s7 . In Isabel, Tuckerman has Isabel come to a r eal i za-
tion of her link with the past as a part of her past, and of 
h er rele tionshin t h rough the common search for the ideal to 
the souls of t h os e who actually lived long a go. 
109 
She handled the curiously wr ought lamps which once 
illuminated the little images whi ch had c onstituted its 
household gods , with mingl ed interes t and incredulity . 
It had not been difficult for her to reali ze the ancient 
orig in of the t emple whose decayed magnificance speaks 
eloquently of the past , but to feel t ha t she was surrounded 
by the domest ic utensils, the objects anciently familiar 
to t hat neople whom she had been wont to regar d with such 
reverence , se em ed scarcely possible . 
'The more I view the emblems of antiquity , 1 she 
remarked , 1 the more vividly I feel the truth of that trite 
saying--that ours is a common nature, that the same passions 
have swayed a nd the same genera l constitu t ion characteriz ed 
ma n from the ea rliest a g es. I know not how it is, but I 
have never been able to feel till now tha t the ancient were 
men , such men as now p eople the earth, only differing in 
mod e of life and meth od of development. But when I look 
unon these things , I feel tha t their wa nts wer e like ours, 
t ha t that the same burden of necessit y was laid upon them, 
but that in the earnest culture of the intellectual a nd 
ideal, they beautified, as it were, the rough athway of 
destiny , and wa rmed the weary atmosphere of being with the 
heavenly glow of enthusiasm. 1 
Isabel, pn . 47-4S ; see a lso pn . 75-76, 82 , et passim. 
SS. Isabel, pp . 153, 199, et passim. It is perhaps 
therefore t hat Tuckerman's Romanticism found modern abuse of 
the r e cords and relics of the pas t so repugna nt. See Isa
. b e4 l5 , ; The Italian Sketch Book, ( 1848), pp. 136, 336-337; 
Life of Talbo t, po . v-vi. Perhaps it wa s a lso therefore, 
t ha t he was s o irritated by the distractions of modern 
u overty and filth surrounding the temples of the past . Such 
; i ghts obviously did not serve to confirm the intuitive 
r eali zation s insuired within him . See The Ita lian Sketch 
Book, (1335), p . 27-30 , 45, 62-63; and A Month in England, 
p . 17. 
CHAPTER IV 
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHER
 
f only one small 
Al t hough Tuckerman 
was the author o
 American 
Pub11 t 
ary
 treating contempor
ca ion s pecifically the 
Problems l h ari ously express his
 attitudes toward 
, e did v
ill be the 
American 
It w
way of life in many
 of his works. 
 correlate 
Prospect  primarily, to end
eavor to
of t h is chapter,
ese o
le, i ndicative 
th tered expressions i
nto a negotiable wh
scat  
f Tuck d political attitude
s, as found in his
O erman's social an
erman's Civil 
Pub11 h arily, to discuss 
Tuck
s ed Works, and sec
ond
War sses his own 
attitudes, 
Pamphlet The Rebell
ion, as it expre
and the Prevailing spirit o
f his times. 
ed i n did not cor-
The world Tuckerman
 physically liv
 Ideal to 
~e8Pond e would have wished
 it to the Romantic
as h
ce, self-
~hich he had iven his allegiance
. Poverty, ignoran
g
's 
ishnes despotism, all the p
erversions in man
 
b s, Ugliness, red in 
st1 n, although a pparent
ly consciously i gno
e ality to ma
r as the years piled
 
his easingly stronge
Youth, rankled incr o easily 
such 1 s too high upon his
 doorstep for him t
ncongruitie
civil war which forc
ed 
Step over. s finally the trauma
 of 
It wa
or study out into 
Tuckerman 
bachel
from the quiet reser
ve of his 
~e ld, and which, in a 
sense, crowded 
streets of the Real wor
haps of concil-
him t 0 blance , at least, of a
daptation, per
a sem
 y rate, his 
expression in 
1at1
on, between his two
 worlds . At an
~ea ly at a spec
ific 
(his only work aimed
 direct
110 
111 
contem porary so cio-political problem) is not marked so indel-
i bl y With his chara cteristi c r e t icence, and he does come 
forward at l a st with direct accusations as to cause and effect ' 
al l of which have their romanti c r oots in his personal con-
cept ion of the Mo r al and t he Ideal . The gradual unfo l ding of 
thi s r ather limited emancipa t i on is perhaps best s een through 
his commentar ies, pos itive and negat i ve , upon the Amer i can 
way of life as h e saw it. 
And Tuckerman saw i t always through good Bos t oni an 
bifoca l lens es, 2 wh i ch enabled him to extol the virt ues of 
Amer i cani sm in such abs tract i ons and genera l expressions as 
"the people" and 11 t h e righ ts of the individua l"; and to con-
demn i ts ev i ls in more persona l definitives such as "speculators , " 
II Politic i ans" (as differentiated from "statesmen"), " t he herd, " 
and "th e r abble." Tuckerman 1 s romanticism, like that of most 
of h is B oston contemporaries, was basically conservative . 3 
11 
Bis exalta tion of " the people" and 11 the individual was restrict -
ed b ~v  the l i mita t i ons of his own Bostonian mora l and cultural 
standards. Wha tever, in the Amer ican experience an d h er ita ge, 
Was noble , and eleva ting, uplifting, and tinged with th e Di vine , 
Was eith er of "the people" (an expression of the Nature-Divine , 
11 
alwa Y -right "ma jor ity"), or of the 11 i nd1vidua l ( an express i on
9  
AOf  Soul - Di vine, always-right Intuition) . p ervers i ons o f t h e 
me~ican poss ibility were due to the machinations of selfish 
rnen?' in Tuckerman's conception (and in that of most Bo stonian 
B:r-ah mins) these were always minor discords to be named and i den-
tified as "pers ons" separa ting themselves from n the people. " 
112 
8 11 uch separations did not attain for these 
11 pers ons the 
glorification of "th e individual, 11 for they were obvious ly 
out oft to t he directing inu fn lue e, nci r er  oes f p mon os raiv -e 
lity and culture. 4 
Seen in this light, Tuckerrnan's deifica tion of American 
history assumes added significance. Hi s rather rhapsod ic 
exu1tat1 on i. n American collective co l onial virtue and victory 
over a misguided Brit ish Empire is perhaps merely his expres-
sion of wha t he sees to be the norma l action of the latent 
forces of Nature 5 (as seen in the collective intuition of 
"the eople"), and his own moralistic suggestions, merely the 
additiv e of the intuitive revelation through hims elf ("the 
1nd1 Vidual" ) ? Moreover, that America was the promised land, 
Tuckerm an ( along with most nineteenth century Americans) did 
not doubt.6 Looking back from his American vantage point, 
Tuckerman saw 11 a wonderful combination of events and tenden-
Cies of humanity, whereof this land seems the foreordained and 
inev1t able goal and consequence. "? The development of greater 
11 
1nte11 ectual freedom the spread of the idea of absolute 
s elr , t as sertion," t he emanc ipation of man from the " civ 11 iza-
ion of the sanctuary, " made the dis covery and settlement of 
necessity. 3 Arner1ca The subsequent a morally impera tive 
the United Sta
n ta et s1  o on fa  1 A merica as a free format ion of 
'Peop1 e bound together to protect their freedom, was perceived 
11 
to h ''-" e been divinely ordained? Washington, the high priest 
or nat ional duty , "9 "the Heaven-appointed chief, magistrate, 
rnan of America, 1110 fulfilled his "task to establish a grand 
113 
pre cedentull of a free nation . 
However, Tuckerman 1 s vision of the westward expansion 
of America is so completely romantic as to betray quite 
1
t horoughl Y his New England lack of frontier experience. 2 
In 
Spite of t he many travel accounts (wh i ch Tuck?e rman had 
read in h is preparation of America) which spoke of the 
hardsh1 ps, the i gnorance, and the filth of the hard life 
on th e edges of civilization , Tuckerman persisted in per-
ce1v1n g only that which was in romantic accord with his 
inner conception . 13 His American frontier was always the 
Romanti c Western New York frontier described by Cooner, 
and t h e a rch etype of the American frontiersman was ever 
Coon? er' 8 Leathers to cking. 14 Tuckerman's New Englandi sm 
allowed no conception of the arid wastes of the Santa Fe 
tra11 ' nor the vast monotony of the _Great Plains; even 
Californ ia and Oregon were seldom mentioned by him. Yet, 
he di d moderately cat ch the vision of the growth of America 
westward , and its ~reat economic expansion through t he spread 
6 
Of tran sportationa l ties over the wilderness, 15 but beyond 
thi s th er e is little indica tion of any sympathy with the 
bur geoning idea of Am erican manifest destiny. In his Roman-
tic Vi ew of American growth Tuckerman foresaw a development 
f"ab:r - greater t han mere material or geographic expansion; his 
:r>oad Yiew" ]lroclaimed that a comprehension of the American 
0 'PPo:r-tuni ties and possibilities were be yond the ordinary 
na:r-..... .-. ow and conventiona l critical criteria employed by his 
cont emporaries.16 The America of t he future held for 
114 
Tuckerman a sort of vague conj unction of the Romantic and 
the Real ' where a final realization of the "grand human worth 
the promise and beauty of our institutions and opportunities" ' 
Would result in a civiliza tion truly human, and cosmopolitan ' 17 
a reall Y real manifestation of the Romantic good life. 
But these conceptions were all the products of 
Tuckerman's Romantic attitudes. He met the actualities of 
American 1 i fe (when t hey co uld not be avoided or i gnored) 
clad in the prot ective folds of an inherited New England 
conse rvati sm . He proclaimed as a 11 natural fact," that there 
are " p ermanent, natural distinctions 11 among men, and that 
there 1s II unquestionably a nobility based upon this diver-
Bi , 
tY--an aristocracy which no institutions can repudiate. 
? ? . "lS This "natural aristocracy 11 is undoubtedly identical 
i\Tith t ha t II ment a l aristocracy" which he states is basic to 
t he formation of an authentic scholar. 19 Regardless, it is 
obv1ous1 Y the heritage of the Calvinistic doctrine of the 
elect Which had gradually settled upon the Anglican Tucker-
mans through their close relationships with their good 
Piut.: r,1 tan neighbors. Emancipa ted from its religious contexts, 
became  for Tuckerman the basis for various polit1. ca 1 and 
hsiomc ial beliefs which, had they been actively supported by 
through real life activity, would have placed him squarely 
ana_ openly within the ranks of New England Whiggery. As it 
"1as ' his reti cence did not allow too public nor too repetitive 
ac. ? rnent1 on of these tendencies- However, with the shock of 
-t. "11 War, Tuckerman found it easier to let down a few of his 
115 
bars, and h e let comments escape like the following: "The 
crisis ? ? ? slavery, has arrived, and taken the form of an 
unprovoked rebellion a gainst the federal government ???? 
The double term of the Presidential off ice, the almost indis-
cr?l minate right of electoral suffrage, in connection with the 
Vast em.i gration of i gnorant and degraded natives of Europe, 
the facility.  in making and consequent recklessness in spend-
ing mone Y, the extension of territory, the decadence in public 
8 P1rit ' the increase of unprincipled political adventurers, 
and th e license of the press, have ??? worked out an 
1mm easurnble amount of political and social evil
0 .  1120 su ch 
comment as t h is one were good8   summaries of Tuckerman's poli-
tical and social stand in the "practical world," but, 
21 
Unfo rtunately , they were few and far between. 
That Tuckerman included himself within the "natural 
aristocra cy " he speaks of may be safely assumed. It is indi-
cated throughout h is published works. Even though he strives 
to id ent1ry "the people" (and, thus, himself) with the 
common American experience, hiB distaste is detectable most 
11 
or the There was sit mim pe ly.2  2 to o much of "the herd among 
Common A mericans in the "practical" world. The tendency was 
too much toward uniformity? ; "democracy not onlY favors equal-
c ? 11 and II publ
t iy c1.   Of ondition but monotony of manners. ? ? 112
0 I routineto   and imitation. 3 P:1.nion 
? ? ? reduce
?
s   society? ? 
'l'uck Parkman,
24 abhorred the 
erman, like his Brahmin neighbor 
in A 
trend American cultural ignor-merica toward averageness. 
an ce and lack of taste, though improving, were not of the 
116 
standard which Tuckerman felt that "the people" should have 
ev1denced .25 The impact of the 11 i gnorant and degraded" 
Euro Pean emigrant 2 6 upon the good Anglo-Saxon American scene 
Was omi nous in its political implications. Moreover, 
Amer1 can thought was being too much influenced by the demo-
cratic god of uubl ic opinion represented by the too-much-read 
newspaper. "There is no element of civilization t hat de-
bauches the than ??? newspapers," mind of our age more 
11
avowed The neT wu sc pk ae prm era  n w. as "ephemeral," casual," 
and "la mentable.1127 
worthy company 
T inu  c sk ue crm h a cn r ih ta id c al con-
Clus1ons of his na tion's social and political status. Alexis 
de Tocq? u ev.i lle had chronicled his own fears of the influences 
or the great leveler, democracy, upon the individual and 
Boc1a1 culture of man, in his _2?mocracY in America (1e35, 
l84o).28 Tocqueville had foreseen many of the problems 
l-vhich d isturbed Tuckerman. Tocqueville perceived the great-
est Pr oblem in America (and indeed in any democracy ) to be 
th I I 
e o1rer-ru11ng 11  tend ency t award II equalit  Y, which not only? 
in some measure, raised the standards of society's lower 
level s, but also corresuondingly lowered its higher attain-
rnent s. democratic society, by its verY nature, limited Thus 
I ton 11 11 
itse1r 1 nits cultural aim, tending toward a mono ous 
Barne ness, 1Taried only by an incessant and perpetual striving 
was considered a mo
a ra.r lt  er Wealth (which in a democracy, 2
at 1r
m
n e1 a sure of worth).n itself, and t' 
9 
he only admitted 
n s Ucha society, Tocqueville most feared the potential 
117 
"t Yranny 0 f the ma jority" over the bet t er interests of 
mankind . El ect ed officials were forced to submit individual 
initiat i ve a nd judgment to the average will of the great mas6 ? 
Thus ' pol itics attracted only men of low calibre , who either 
dishonora  b ly or i gnorantly, helped to further, legislatively 
th 
e grea t leveling process.3? Tocqueville, li ' ke Tuckerman, 
also d eplored the possibilit y of presidential re-election in 
America. He saw in this situation, but one more pressure 
Upon the nation's highest executive to maintain himself in 
the good graces of the common people.31 Universal suffrage 
Was als anothe0 r force which debased politics and aided the 
ag reat ( and, most probably, ignorant) majority to maintain 
Uthority over the lives of everyone. Such a state of affairs, 
said To cqueville, inevitably brought about a decadence of 
Pub11 c spirit and a loss of political interest among those of 
32 
the intelligent, cultured, but hopeless, minority. Such a 
rule b Y the majority encouraged an almost inevitable dominion, 
1n PUblic and private life, of public opinion, and a resulting 
effort by 
unprincipled men to tf  or 1m   ia tn  d c Ao bn u sr eo s  of ? 33 
the Press upon character were naturally the result.
Thus, Tuckerman and Tocqueville agreed as to some of 
the social and political hazards inherent in a wealth-orientat-
ea.., and majority-dominated society (although Tuckerman 
biro Cally . t) with its added dangers 
? avoided admitting this 1 as , 
Of U n1versal presidential re-election, political 
suffrage, 
Co:r-r nment and abuse, and tenden-
Uption and a pa thy, press ma lig
C1es onous and commont -natured toward an increasingly mono 
113 
social scene . That Tucke
1
rman respected Tocqueville s expres-
Sion of t hese views (and others) is evident in his comments 
in 1~64 on Democra cy in America: "The peculiar claim and 
charact er of De Tocqueville's work is that ?.. he has 
Patiently and profoundly examined and reported the elementary 
civic lif e ? ? ? with a view to ascertain and demonstrate 
abso1 Ute political and social truth .... No one can read 
his wo rk Without finding it full of valuable suggestions, and 
often profoundly significant. 11 34- Tuckerman then briefly 
summarized Tocqueville 1 s views, mentioning, along with others, 
the Points above enumerated: 11 Each distinctive form and 
feature of our political system is described and considered; 
and then the reflex influence of these upon manners, language, 
li abor ' family life, letters, art, and individual character, 
s more or less truly indicated--our restlessness of temper, 
monot onous social experience, devotion to physical well-being, 
a.bs orption in the immediate, unchastened style of speech and 
"1t>i tin g , materialism subservience to public opinion. The 
un1qu e privileges and'  peculiar dangers born of our political 
cond1t1 on, are defined and delineated, not, indeed, with strict 
ace uracy, but often with salutary wisdom and rare perspicacity.1135 
One cannot help but wonder what the thought relation-
T8h i p Was b etween the tw
? o men; but there is no indication, in 
Uckerman's writings, of elation at the dis covery of a kindred 
sp1i-1 t ? nor any note of gratitude or debt for critical guidance. 
Obv1 oua1y, Tuckerman must have considered his thoughts his own, 
no ma tter wha t their original inspirational sources may have 
been.36 
119 
Yet, Tocqueville was not the only prominent critic 
or A merican society whose conclusions were similar to those 
or Tuckerman . J ames Fenimore Cooper als o voiced many of 
the Cooper, too, believed in an aristoc-se same cr i t i cisms. 
racy 0 f worth; and, a s early as 1S35 in _Tiie Manikins, he had 
satirized Am erican social provincialism, corrupt party 
Politics ' and vulgar wealth-chasing ? 3$ Cooper, also, feare d 
the influ ence toward mediocrity inherent in a rule by the 
major1t Y, 39 and he found in t he "great immigration of foreign-
governing principles ?? ? ? II ers ? ? ? totally ignorant of ?.? 4-0 
a cog against universal suffrage. And in his ent argument 
long personal war against the "corruption of the publick 
:Press 114-1 Cooper most probably brought the newspaper libel 
P:roble m prominently to Tuckerman 1 s attention ? 
Tuckerman possibly had met Cooper through the mutual 
f:ri endship of Dr. John W. Francis, who Cooper had known since 
the ea r 1 Y 1S20 s in New York. Tuckerman records tha t he had 1
long ad mired Cooper as a "lover of truth, nature, and unper-
'V'ert ed humanity"? and states that he had, at one time, 
II 
~s~is t Aend" Coope'r  in one of the manY court scenes dur i ng the 
}{e\\r y In this instance, Cooper was defending 
ork libel suits. 
the truth of hiS 1nterpretstion of the battle of historical 
Lake Er ie, and Tuckerman states that he could not help admiring 
0 00Per ? confidence and skill in presenting and de f en d1' ng his 
8 
Case ? However, Tuckerman did not say in what waY he had 
t11 ~" Cooper in this defense, but it is most probable 
at it was as witness for the truth of Cooper's assertions, 
120 
as Tuckerman was himself some sort of authority on the Lake 
Erie cam pa i. gn due to his research and study in writing the 
_Li_f e  of Talbot . 42 Yet, Tuckerman's high re gard of Cooper is 
evidentl Y o coper as a person, and a literary restricted t C 
fig ure , and not as a social critic. He admired Cooper's 
II 
moral c ourage and sincerety of purpose
11 in publi cly combat-
ing nth e encroachments of the press , 11 and he stated that 
11 
Cooper n was right, in the abs tract, at least , but tha t his 
11 
err 11 II ort ' nalth ough honest and just, was imprudent, and 
II 
impolitic.1143 Tu ckerman not ed a lso t ha t Cooper "had many 
cber1 h in social economy as conserva tive as those 8 ed op inions 
Of a f eudal aristo cra t ?... 11 4
4 And yet, Tuckerman's own 
Vie Ws often were closely identified with many of Cooper ' s 
II 
cherish ed opinions''; evidently, Tuckerman's Boston bifocalisrn 
err ectively kept him from recognizing t h is f act. 
Tuckerman's own aversion for American commercia lism 
"'as rooted deep in h is early experience. 
TInh  mY  first youth the feverish thirst for gain 
wa!t in this nobl~ land makes life s~5chill, 
tempered to a wiser trust. ? ? ? 
Ana. t h is "wis er trust" (the worship of the Beautiful) saw 
foll y in the "feverish thirst" of commercialism; Ameri can 
success in enterprise (which Tuckerman envis i oned would some 
in sentiment) was, in 
day be equaled by a similar prosperity 
its Present sta te? , productive of "irreverence and material-
ism kind of me chanical, unaspiring , self-absorbed 
? ? a 
P:t-o ? _,,46 Americans were consumed with "a passion sperity. 
for ? ?" which , almost always brought wealth, and with ga1 n. . 
it th "pretension" and "auda cious 
e cheap show , luxury, 
- --- ------- -
121 
self asserti on , 11 which betrayed the American parvenu to the 
world (and to the genuine aristocracy, such as Tuckerman him-
self) ? 47 Tuckerman had little sympathy for the newly-rich. 
His natu ral aristocracy was innate, and could not be acquired 
through such selfish money-grubbing as he witnessed all around 
him. Yet, it was not tha t Tuckerman saw no v lue whatsoever 
1n th e commercial life of his country; it was rather that he 
felt that it was too stressed. It seemed to t ake over a man 
at the expense of all his finer attributes. The commercial 
life appeared to Tuckerman to be a part (and a legitimate one, 
too) of the American opportunity; it was the logical result 
5 
o( f the f re e expansion of American institutions. 4 In Justice 
and With good historical perspective ) Tu ckerman perce i ve d 
that indu strial exoansion in America had contributed much t ha t 
vi 
as go od t A meri ca
. n development, and yet had a great potential 
0 
for a further contribution . 49 But in Tuckerman's nineteenth 
century, commercialism, barga ining and trade, industrialism , 
appeared to him to have disordered American life, and swept 
aside a normal and equal development of American culture. 
This fact wa s markedly apparent to him when he examined 
the American political scene, The disproportionate stress of 
the commercial side of life had developed a generation deficient 
ne hi h 
in t' d ys 
11 The old defer-
g manners and motives of former a ? 
ence t o char a cter the primitive reverence for superior wisdom 
and 11, 5 0 
11 Statesmen 11 
natural have passed awaY? had dignity ??. and Tuckerman felt that a spirit of 
becorn e 11 pol iticians, 11 11 
Cl \Ti c decadence" had entered into the councils of Am erican 
---- --- .- . ----- - -
122 
government. 51 Thi s fee l ing wa s strongl y accentuated by the 
exnerience of Civi l Wa r and by its prelude of abolitionist 
clamor,52 but the conception itself se ems to have origina ted 
earlier for, as early as 1S4S, Tuckerman had strongly criticized 
the use of the Spo ils System in the appointment of American 
forei gn In 1356, in an essay treating repre s entatives.53 
De Witt Clinton, Tuckerman quite frankly (for him) stated that 
there wa s a dif f erence between statesmanship and mere politics ' 
and tha t t h ere bega n t o appear an unfortunate tendency toward 
a confusion of the two terms in American -public life. For 
Tuckerman , politicians were mere party leaders; they exhibited 
II 
sagacity" and "adroitness" in the achievement of purely 
tern Sta tesmen, however, were " instinc-Porary an d casual ends. 
t1ve1y11 their mission and duty to the welfare of con scious of 
11 t h e neoole." They were above any consideration of gain, and 
11 11 
"Were They were 11 noble fearless" and undi sturbed by faction. 
11 
court eous, 11 filled with 11 moral dignity," and the "love of 
11 
rnan. 11 54 In short they were men of "principle , and the prin-
c1n? 1 es they advocated were quite obviously those sub  scr ib e d 
to b Y the nineteenth century Boston elect, the "natural aris-
toc:t>ac YII  to which Tuckerman himself belonged , and towh i ch  any 
-do ti statesmen would obviously 
hw ell-to , pr 1 ncipled , prospe c ve 
ea "e t o belong , in soirit if not in the flesh, were he to 
~Dect Tu ck , Yet, in reality, any s t a t es-
erman s approbation . 
rnan o~ Politician would have been foolish to have waited to 
ach1 eve such an honor , for Tuckerman's definition really 
e~tend ed beyond the real world of practical life into  th e 
123 
smen " 
ideal realm antic perceptio
n . The "state
of hi s Rom
 past; living the
Tu ckerman laud
ed 
were a lways fi
gures of 
oliti-
11  with "p
stat esmen " y became mer ge
d i n his mind
evidentl i gh demands 
01an s11 meet t
he h
nd y to 
thus were beco
me too earth
a
or his criteri
a . 55 
ll of th is may
 
omantic a
But, however ethereal and r ro-
have b of dea
th and a t
een , the shock of actua
l bloodshed, 
aga inst the 
city Of ion in the Pr a
ctical world 
' civ11 ins
urrect
Tucker man 's com
placent 
hi h st k 
incinl es of t h
e I deal, shoo
e Dr ience , though per
insularity ots . But yet 
the ex
to its very ro
t of i ncreased
 
a straining its ha
rves
one for him br
ought 
 to 
-oh ic principle
erce nti philo
so
, and Yiel ded 
a t leas t one 
n
11 "e 
o
b phere. 
Y, annli cab l e 
in either s
g the war his 
cousin 
an says tha t d
urin
Bayar d Tuckerm o -oatriotic 
Henry 
t t
11 d literary eff
or
ga ve much of h
is time an
ce.1156 e is little re
cord of what 
se.i,"i
Unfortunately ,
 ther
t he wrote in 
actua1 ed 57 but the 
pamphle
s ervice he ner
form 1 
t Causes and s 
U. Ort n (The Rebelli
on, Its Laten
Of the Unio road58  Ab ) in 
New York 
'11l"u.e 3 ance Frie
nd
i o-n1r ic in Letters to
 a 
d of sorts of 
in th 
r
f 1g61, provid
es a reco
e earl y s ummer
 o
self intimates
 an 
his l" flict. The tit
le it
eaction to t h e
 con
 of the war; ''
latent " 
ana1 rdinary discuss
ion
e o
Ysis beyond th e sort of 
ca.us ely bespoke so
m
and "true" sig
nificance sur
es, t that Tucker-
d.eeb uestion. And, 
t o the exten
e q
. e.i, Wisdom in 
th  the 
lllan 
t
to speak out p
lainly withou
self 
w111 allow him t does show 
encurnb  pam
phle
 reticence, th
e
e r anee of
 his cloak of
 beyond the mo
re 
O!lJe ewhat
ce of thought 
certainly som
eviden
-------
124 
1mmedia t e out cryings of the common run of early war uublication. 
Briefly, Tuckerman's ma in thesis is tha t the Civil 
Wa.r is a moral conflict, induced by mo r a l causes and motivated 
by moral necessity; it will be remedied only t hr ough moral 
Ngr owth a nd maturity on the part of the American people 5$ (both 
orth and S outh, but mostly South). Int roductorilY, he states 
that this situa tion is no mere disagreement, but a full scale 
Crisis i n the Ameri can national existence. 60 In support of 
this sta tement Tucke rman briefly (but somewhat superficially) 
summar i zed the ma jor politica l ar guments upon which t he North 
rest ed its case , and which he felt the South was unable to 
refute except through the use of force. 61 Tuckerman then 
listed the following six po ints as 11 1atent causes " of t h is 
Situat?i on . 
First, tha t Ameri can materia l pros perity, incident 
1s1me lfishn ess i n private endeavors, and overconfidence in 
erica?n  institutions had created a decline in nublic spirit, 
and a 2e nera l neglect ' of civic duty and interest among Am eri-
cans become a 11 trade " to support seco
? nd-Politics had thus 
Clas s men , and the spoils syst em had taken the o 1 a ce of  
1n te111gent and patriotic s elect i on- Men without pr i nc i P1 e 
haa. b een placed in offices of high trust where individua l love 
Of S elr a nd the love of appl ause and f ame might be indulged a t 
th e exnense of "the oeople ," An autocracy of "political, 
gover nmenta l heroes " (as.  opposed to "democratic heroes" of 
8001a1 and humane appreciations ) had com Te h ii sn  to being. 
au.to cra cy wa s ba sed upon material ga in i nstead of mora l and 
? 
125 
intellectua l purpose; unon patronage , and ranks, and orders 
and titl es, instead of self-reliance and freedom fr om arbitrary 
favor?'  upon de pen d ence and servility instead of character 
dignity' and satisfaction beyond mere externa l material su' e-
cess? nobler ends of ' u on self-promotion i nstead of the 
sacrif 62 i ce, morality, and i ntegrity.
( Second , tha t American geograph ical and social isolation 
especially i n the South ) had r esulted in a provincialism, a 
narrow ' selfish, exclusively loca l i nteres t, whi ch had furnish-
ed Selfish , ambitious Southern (and other) politicians with 
amn1 mislead the Southern people into ' b ee l iem ve ia nn gs t o  that 
the origins of the crisis were external, instead of internal. 63  
b Third , tha t there we r e now irreconcilable differences 
etween t he t wo societies, North and Sou th ? 64 The economic 
u.nce rtainties of the Southern way of life had developed a 
society of adventurers reckless and careless, of low moral 
st 
andard ' stagna t ed , pa
' ssiona te, and selfish- Northern reli-
ance individuality and enterprise, on th e other hand , had Up on 
creat " su? er ior c iv 111 za t ion" which ene cd o uraged industry, a 
h onesty, self-control, self-? ossession, and personal develop-
rnent. 65 Tuckerman c om?ared the Southern leaders of the 
Arner1 can fight for independence with the Southern lead ers in 
the "Re bellion " and concluded that the former were "states-
of 11 11
m  e 11n  it 
II 
" a' nd "national h Principle or "?atriotism, integr Y, 
onor, ' u 66 While the latter were "demagogues " of "partisan-
Sh 1.p II 
' and 11 sectiona l prejudi c e ? 11 not recognize her cultura l 
Fourth , tha t the South did 
126 
ad e endence upon the North; the South, in all i ts localism 
nd provi ncialism, had l os t sight of its debt to Northern 
invent?i veness and industrialization. The South had need of 
Northern a nd artistic accomplishment , for Southern literary 
orator y would not l ast ingly preserve the traditions necessary 
bfo r patriotism ,?  and the herita,ge of the American Revolution 
elonged to the North a nd 11 t he peopl e ." 67  
b Fifth , that t he social alienation t hen exi s ting 
the tween the North and the South, -s utter l y unneces sary , as 
e North did not deny slavery , but only its extension. 63 
The real ca uses of this situa t ion were three: "menda cious 
Politicians" (by which Tuckerman meant those "unscrupulous" 
lead ers who us ed every means to destroy mutual understanding 
Tto  achiev e selfish ends), 11 irresoonsible press" (by which 
Uckerma n included all Northern and Southern news paper s which 
11 
Printed" gross invective 11 11 reckless s pecula tion, "inhuman 
su ' 
ggest io ns, a ll under the "influence of party zeal, and 11 
Persona 1 i gnoran ce a nd arrogance "), and "malignant philanthro-
Piststt ( by which Tuckerman designated all violent 
abo11t1 onists a sma ll but unscrupulous class of men, who, 11 in the abstract, 
in th e ost ensible promotion of an object which, 
? 11) ? 69 
is :t>i ght means practica.llY wrong. ? ? 'advoca te 
And sixth, tha t the misstatement and misrepresentation 
Of t he British in tota l disregard of the geographical 
fact press, 
of the American situation, and of the moral obligation 
8 
Of th e Federal Government , had deepened misunderstandings 
betw een North a nd South , and had encouraged the South toward 
Se ces s1 on. 70 
127 
Tuckerman seems to have finally concluded from his 
tiht inking about the war, that despite the war and the evils 
represents , there may be good yet to come from it. On the 
surface h e appears to be among those who saw in the war the 
fulfill ment of the  nationalistic impulse, the purification by 
f'i re of the nati onal spirit, the welding of the American 
People . 1 
But, for Tuckerman, 
into a strong national unit.7
The pur ification he 
this Was not the basic consideration . 
Preaches is greater than mere nationalism; it is really the 
revi Val call to Americans to achieve the Ideal in the wake of 
thewa r impetus of faith and personal sacrifice- For years 
Tuck erman had watched the slow smothering of the "old values" 
(or moralit Y, unselfishness, patriotism, and devotion to 
Principle) within the all enveloping and blinding fog of 
selfish materialism commercial ism and ignorant plutocracy. 
Bi had fall' s laments en upon deaf ea
I rs? Now, however, caught 
Up in the swell of wartime feeling and patriotism, he felt 
that h e was standing on the brink of a grea t awa.J,:ening; he 
saw i n the baptismal fires of war the invita tion to the Practi-
cal f or entry into the Kingdom of the Idea l . The war was the 
Shock of conversion--"Vain before were the pleadings and 
P:t>ote sts ??. vain the demonstrations ? . . vain the warnings , 
By no path but t he valley of humiliation could the 
national will b id d t self-knowledge ?... Every succes-
Si.._, e gu e o 
e Phase and process of the war is clearing avenues t o 
nt: riuth ' and purifying the whole atmosphere ?.. of the stag-
ant Vapors . Already it has subdued . . ? 
of corru ption. ? ? 
t he l ow t hrobbings of mat erial care and selfish ambit i on .?. 
128 
it has drawn ? ? ? more humane relations .?. taugh t . 
mutual d ependence . ? . made who le communities f amiliar ' with 
an ide a. dearer th n s e e wl af' r  ? ad. 11 72  b. ecome Th t he h 
means t 0 Romanti c salvation for the American spirit nearly 
lost 1 n mate ri. a li sm, nrov incia lism, unprinci led politics, 
8 ectional hate nd a lienation, and forei gn humiliation and 
disa PProva l. Moral ity was asserting itself a t last, and now 
for Am er ica w e as g rt eh a t opportunity to pu" r ge the government 
Of corruption . to?  c. o rrect its charter by amendments ??. 
ton to forswear private ationalize political parties. 
luxury a nd be loyal to public duty, to initiate frugal habits 
Of lif e, to substitute statesmen for politicians, culture for 
&;old-wors h i. p , comfort for ost entation, integrity for extrava-
gance ' principle for policy, contentment for ambition, and, 
11 
aTb ov e a ll ' an opportunity to rehabilitate freedom. ? ? . 73 
? bus th e war, for a time, sha ttered the barriers between 
1J1 .Uck erman' s two worlds? bv 1$64 he was calling the war a 
nsoat c r ed object , 11 a " ' ho ul  y cause. 11 74- Bu t the bl en din g c o uld 
l ast ' and as the war even more firmly fastened America in 
the narr ow ways of partisan politics , Tuckerman's rea lities 
l:'esep 
ar ted as of old. 
llJat Yet, there was a change . One vital idea , at least, 
ha Ut- e d in the stillbirth of war and the aborted attempt a t 
thr mon y. Deely basic to Tuckerman'? Romantic Idealism was 
e Amer1c n imperative of MoralitY? Deemed an interna 1 
ql l.alit Y or th it s always perceived by Tu e highest nature, wa 
0 ltet-m an to be most manifest in the 11ves of those who 
129 
accomnli shed heroic deeds in life. Thus, in his historica l 
Perspec t i ve , he s ought t o f ind in the l a r ge p icture the 
expr ess ion f the grea t moralities i n the lives of history 's 0 
grea t men. For Tu ckerman American success in the Revolu-
tiona r y W ue o the'  a chievement of these high a mr ow ra as l itd i est   
by th Unanimity of puroos e, a tre u sA tm  e inri  can patriots. 
friendshi a f a ith in right, a grea t willingnesP s , to unselfish-
ness ' t o sa cr ifice to suffer personal priva t i on or even 
the 
martyrdom f or a cau, se deemed grea ter than self, thes e were 
75 
accom P 1 ishments of the American founders. What Tuckerman 
erceived in their lives was wha t he chose to call "disint er-
estedness' " the virtue of devotion to a cause ungoverned by 
Pers on a l interest or the hope of uersonal material gain. 
Pristine morality , the categorical imperative of Immanuel Kant, 
right for right s s ake, the highest o1 f mankind's motiva tions, 
this w at w Ta us c keh r man held up as the accomnlishment of the 
Ameri can past a nd the apotheosis of the American future. 
Bet es e two layW  ee thn e th m isdirected present so encrusted with 
the filth excretions of an overstressed commercialistic and 
r1Tn ateri a lism, that the eyes of its spirit were blinded to the 
is10 No wonder that the ravages of war n of the future. 
a.pPeared to Tuckerman a s the tearing away of crusty growths 
from t he eyes of vi s ion! In a "thorough consciousness of hazard 
a.na_ a Voluntary self-renuncia t1on" 76 Tuckerman saw his America 
:t'i.s e a s of old to consistentlY follOW a moral purpose i n a zeal 
w! hich he rightly discerned as being root ed in the Romantic 
dea1 and not in the Practical? The prodigal past had returned , 
130 
and with it a r esur r de ec vt oed t ion t o di s i nterested service 
and mora l princ i nle . 77 
But with the loss of the mora l war, wha t then? Disil-
lusionment , a nd r egret, and a return to the lament over the 
Past and t he lost opportunity, of course aupeared, but t here 
Was n 0 retrenchment i n princinle; r at h er th ere was a seeking 
after a r ea s onable explanat i on for its f a ilure to mainta in 
itself. But it wa s t en years after the first thrill of The 
~Reb -.l-..  l-i-o=n b efore Tuckerman's conclusions app rently solidi-
1 
fie d. The f ault, a s he saw i t , lay deep-rooted in the 
Arneri can way of l ife; ba sical l y, it was still due to the pre-
domi nance of the Pr a c t ica l over the Idea l. The American 
system ' concluded Tuckerman fostered the development of 
II I 
rnent a1 Public education t aught a discipline whichc  ultur e ." 
dealt II almost exclusively" with the acquisition of "useful" 
k:nowiea.ge. As "social privileges " were not equal in the 
Dni tea. this universal S edta ut ce as t ion t ended to produce 
II I 
ambition" "discontent," and an individua listic striving and 
anof ter social honor and approval ? In America, where there were 
w PestPictions upon political or economic preference, there 
as na tura lly bl f wealh th  and politica l a tremendous scram e or 
ono:rs. 7g The f ault reallY was that there wa s "no provision 
?e i.th ep in our civic educational, or economical arrangements, 
WiQe :r social disciplin' e or refinement as such; and, theref ore, 
find men eminent in certain departments of life, destitute 
SObf th a t sense of the appropriate, tha t insight and tact, and 
av e a11, that disinterested sympathY which , in the l ast 
131 
ana. l Ysis, is the safeguard and di stinct i on of Christian 
CiVil ization . 1179 In America "a cademic 
o
c fu fl it cu ir ae l  ' 
station , succesm s,a  t aer rei a  l c onstantly in violent contrast 
Waci the r tht he manners and motive s , t he considerat ion and the char-
, at should a ccomnany and emphasize these P. ersonal 
aistincti ons . Incongruity, antagonism, inaptitude- - the 
aebl sen ce of th e generous and the  genia1,  t he  refined and the 
gr aevtea ted in tone , b earing, and conduct of life, thus disinte-
con and def orm our social experience?" gO  Tuckerman' s final 
sorct lusion was tha t the great need in America was for some 
int Of II soc ial education" wh ich woul d serve to awaken the 
11
tlone :rests of Ameri cans to t he intrinsic values of the affec-
'rl s and sympathies ." In short, there ought t o be some 
ht- -t'ov1 Sion made to counteract the s oul-deadening forces of 
ct--nt'a ct i ca l ma t er ialism; somehow, Americans should be taught 
abe :ract er ' t ee0 k
p
  "avarice , egotism and discont ent ? ? . in 
habYi ance ' rt oh ugh a sympathetic, intellectual, and honorable 
t of mind and heart ." And in all this, Tuckerman but 
~:l. n?va nok   ed u th e gentleman , not in t he conventional but essenti 1 
gre ing of t he word .??? after a ll, do we not find tha t the 
the at istinctiom no  r ta hl ereof d i s usefulness? the power and 
therefore, consider or espous e , 
:l.nstinct to enter into and , 
tne :l.nt of others through sympathetic freedom ande  r ie ns -ts 
S?:?l.glnr  t. ? ? ? It is the social, as distinguished from the 
lsh f h 
~it dh   11 Sl ' ~ ar a c ter , that breeds our ideal o man oo ? And 
the this Jo in ing of the -or a ct i cal value ( "usefulness" ) to 
conce t
id ioe na  l II disinterestedness" as a Romantic rin-
Cil1 l Tucke e ri mn an's 
' mind a chieved maturitY within t he Pr a ctical 
132 
come a long his own road 
to an understand-
orld. Tuck erman had W  . II ?'  he had 
11  neighbor .. 
.
ing of the Christian maxim 
Lovc thy
11
 would love not - ?? a
s 
for he
even ' i n t h eory , surpa ss e
d it 
thyself thi
s ? 
, 11 bu t even better than
 
, 
r the war, as for vi ctor
y or defeat (or, indeed
As fo
vor), it 
r succe s s or unsuccess 
in any vocational endea
as fo
 part of the gr eat end a
nd function 
Was "a f ter all, but
 a small
the 
llf e . ? ? ? 11 What is g
iven to every man in 
Of ClVill zed 11 11 ain a "harmonious to 11 se ek 11 and att 2 
World portun
it y 11 
is t h e 
op
xis t ence . . 
. . ~
 ei 
ve1 ess
 Of
de opment ? ? ? th e avera
ge h app n
 the 
Or er words, an equal pros
perity in the Ideal and
' in oth
ridge 
tica l, in both of Tucker
man's worlds, and the b
l?rac
ve for one, s fellow 
between was the old virtue 
of unselfish lo
rnan. 
133 
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV 
Lat ent c1 ? Henry Theodore Tuckerman , The Rebellion: Its 
~. au:!syan~ True Si nificance in Letters to a Friend 
or ' 1 1 . 
ogr ssion here is Eric F. Goldman's from h is 
1"D9e4m~ 
ocra2ti? c BThi i exprerY , Roman~ca~ism: A Romantic I dea and Amer ican Histori-
int , i::p1.  1-ll icism in Amer iq/!, ed,, George Boas, ( Baltimore, 
the main ? Tucker-n"s conceptions fit remarkably well 
0 pattern Goldman describes. 
!t(l ihanes s ?ra chcu3t,s.  etfoEt rvs  )ean  Ge orge Bancroft, who avowedly was a Democrat time the leader of the Democratic party in 
~orl~an in t h maintained a menta l barrier of reserve against 
to , " Banc e street . 1 I love to observe the bustle of the 
Wit Wa tch th/oft wrote, "but I detest mixing in it, I like 
h them.? routs of the multitude but had r ather not scream 
uoted by Goldma n, ]iomanticism in America, P? 4. 
~lrn!oa:ri, n l and4 . culTth  e measuring stick, always, was their own Brahmin ural standards, See Vernon Louis Parrington, 
I
lllaJ ed Uoon ts? II, 4 35-437. Thoreau s "-JoritY of one" was 
a1wOri t y on his same principle. Thoreau simply based his 
?urays the the American Romantic premise that morality was thies of t h: eal ma jority, regardless of the particular pres-
s romanti place and the time. Tuckerman too, believed 
cally, but racticallY, he hesitated? 
lllor ?a1 l am5~  uckerman s peaks of this vas t unit y of feeling rtniu tu forwcn g 
TA merican patriots as one of the greatest of 
ino~ary es contributive to American success in the Revolu-
ana he sti~r (See Life of Talbot, PP? 9-10.) He even sees 
nev harpl formal, dignified paintings of Copley, Stuart, 
tbe 81utioness, a portrayal 'of the moral diFitY of our 
0 Cosmo ary Sta tesmen ??.? " Tuckerman, "Art in America, " 
~olitan Art Journal, III, (December, 1S5S), P? 5, 
l~gtg er ret6~  See Henry Steel-e Commager, The Amectca[!__Mind, A_!, 
~. Ntion of American Thou ht a~tfince the 
ne?n the new Haven, 1952, PP ? 2 -29? Tuckerman goes further 
Tu agree orm (as Commager defines it) in this conception. 
iac~erma~ With Louis Agassiz, and Carl Ritter (cited by 
fit firstbln America, PP? 14-15), tba t the American continent 
du the ci :'n among the continents," formed ge ographically to 
al ism. v0 iliza tional pattern of American freedom and indivi-
1
See Tuckerman 1 s ~' P? 3? 
134 
"? .? to the eye of the thought-
fthuel 
8
 observ? erA me ri?c a, P? 14. of the moral world--a balance to 
human ' an e quilibrium 
universe ." 
11 
~, ~ : ~~ckerman, "The Pa triot, George Wash ington , in 
2
aPedoapplte d 10to.  th"eN 0 t f;~re obviously was the character of Moses 
Phys i e ? .? th 0 ce of primeval lawgiver for the chosen 
Beav Cal ands a n the mind, the manner , the di sposition, the 
Suche1- appoint~iritual gifts of Washington proclaimed him the 
tradi t dola try f ~hie f ? ? ? , 11 (Tuckerman, _l!,s say2, p. 17. ) 
Whom i on of J O ash ington , a s a folk-hero, is i n the 
famo 'l'uckermanared Sparks and Washington Irving ( bo t h of 
Wa hf biogr aphiersonally knew and admired), and such less-
Sta t n8  ton Co es as those of David Ramsa y, Life of George 
~8 of Amer~m~nder in Chief of the Armies of the United 
inc ~fe ofr Ge ca e.  W? a?s hi,n,  toBna ltiFmiorsret , P1r3e0si7d,e natn adn <J!_o hConm maonrdrey~  
ore repr ?, New York, 1so9 . Tuckerm~xpr essions 
es entative than extreme. 
farso ma  uP r1e1c. edeT~ ~*erman, Essals, p. 21, The ideal of America own the time for the whole world to follow was common 
thertime of E of the French Revolution through Tuckerman 's 
Bis erore exuropean democratic uprisings- Tuckerman is, 
~ar/ater' con pr essing bis accept ance of a belief of bis age . 
ess' tha t upclusion, however (concerning t he American Civil 
Wa ential we~~ the surviva l of thiS precedent depended the 
Whet~ more india :e of the civilized world" (~eric_!!, PP ? S-9), 
Of 8 hier Tuck vidual progression from the original idea, 
deve stat erman realized to any ext ent the implica tions 
accelo8 pment)ment (especially in the light of America's later 
Bt Pted as is unclear; however, it certainlY must be 
hau more u ~n indica tlon of a conscious attempt by Tuckerman 
8 any Vis~ versal, humanistic conception, That Tuckerman 
ans of i nterna tionalism is most doubtful, 
Ctni v{~e U12n it There is no evidence that Tuckerman ever traveled i zed ned Sta t es beyond the confines of the b i ghlY 
ortheastern parts of the nati on-
imp Wi th Even when he notes the existence of these elements, 
tth t e 1 ica t1i3 . 8 no indication of any personal comprehension of their 
co 1~mer i ons. For i nstance in America, P? 53, he describes 
?ki~ume ~an frontier settl~r: ~imitive manners and 
hom8 e leg inthe f armers ?.? clad in racoon-skin caps, buck-
and -wr 0u hgs, moccasins , and 1inseY bunting shirts, with t he 
l atibravegmt, brigh tly dyed frocks of the women, and the frank 
ru ?n.0 anners and language of this free and thrifty popu-
trib ?cap ? ? here too the terrible justice of Lynch l aw had 
11es, t~e- -tWhees teMrins sopuo~liit ircuifafnia nans,d  tthhe reobu~st  aonfd  thaeg uIen-dstirainc ken 
emigrant 135 
Tcoumckr e rman, ' ms awkeo rduP   an unique and original population." 
halrort of hi s Na a re colorless; he sees the West from the 
Pion or his New ~w York drawing room, through the Romantic 
eer, Daniel Bn glan~ bifocals. See Tuckerman, "The 
oone, Essays, pP? 50-51, 12.?lssim. 
Ttoh aht i TU 1c4k. eraSnee'  ShN o,J   PP ? 506-50!;i  n a lsom  ~in e ra lcn a, s o . 5ew 3.  England background was the true reality 
"mofh!! Pendie~onc~ption of the "pr actical" life is indicated 
and ern life m? on ennedz, p. 10, where he states that 
the newspa i ght be not inaptly symboli zed by the library 
. uer. ? ? ? 11 
nino tthe  nl5h.y sicS ee Am eri ca, PP? 51-54. Tuckerman's exultation aint of m~l growth of his nation very aporoprlately carries 
id-nineteenth century Jingo ism. 
Treuackl e rm1an ne ica, PP ? 42, 446 . Unfortunately , here again he dly co6n. deA~ meecr?1 t
 s to carr4y  through on his a ssessment, and 
muchoes not bn nineteenth century provincialism. Most probably 
the partecause he does not reallY perceive 1t; he is too 
and product of his times. 
btheett \T ?en 1t7h. e "Th e want of that vita l and vivid connection humas vage t~~s t and the present ; the oainful sense of newness; 1nd n1ty ?? um~? .. of nature, however beautiful, over 
. ? Vidualit ? seem, for the moment, to leave us in desolate 
a ru1t Was an~ and barren self -dependence. But the experience 
ente Ure soci ls but a transition state--a brief overture to 
Pp rprise h a l rosperitY, where sentiment as well a
? 3 s1  , as ample verge." !!_meric~, PP? 114-115? See also 
2 254 , 440-441. 
PTup..c k erm1ang _ " Th is quality was "innate," not acquired- See Com 64-65 '. The oraliat Chann ing " g,at:!!-"terl?ti~, ( 1!49 ), 
! Pare ai also Life of Ta lbot p.' 11? and~? PP? 163-164. 
oft?, et so Charles Keating T~ckerma~, Personal Recollections, 
(B he ine a?slm; and Richard Hildreth'? more realistic theory 
timor quality of man in Donald E. Emerson , ~~rd Hildreth, 
81
e, 1946), PP ? 146-147-
~. (i s T\'?kerman, "The Scholar , Mark A1tenside," Qraracter-
lst1 19 
~ 4 9 , P? 229? America P? 443? also po- 441-443? See also~ 
l1ebe 20. 
' p . 4~-- , , 
\gtaart1  us12y1 . Tu ckerman mentions the "slavehOlders ' re b e llio n " 
tn he0 ~ed in his works bu? says verY 11ttle ~ich is not 
tn e l'~esi into The Rebeilio~? he mentions the 
n "double term of ~ Pr dent1al office'rtwice 1n hiS works (with no comment ); 
dis0c1u1:m of suffrage and immi gr ation he ms; e nh tie o nh sa  s b us to  0 m
do
e esc  omments upon money-making, some about 
stat 136 
esmansh i n , some about the press -
5 
p. 11 2004? BeII 22n.j amTinu ckF e rmen , LaII w yers ," !)1e Criterion , nu . 184-18p. ; "The Nat~anklin , The American Ph ilosopher , Essays, 
745
' 
 - onal Economist , DeWitt Clinton," _I;,_ssays, 
20 
acTg:re 
es w23i t? h CTouoc-k er~an, John . Franci~, p. ci- Tuckerman uc:er s Home ne~ s a ccusations of American pr ovincialism in 
e0x0p rerm1 an is cas ound, (1838) . See Amer1i  ca , p. 413- 414. 
ession. ritical , however , of CoOper ?-frank manner of 
Uopf onu  the2 4u? nivTeh e more-Federalist Parkman bl ames t his trend Tuckniversal r;a 1 suffrage . See Francis Parkman "The Failure 
of u erman mo 5u f r age ," North American Review , CXXVII , 8. 
Ameriilit~ria~~ hes1tant1Y , finds 1t the cauSe and the r esult 
Frazican newsp sm, commercialism, and such influences as the 
~si!r in I s ~p~r - See Tuckerman ' ? portrayal of Cliff ord 
anu"N; Ameria e ; also John W. Francis, np . l xxv, lxxiv, 
ewspane~a , P? 440-443, E"ssi_E!; ]he Rebe~lliO l!!, p. 8; ' ' s , 11 The Criterion , PP? 278-2@8, passim-
25 . America , P? 442 . 
hOfopi
 s t~oma2ntic ue ch6 .i ld Ta 
ckerman 1 s real i s tic attitude clashes here with 
ttitude which foresaw, through the haPPY example 
Am~ritunity ~en of the early New England sCttlers, a golden 
Tu0ck0  ca ) of t~r the preserva tion (and amalgamation into 
Pp . 4,man Life beautiful folk art, dance, and song. (See 
the 0-44ie of Ta l bot, p. 12 ~; and America , 
refuAmerica?
Cou/e for t 44
4-445 , et pas siE!?j America , romanTicalG, is 
1st er symbolized by the Statue of Liberty "a modi tries ~n~ he vic t ims of outgrown systems and over-pooulated fies h ome for man as such , a land where humanity 
moulds nationalitY? ?.? " ~? P? 231. 
V2a~~1 ~ H2ow7 ~v e T uckerman , 11 Newspepers," !)1e Crit?ti.ol!!, PP? 287-ffient e in r r , Tuckerman does real i ze t hat theY do have a 
not l r eceporting t he events of the daY? "To depend for 
w kto con~eation uuon newspapers, 1s a desperate resource; 
care/lt them is to U nger behind the age- " Thus , he 
81 8 ully t he middle 11ne. 
a119eoc5n q,ru ev21~1 i The edi tion used i n this research was Alexis de Reev:? (Democrac in America , ed-, Philips Bradley, trans. , 
bet? All and Francis Bowen, revised ) , 2 vols, (New York, 
this subsequent references to Democrac in America will 
0 particular editi on of this work? 
Tocqueville, I, 54-55; II, 229-231, 239- 241. 
29 . 
Tocqueville, I, 207-208 , 23~, 278; II, 256- 264. 
30 . 
137 
31 . To cqueville I 141-14-3. ' ' 
5S-59, 207-209 , 212, 264- 266 , 
269-272322. Tocqueville I 
' 77 . ' ' 
Tuckerman America , PP ? 130, 132 . 
' 
35 . Tuckerman, America, PP ? 132-133. 
tsheeen  maJo36r . aVrot l ume ~ of Tocqueville' s work , whi ch contains anp e, was a of his politica l analysis of the .American 
lta~ar in anv~ilable in English in 1335 (although i t did not 
Probian Sketchm~ri can edition until 1633). Tuckerman's The 
indiably in It oak , publ ished in 1335 , and wr itten most-
Conccations ofa~y in 1333 and 1S34, contains rather fundamental 
Wouiirning .Am iuckerman's bas ic trends of thought, especially 
and t end t er can materia
? l ism and commercialism, This fact cont" cial support the thesis that Tuckerman'? politica l 
Tocqem0 nl at io0~nceptions originated in hiS own experience and 
?eemueville' ' and not in a reading of Tocqueville. That 
bo k obvious thoughts l ater must )Jave i nfluenced Tuckerman Tocq 8 by the s due to the widespread knowledge of Tocqueville' s 
ow0n Ueville ~arly 1S40 's; however, the exact influence of 
Writings. on Tuckerman is not apparent fro m Tuckerman'? 
r(CeosePers3t7o.w n J a;es Fenimore Cooper, TheN  .A merican Democrat, a1 0 arch is ew York , 1633 [ the edition used for t hi s 
Cuni John F ew York, 1931] ), pp , 39-43, 70-76, 37-91, See 
~?
80 
Oo beVersit ? Ross, The Social Criticism of Fenimore Coo er, ' pp . Y ?f California Publications in English, Vol, III , 
~Sele
2rt E. rs 17-l,lS] , Ja(mBeesr kFeelenyim, oCrea lCiofo? , e1r 93R3e) , rPes? e9n2t;s tiavnde  
? ? ?, ( New York, 193 , P ? lii1? 
q~ohmlae ' 133385. ) J ame s Fenimo~ re Coopere ,su. PP? ~?37  9 (- Ps h34 il adw es ls -im- See alSO Cooner, 
Se1; 73, ?nd; and The .Amer1c~n DemoCrat, pp, 90, 160-161, ~c1t 1 nn _ ~ls v Spi Her, J am.;-.--Fenimore (Joo er Re res en ta tiv e 
p . 1v? and Fenimore oo ~itic of hi~ 
' 37-243 , 314: 315; @d ~ pp , 79, 57-fl, 91, 102 . 
2
~: ~o
3 o9 p er , The .American Det e mocrat, PP? 61-66, 37-91, 
"oqimore C ee also ass, PP? 77, o- 2; and Spiller, 
~, s Parr~o er Critic of hiS Times, PP ? 245-251. Vernon 
a d1Vinc1a ng ton quotes Cooper ~? Chapter xxv): 
doub0 Posit~isms, wi t h their train of narrow prejudices, and 
aw l8e inrion to set up mediocritY as perfection, under the 
~(~ltaar nt or luence of an i gnorance that unavoidablY arises from ~ ln models and of the irresistible tendency to medioc-c,,~-~~! ion'where the common mi nd so imperiously rules," 
~), II, 233 ? 
4o . Coo oer, The American Democrat, pp . 133-138. See 
lso Spiller, Fenimore Cooner, Critic of h is Times, pp . 229-
230 . 
41. Cooner, Home as Found , and The American Democrat, 
. . 120-127, es -o . 122. See also Spiller, Fen imore Cooper, 
Cr itic of his Times, p . 252-269 ; and Ethel R. Outland, The 
11 Ef f ingham 11 Libel s on Cooper, ( Madison, Wis c. , 1929). -
42. See Tuckerman , "James Fenimore Cooper," The 
: orth merican Review, LXXXIX, ( October, 1~59 ), 303-307, et 
assim . 
43 . North American Review , LXXXIX, 302 . 
44. North American Revi ew, LXXXIX, 313. Tuckerman 
re e ts these vi ews , unchanged, in 1g64 in America, pp . 313-
314. 
45 . Tuckerman , 11 I n my first youth , 11 Sonnet XXV, Poems , 
( ' o ston , 1851 ), P ? 171. In Sicily a visit to an insane asylum 
rom ts Tuckerm n to say ( t hrough Vittorio): "How va lueless 
. . ? the objects, idolatry to which are such prolif ic causes 
o f rnadness--gein and ambition . Yet before t hese perishable 
s h r ines men prostrate their noblest endowments, a nd lose ... 
their most distinguishing and god-like a ttributes. 11 Tuckerman 
wou d say here that , at worst, the commercial strife can mea n 
insanity; at best, it means the loss of wha t is best in one's 
self. ( See Isabel, p . 149.) 
46 . Tuck erman, America, p . 443. 
47. See Tu ckerman 's John W. Francis, pp . ci ii-civ; 
c om. re Cooper's rejection of the arvenu as seen i n Home as 
Found; se e also Ross, pp. 8~-92. 5f interest too are Tucker-
man's r ea c tions to the French court whi ch surrounds Louis 
Na oleon. I ts members ~ all 11 finance 11 or "militarv, 11 dis pl8yed 
no ne of the 11 deferen ce I and 11 r e s pect 11 of th e old "nobles se ." 
It is a ll II very blase ? ? ? decidedly ;arvenu" to Tuckerman. 
Se e h is Papers about Paris, p . 116-12 , et passim. Compare 
Charle s Keating Tuckerman 1 s reactions fifteen years l ate r in 
Pers ona l Recollections, II, 105-112. 
4e. Tuckerman, The Rebellion, p. 43. 
49 . Beyond the Romantic conception of the growth and 
expansion of America, Tuckerman perceived the intricate ba l ance 
be t we e n geogr a -ohi c d istribution a nd the growth of an autonomous 
culture. Thus, he prised the advances made in locomoti on and 
tr .ns ortation, and , indirectly, the systema tic internal i murove-
ments b rought about by nrogress in communication, agriculture, 
commercia l a nd manufacturing facilities. See Tuckerman, 
Ameri c a , pp . 17g-1so, 43S . Tha t Tuckerman had some pride in 
139 
American industrial achievement and opportunity is indicated 
b y his attitude in England toward English industrialism and 
i t s ills. See A Month in England , pp. 76-77, et ~assim. 
Fur ther indications are in his America, pn. 51, 5 -55, 150
249 . 1 
50 . Tuckerman, John Pendleton Kennedy, p . 10. How-
e ver, Tuckerman d i d not restrict his censure to the 
oliticians , but extended it to the whole of American occupa-
ti 0nal life . Coop er expressed similar views in Home as Found 
ad The Mon i k ins. Tocqueville foresaw this situation as a ' 
r e s ult of an overstressed materialism (Democracy in America 
I, 207, 234; II, 164-165). Tuckerman 1 s older friend, Fitz-' 
Greene Ha lleck, also had wittily nointed at this situation 
in The Recorder, with other Poems, (New York, 1833). 
51 . Tuckerman, John Pendleton Kennedy, pp. 186-187. 
In support of his statement Tuckerman quotes Kennedy's remark : 
11 ?Iha t a mi serable array of charlatans and make-believe stc1.tes-
men and little clap-trap demagogues and mock gentlemen ?.?? " 
Tuckerman uses Kennedy's remark to put starch in his own 
rather colorless statement, and this is typical Tuckerman 
method . 
52 . Tuckerman's balance of the dichotomy of Romantic 
n d Practical worlds was not really disturbed prior to the 
invasion of each by the other caused by the emotions of civil 
c onflict. Before the war, Tuckerman did not allow his Roman-
tic c oncep tions to b ecome mixed with the lower order of living 
requ ired in the world of practical things. The elimination of 
slavery was to Tuckerman an Ideal Good; its realization in 
the Practical world was not achievable exce pt through means 
of sentiment and human sympathy. Abolition, with its talk of 
fo rc ing the ideal upon the practical, was for him most here-
ti ca l and destru ctive. In an essay on Gouverneur Morris, in 
1856 , Tuckerman said: 
He was one of those ??? who understand the a ctual worth 
of abstract truth, and knew intuitively how far it can 
be a _plied to human affairs with utility and satisfaction. 
In our day there has been exhibited a mischievous fanati-
ci sm which advocates the realization of what is abstractly 
ri ght and true, without any regard to existent circum-
stances. Similar principles, carried out by violence, 
occasioned the most dreadful results of the French Revo-
lution; espousal of which secures notoriety, however 
obviously detrimental it may be to the welfare of humanity, 
and the permanent interests of liberty and truth. 
( 11 The American Statesman, Gouverneur Morris ," Essays, pp . 4-21-
422 . ) Tuckerman 1 s oppositi on to abolitionism w s thus more a 
questi on of means and ends, than of sympathy toward the South 
o r the Southern s ys tem of slavery. Tuckerman's opposition to 
slaver 140 
pb.r oullg)hy ?  isT hae p Saoruethn t as early as 1553 (A M_on th in England, 
man t a de clar ern II attack" upon the North at Sumter 
Tuck not becauseation of sympathy for the North from Tucker-
evenerman felt t O anti-slavery, but because, morally, 
Tucke during the eat the North was in the right. Actually, 
as a rman gives ar , 1;1nd after the Emancipation Proclamation, 
declared abnlo evidence that he ever thought of himself 
o i tionist . 
Wacieth  >lh5i3ch.  thT ue,K erman complained of the "utter indifference" 
the Ording to ~se offices were regarded. Appointments made 
Ofteinterna tiooc~l olltlcal pressures showed no regard for 
1nten Amertcanna demands and potentials of the office. Too 
>1er rest in th consuls were "merchants " with no desire or 
Ban:? unfortuneir unwelcome duties. Tuckerman's accusa tions 
~t: Bra~ ~~~nl y , all too true . See Russel B. Nye, George 4o, rne, Our Rebel, PP? 161-175, passim; and Nathiinlel 
cor ~0 - T d Home, A Serles of English Sket che_!!, PP? l-
int pf Of ellt u~kerman advocates the establishment of a trained 
the! ligence e diplomatic representatives m~e up of "men of 
?. r countr/n observa tion, who will command the respect of I 
?oci ? (Here men, and of the courts to whi ch theII y are sent. 
1n t 11  and /gain 1 s the II natura l arls to era cy of Tuckerman s 
but e8re st of O~ h tural heritage,) 
11 0ur consuls should have t11 he 
Tuck if posstb1ir country at heart, not only as diplomatists , 
fur erman T e, as men of literature and science ??.? 
frother v~ri1e Italian Sketch Book, (1548), PP ? 235-236. For 
manm home ication of Tuckerman-,-s charge of mismanagement 
Htgb ~s~na~eRNye, PP ? 177-163; also Charles Keatin g Tucker-
or MY, pp. 8 ecollectlons , I, 125; II, 121-126, 332; and 
and tley's xx , cxxlv, (pp. cxii-cxxv are a complete account 
l0ngland0) ~rials as a diplomatic representative in Germany 
on, 11 uckerman, 11 The National Economist, De Witt CJ.int 54. T 
1 ssays, P? 217 . 11 
pII ,, e self YP 1 cal er it erla were: 
11 eff  1 c ie11ncY of chara  ct er, 
lernco:r, 55. 
11 11
~r, "a- reTs pect than desire for glor Y, unost en
1t1 at1ous 
ne0e, ua 11 sense of truth of right of efficiency, 1ntel-11 
11 ze?  s , II 1"1 ua nd moral , I super' 1or1tY 
11 a' n essentla1  di s i n t eres t e d -
11 
con alou ~~onsclousness of self,/, "absorbed in broad views, 
;,a,;,';denc public sn1r1t 11 11 prov1aent i a l wisdom, with dignl ty, 
~. 8 e, and good 0 fa1th. 11 ? Tuck~rman, !?salt?, PP? 412-413, 
ayard Tuckerman, ):!gtes on th0uckerman Famill, 
t). 175. 56 ? B 
aa.d V1ti! "??  The only published evidence of Tuckerma
n'? wartime 
Uanct r1es 57 other than his pamphlet !he~belll'<!,, ls a short 
n Le ritten by him in behalf of the women of the New York 
1 8 0 ague Club?, for their presenta tion of the regimental 
l 
141 
co lors to the "Officers and men of the Twentieth United Sta tes 
Colored Troo s, 11 on March 26 , H'.\64. Th is is found preserved 
i n a memoria l collection of Selections from the Writings of 
Henry The odo re Tuckerman, (n . p., n.d . ), p. 84,--hereafter 
c it ed as Selec t ions, published by friends following Tuckerman's 
d e th in 1? 71 . 
5$ . The pamphlet contained forty-ei ght pages and sold 
f or twenty cents. It was published by James G. Gregory , of 
ew York , who published many 11 wa r publications" during the early 
e r s of the Civil War . Gre gory was the publisher and distrib-
ut or of the patriotic eff usions of Edward Everett, Joseph Holt 
o f Kentucky, and John Jay ( gr andson to John Jay of American 
Revolutionary fame). Tha t Tuckerman 1 s a na lysis of the causes 
of t he war was published by him is indicative either of Tucker-
m n I s popul arity and prestige , or of the popularity of wha t 
Tu cke r man had to say. 
59 . Professor Avery O. Craven, in his lec ture "Democ-
r a cy and the Civ i l War 11 (in Democracy in Ameri can Life, a 
Historical Vi ew , pp . 6g-102) comes essentially to the same 
c on clusion as Tuckerman, although Professor Craven 1 s justifi-
cations and logic are much better substantiated through his 
a d v nt ge of h istorica l perspective. 
60 . Tuck erman, The Rebellion, pp . 4-7. The events of 
the Spr i ng and ea rly summer of 1?61 show the genera l hesitancy 
with whi ch war a ctuall y began a nd verify Tuckerman in hi s 
tre t ment of t h is point . Fort Sumter was not fired upon until 
the 1 2th of April; prior to t hi s event t h ere had been much 
h oe by many America ns tha t t h is situa tion would also burn 
i tself out a s h a d so many other similar s i tua tions since the 
~-i lmot Proviso controversy in 1$46 ; and, even following Sumter, 
t h ere wer e those who would not g ive up the hon e tha t compromise 
wou l d ye t y ield pea ce . See Mrs. Chapman Coleman , Life of 
John J . Crittendon ? ? ? , (Ph iladelnh ia , 1g71 ) , II, 337-33e; 
The Dia ry of Gideon Wells .. ? , ed. , John T. Morse , {New York , 
19 11 ) , I, 9 , 13; Da vid Morris Potter,. Lincoln and his Party in 
he Se cession Crisis, (New Haven, 1942 ) , pp . 341-342; and 
Kenne th M. Stampn, And the Wa r Came, The North a nd the Seces-
s ion Crisis, ( New York, 1950 ) , up . 121-17e, passim. The f a ct 
t _ a t Tu ckerman . s aw t h is situa tion a t t h is time o be a f ull 
c l e cri sis , not t J be solved by any other course than by a 
comp l et e publ ic a cknowledgment by the South of Federa l suprem-
a c y ( wh ich a cknowledgment would never be achieved without war-
f a r e ), quite effectively eliminates any possibility of justly 
ch r gi ng Tuclrnrman with Copuerhead ism. Tuckerman had formerly 
hop ed for a peaceful solution to the sla very question, but 
never a t the exp ense of the na tional honor or i ntegrit y. Other 
th n Tu ckerman ' s admit t ed revulsion for the inhumanities of 
wa r, a nd mllita nt ta cti cs of the abolitionis t s , t here are no 
indica t ions of any s ympathy for the Copperhead movement i n h is 
writing s . 
6 142 
Otifo ns ecess11. on Tiusc k erman i ncludes in this summar y: llie doctrine 
Hartf not destroonly valid i n order to support the Constitu-
?tat M Conventy it (cou l d Tuckerman here be thinking of the 
sec.?0". rights i on of his own II natural aristocracy"?); tha t 
l andss1on; t h;tas historically understood, do not authorize 
and;; tha t th the whole country ourchased the Louisiana 
Perp uth; t ha ~ ~outh of the Mississippi must belong to North 
strie0tuation of incoln was legally elected, and t hat the 
Mor fe and di ha system of slavery would entail continual 
Tue: comnletes armony, Tuckerman, The Rebellion, PP? 4-7? 
or terman's c refutations of most Of these same charges by 
~ Americ~nt~~poraries are John Lothrop Motley, The Causes 
1 reat Iss n ~vil War , (New York, 1361); and Edward EverettI  
? ues ow Before the Countr An Oration (New York' 
1 
tthica t Valu62es.  a gT h us does Tuckerman begin to balance his Idealis-
that the Bout:inst the Practical world? Although it appears 
Situ Tuckerma ? is receiving most blame , it should be noted 
Heb a tion? thn states that the whole countrY fathered the 
~? ppe ~outh merely succumbed to it? (Tuckerman , The 
am Tocq~evi? -11.) Tuckerman here goes one step father-
Sta~nura ctur ?lle (who prophesied the eventual development of 
fulres) anding aris tocracy of great wealth in the United 
ment 11 Tocqper?eives the self-centered pr inciples which would 
1With a ~ev ille 1 s prophecy aopl i ed to politics and govern-
esult disastrous for the grouP? 
'?l\atct neek
e rm6an3 -hi uckerman, The Rebellion, pP? 12-17? Altho ugh "" travelmT self never-traveled itlthe South , be yet advo-
levd to bro das the solution for this situation? Americans 
r1 els. Ea en t heir interests from local to nationa l 
th~~tly po~~ecially is this true in the South whiCh Tuckerman 
~ea e Was rays as a system of social stratification where 
th lthy no social "travel" within the "void" between the 
194es1) ? bya nAd l th e very poor. Tuckerman is supported in this D1 , II lan Nevins, -The Ordeal of the Uni on, (New York, 
51 rS7u ntio~ 537-554, Eassi~; and Roy Franklin Nichols,~ or 8 ame of American Democrac, (New York, 19481)1 , PP? 514-
ta 7 uthe s ? ndall, The i vil War Restudied, ,1_ourna l 
~ a V0 o id :~ Hist or' , VI ( 1940) , 4.41-449, thOugh end ea var ing 
?~~ tt or th eeping generalizations, s eems t o conclude that 08 Var? e factors contributing to the crisis and the result-
toe loca l ere not nearly as substantia l a s theY a rypeared to 
Va Ubportrestricted vieW of those concerned? ThiS would seem 
8a majo Tucker ma n in hiS ~arge tha t American provincialism 
8 r contributor to the production of war. 
QaQ nati ? Tuckerman points out here tha t the South bad lost 
hSea:ru- gr ~64n al politica1 ? supremacY to the gr owing West, which 
a thern and flourished under a system of free labor. The 
??rt 0 slleaders, a s a caste of slaveholders, in trying t o 
8 avery in the West, wer e in opposition to the spiri t 
WTuhcikc he rmhaadn , cTrehaet~ d  the West the political majority. See ebellion, PP ? 18, 28, ,E_assim-
c(oamnde  to 6r5e? preTshee e oc 1 ety of the North in the conflict has 
mank t h1s perhant ~irtue and morality in Tuckerman'? mind 
mat nd). The ~s ecause of the altruism o1f1  dying to free 
PUbg1 1al1sm, th _?r th Yet has many faults : the taint of 
greatc duty th iack of aspiration, ... the indifference to 
?? ,refer~nc et nsensibilitY to elevating motives, the too 
(1n ? Howevee thrift and too little to patriotism. 
Peo rher wordr , Oin  the North these are "individual" problems 
lo/ e"), whil 8 ? they deal with "persons" and not "the 
not' in other! i~ the South they concern the whole society 
tic the peo ?~ s, "persons" are in contIrI ol of ~11 e S1o1 uth, 
r ia11 ns, 11 ~ e ? ) Tuckerman names these persons : II 1 11 poli-
s ght th11 e p culators 11 "conspirators "IaI narchists 11 They 
~T1ehne  t a t 11 ves p11 eopl e 11 ??  ,~ the republi?c ." 1' ts citizens, "reore-11 capitol," ? 11 flag, 11 "nation." (See Tuckermal1, 
othiet1es exi'tpp. 19-20.) The conception that two different 
(Ja~rs in Tue: ed by 12:60 in America was also expressed by 
R1chuary, jrman's day. See DeBow's Revie~, XXVIII, 
. ard Hi1ld86ro  , 9-14, for a con'femporarY Southern viewpoint. ~' ( Bost e th ' as early as 1840 (in Despotism in America 
Bou~ed Northan, l8 4o] , PP? 142-155) preBented a strongly 
1dl hern tra!~n view of Southern society in which prevalent 
cr ?ness, dr are: ferocity of temper, improvidence, 
en~ition mayu~8~ eness, and gaming. Tuckerman'? emotional des-
mo1r ronment us be more a product of its time and 
Bur" moderatthan would seem apparent at first glance- A "lel1ngton ; agreement may be seen in the editorial in the 
Bee Nre not ermont, Daily Times, May 14, 1561, which begins: 
~(111~ ,,~er a homogeneous people. We never have been so." York n Editorials on Secession, ed,, Howard C. Perkins, 
e~0: 1n tha~942), I, 531-533? Tuckerman differed from this the ted. M he felt the potential of homogeneity had once 
Ch1a dual naodern historians impressed, as was Tuckerman, with 
Vt nn1ng Ature of American Society in 1S60, are Edward 
(B~ 3-4;' an History of the United Stat~, (New York, 1925), 
ton, 1 ~ fames Truslow Adams, TI>? Epic_ELAmeri<;!!, 
8
9 3 , PP ? 250-255? 
?enxpu "cted6,6 . Tuckerman, The Rebell!&!!? P? 25. As might be ?e Democ Tuckerman dreWno distinction between Federalists 
th:t, andrats in this listing? All ~d entered into their 
tt Romanthad, . in Tuckerman'? mind, become associated with 
hen or A ic I aeal and thus with his moralistic interpreta-
at 0 m11ht ~erican history. Had Tuckerman lived in their day, 
d1rlea t ery well have been in opposition to all of them, 
f1cu1t he would have 
8 found Jeffersonian liberalism most 
to accept. 
Tuckerman, The Rebellion, PP? 26-30? Allan 
~ev1n 67. Ordeal oft~ 520-537, contains an 
8
' Toe 
excen 144 
atennd d Soeuntht  djuessct ri Pt 10n of the status of culture in both North 
'1as to supporpr1 or to the war; much of what is described 
8c ulturally~ Tuckerman's basic idea that the South really 
ependent upon the North. 
Rhoamd  evidently Of i nterest is the fact that in 1339 Tuckerman 
dauantic conteseen in the Southern way of life only its 
tedghter of a xts. His heroine, Isabel (in Isabel), is the 
to New Englancultu:ed Southern lady and a sensitive, educa-
be ilantation ~i~usiness man . Tuckerman's vague references 
and n the Romantie in the South reveal his major interest to 
Sion?tudy, and c promise of leisure hours for meditation 
had of the e _not in any intelligent, practical comprehen-
removed T~i:tent ~ocio-economic sys tem- Time, evidently, 
c erman s illusions in this regard. 
hthise  l etter of ~the "n p6e8r. so T ~ l, erman here 1s probably merely quoting from e law; however, his action is sincere in that 
Nort0~ar throun~l standpoint was that t he South had created 
Linc? Tuckeg 1f8 aggressiven ess and armed attack upon the 
ffiili~ln's, onrman s quarrel with the abolitionists was, like 
than ant abol~/f means, not ends?
P  o Tss ui cb kel r manio  n feis lm t  tw ha as t  liable to cause more event ual harm 
e good. 
recowas a chi~~ in
111 cidental intera en st is the fact that Tucker-PUblynize an of his age in that he did not at this time 
as t shed Y elements of greatness 10 Lincoln? Tuckerman's 
he leg:~rks contain OD references to Lincoln other than 
Y elected President of the United StateS? 
'tlh\iicske rman69, . T Tuckerman, The Rebellion, PP? 30-37? See also ;han last clhe Criterion, p. 266. Tuckerman proclaim? that 
'ab abolitiass of men are more "properly insurre~1onists" 
aga!~t ract rioni~ts . His opinion here expressed of the Pra demon rt advocated by "practically" wrong means, 
the c ica1 
8 rates t he dualism between the ideal and the 
idea ?tatem1 n  his mind. Yet there 1s begun a turning for 
in t? "r1J~\ does not preciude any accom11p lishment of the 
'1a e rira t' but rather that the 11 means to be employed 
a r not ale ical world to achieve it are wrong- Tucker man 
b18 ~w or t~~e in this v1ew; he had the good campanY of quite 
>ir1tdshed th be
0 tter known abolitionists whD foresaw the ~elding t ey might possibly cause. Charles G. Finney, 
go1n is i~ Theodore Dwight Weld, July 21, 1$36, said' "Br, 
to g fast ~ot true ??? that we are 10 our present course 
1n me than into a civil war? ??? Nothing is mare manifest 
an\ to Wei that ??? ,. , And Sarah Grimld cries out in writ-
?orrnterprd , November o, 1S39: "Will God continue to bless 
8la ow th ise which is 3baptized with blood? I read with 
had~e~y e resolutions of the A. A- s. s. ( American Anti 
been5 ~ciety] not even a regret expressed that violence esarted to ??? as if we intended to sanction and 
sanctu 145 
DlSw 1 h t WY etlhd e Acrn im e of murder , ? ? ? 
11 Letters of Theodore 
sl:g;;ir New York ei?na Grimk? Weld and Sarah Grimk~, 1822-
>ras D icant of j;h 3 ? I, 31 -319, B5-
C gon .s  ta Tn hi ee  l m W ose tb  s " ose with whom Tuckerman agreed, however 
to th itution an~e~h (See Webster's fa
~ mC ouso  "n Sg per ee chs  os ni   th~ e Union
c , 
11 
i? March 7, 1s50, in the AJ2Pendix The p. 27 )onil Globe, 31st Cong
~ resV s, 1i sl t  SW ea sr s i~ on nd ,  XHm Xo II5 n
 
g modern historians, J ames G. Randall' 
con~ ends to a econstructio_rr, (New 
e Y oti ro k,n   1of gbre 9e 3 7w ), it ph p ,T  u 1c 4k 6e :r  man 1 s "malignant philan thropist" 
a olitionism. ? 
ad
theeapt 1r Y  re7s0e. ntiTnu~ k  er'!1ac nt , u Them  Raj eo _lr , elc lia o_D Q , p ? 37-ljl+, While 
lack th
lS foreign criticism, Tuckerman did state 
a ity; and ~se of it was European i gnorance of American 
Word or cultur ? suggested t hat this was due to A
th me erican , the Po a 1 representation in Europe (or, in other Goveg8 enera1? ~r~y appointed American consular system), and 
?eparnment du1e ct of cultural influences upon the Federal 
Tuck rated fro m O its location in Washington, D, Cto . w fa aer rm -an sum America's cultural centers, Four years later 
rancr~ Americ:arized the causes 
E fn og r e E, ngE ln ig sl hi  s ah n ta as g onb ie smin  g due to: prejudice founded on igno-
factish resent egotism and as
1 sumed superiority to AmE en rg icU a; ring in ment of American successes in war, in manu-
and ish p;lit acqu i ring te
1 rritorY, in public education; ?howannoyenceical emphasis on anti-democratic governm
2 e5 n~ t- ;~   by Ameriat American impudence
J  o ah nn d 55.  provC ino cr.?n
i
 t
a
 c la itn Y  to asu  rists in England, See ~eric~, PP? 9-11, 
imp Jay, Th emporary agreement is given Tuckerman by 
Londrtial G
~ reat Issue, po PP8 r ?t  in 5-g 1 0o ;f   hW owil eli va em r,  H thow e a rrd a tR heu rs  sell, for the 
eQ. Tucker! during the early days of 1361, seems to 
th ce o nA trl ala -n Nan somewhat. See America t hrou h British E,es, 
~ep/ater' :vins' ( New York, 19 S ' PP? 2 2-273? ertainlY 
?~~art1ng folmost 
W pas r on -. u ni( oH n  or b Jt eh ce t ivS ip tYec  t oa ft  o Er d ww aro d ul Dd i ch ea yv , e partly refuted Tuck-
~evireport~wever, Tuckermai1'wrote his charges in
n  s 1, SA 6lm ; e~ D~ i ci en y  America during the earlY part of 1s62, See 
( - ica t hrough Bri t1sh ~? PP? z73-2B5?) 
~ 1e 1W:t,w l. t t en 71in.  8 ee James Russell Lowell, Reconstruc on, 
b t( ee l
i
i  :ork II 1S65) ,
h  a The Wri t_il'.!Rs of n J 1 aa mt ee s ~ lS90 4. Russel) l,   LV owI, e ll2 , 1 _1 2 0well concludes the war has tha not ri ble exnerience but "wha t splendid possibilities 
?lQ
8
~~e~  thr~~r trial revealed' even to ourselves! II He concludes tiry h gh the sacrifice of
~  . wb aa rn   ec vo en ryt mim as ne  l 11f a s w ci ot mh e  t th oe   government and his countrY? Tuck-
ains elements of thiS same feeling, See 1'.l!? 
?~Q liat i' n . 46-47? Tu~erman speaks of
r  i "f ti hc e  ~ vn a, l" l ?Yo  f of"  th~ holY 11ght of sacrifice, II and of the 
a ion 11 of the national life? 
146 
72. Tuckerman, The Rebelli o,Q, P? 46. 
73? Tuckerman, ~Th-e= -R-e~b~el~li~on- ' P9 ? 4 7-43  . 
74. Tuckerman, Selection~, P? 34. 
~
~et 
;75- alTsuo ? p. 4 ck 
~rman, Life of TalbQJ<, PP? 9-10, 66-67, 
~he American Statesman, Gouverneur Morris " 
este~rary Eu1ro3~  uckerman attributed the failure of con-' 161 Vie>rpointn ~evolutions to a lack of this "dislnter-
D? A~ ~t passim? ? e~ Papers about Pari~, JJV? 20-22, 160-
p. ~~?1 1o," Es;aa ylss, o P? T3he5 7L; iatenrda ~ryoh nS taPteensdmlaento, nM Kaessninmeod ][, 
3 11 
-----=..,,, p6. ? erman, 11 The You thfUl Hero, Theodore Korner, ~savQ 7 - Tuck 
119 
~tthuen 1Rt e v7o7lu. tioTnu  c k ~rman, The RebelliO)!, PP? 46-47? "After of bee' ash ington ??? declared we had an oppor-
?~paona1 asse0 ~ing a respectable nation; improved in ... 
evilnded, andr on, it has been abused more and more as it 
? another now, when wrong has culminated in11 to portentious 
opportunity is vouchsafed. ? . . 
b
Pca
e
en
r  scen7e8 . a To cqueville, separated as he was from the Ameri-r~re, withrr!ved at much the same conclusions thirty years ? 
Amereptions ~u the need for the shock of war to shake 
~, IInt o a proper perspective- (See _Q?mocracy in 
' 50-53, 243-255, ~t passi~?) 
79. Tuckerman, ![9hn Pendleton Kenne<!;L, P? 9? 
80. Tuckerman, !!9hn Pendleton Kenned!Y, P? 10. 
81. Tu ckerman, John Pendleton Kenned!Y, P? 18. 
l?llstgth  t specu uckerman, John Pendleton Kenned, P? 17? One ??u~dne8ss2".  !aTt e about fuckerman s application of "dlsinter-
lit d diet n his own life. Quite obviouslY, his sincerity 
thierary r a~e a striving after it? To a certain extent, his 
~ews ideal? icence may have been an earlY expression of 
w Port, h~ Possibly; in his social living at New York and 
socd ?rot sought also to express it? Mrs- M. E.W. Sher-
?t0h0 i a1 di:t of him: "Mr. Tuckerman used hiS popularity and 
s ers. Ng in ctions as he used his other good gifts, for newiety. man ever did a greater number of kind offices in 
av0e0 nes oolnesses between old friends and mistakes between 
ae r0t ed ~a were all explained awaY? His gentle touch has 
mi heard ny a quarrel and soothed manY a social irritation-
( ~?bier tverything and knew everything and could have made 
ted inf he had chosen? He preferred to make peace." 
0 ayard Tuckerman, Notes on the Tuckerman Famil, 
8
r than this, 
Pp. 174 1 But possibly it 
went even furthe
;r75.)  the Civil War to
ok up much 
for Bay s that n Family, 
or Tuckerd T~ck e
rma n mention Tuckerma
 time and talent
s (Notes on the f his activities.
 
p. 175) mans no record
s o
kerm~nYet there 
are apparently 
uc rd by the king of
 Italy for his 
T en an awa ed States (Dictio
n-
~Ork in b was g i
v ii the Unit
 or A ehalf of 
Italian exiles ntly 
ar , 45), yet there 
is appare
s 
no recor~erican 
Bio ra b, IX e rendered. Perh
ap
rvices he may hav ical application 
in or what se uckerman's practhere of T
Xists an evidenc
e 
ot possible that 
he may have 
or his ~ eal for is it n1c id all evidence of 
such 
0ona nt , 010 oma  or had destroye
d xist any 
bener1c~sly destr
oyed: est there e
 nt Participatio
n by himself, ln in bis action? tendenc
Y towar d a selfi
sh motivatio
CHAPTER V 
ART COMMENTATOR 
~hich The fort Y years or so (approximately 1632 to 1671) 
ear brid ged Tuckerm 1 i na tn erest in art were transitional Oo  
Ymi  sin Am erican artistic exoerience. In a sense they 
Whgi ht be cons idered an era in that these were the years in 
artcihs tmica ny successful American artists sought in Europe the 
home environment and training theY could not find at 
foun.d atIi t was an era which originated in the well-defined 
oenj ons of the II grandh  style" 1 of Sir Joshua Reynolds and 
cedam 1n We ws  t, c an ed n deh di   ih n  a flourish of rench-inF f lu-
einn te f:reedom2 which set few r es trictions upon the artist's 
:t>pr During these years American portraiture, lo etati on. 
then gr  th e staple of American art, only sporadicallY attained 
Gilb a.ther glorious heights achieved in former years by 
, pe er-t S , and the mid-c,, entury advet nu ta  r ot f  the daguerro-t
spelled an approa ching end to portraiture's already 
o.1rn1 n1sh1 popularity.3 Historical painting, rooted in the 
OJ.a_ II ng 
a leggi r-and yle, died a qus it et,1  1 but dignified death leaving 
Ohn e legacy of cla
J' t sim sia ct i sm in the gigantic canvases of 
1eath' 11:r-umb un and Washington Allston, but soawning, before 
l>ai , a na tural progeny of sentimental, anecdotal, genre 
?hownte1dn gs ? 4 It was in landscape alone that American artistry 
definite promise of great achievement? Perhaps this 
Was b 149 
n ecause 1 a ndsca e painting was so deeply roo t ed i n a 
waats ive 1 ove of the va stness which was Amer ica or perhap s it 
or ths  i mnly one mo re expression of t he dominan't  Romantic spirit 
was a e times '?  b ut , regardless , Ameri can lands cape pa i nting 
level native mov emen t and did, of itself , a ch ieve artistic 
anu D8  in the Pu  rely American wor k of Dought y, 5 and Cole, 6 
Bie urand ' 7 and in the more heroic and gr andiose manner of 
in rstadt and Ch urch , g and certa inly i n the sound achievement s 
th 8 Ynthesi s a t tained by George Innes i n the years f ollowing 
e C1v11 Wa r. 9 
The American publ ic, during most of these years, wa s 
The great 
little in teres t ed i n either art or the artist. 
tnaj o:rity of Amer ica ns were too busy with the physical exigen-
C :l. es of frontier building and fortune making to find time for 
asurcth  other- worldl iness as a rt apparently demanded, Torious 
Am 
app:reciat oi n  societies did exist, bu t their impa ct upon 
or erthic an t aS e wa s negligible, lO It was not unt til the advent 
~ra11 e Civil War, a nd the flush times of the "Black Walnut 
an in ew YN ork City tha t the 1ot of the artist improved in 
??onUp swing of art i stic'  i nterest and patronage (most of t his 
llat g the Parvenu who sought culture in the guise of art 
ti?el:s'o na ge a s a key to social accept ance), but even these good 
Bot came t o an end in the great depression following lo? 73? 
Goar for Tu cker ma n, death had alreadY quite suddenly closed the 
tw0 Years earlier? 
In discussing Tuckerman's position within this era, 
con s i deration will be given to establishing a genera 1 
150 
 Will be fo
llowed 
his
of his atti
tudes  ttoward art;
istorian an
d as an 
 art h
discussion
 work as anof his r
y 
nineteenth 
centu
ea.r ly e e in m
id-
advocat of the art
isti c caus
A111er1  11 ca . ton rt 
mid-century
 Bos a
W.1111am M
  
rris Hunt, 
the famed
o  to artistic
teach  real key
 
er, told h
is at the
students th nd all t his , a
e~~ u may kn
ow 
rvl"'ession Y
o
Was in 
"
ubjectivity
. 
succeed 
l"'e 
s r 
t, you'll n
eve
resent b n ' t feel 
i
it? ou do nce 
n '
 ut if y akes the di
ffere
i mPaint i ing is w
hat l . 11 12 
ng it. Th
is fee reating pictu
beti.,e 
in
tiful, fasc
en a  beau
Wooden thi
ng and a , for the b
asic 
And T  a
rtedly
Uckerman have agree
d wholehe
ould eciation wa
s , 
1 W e art apprcl"'iter. genuin
on to duction and
 
art Pro onders 
for h ence. 
One w
iJ1m  experi, alwavs th
 
e subjectiv
e
~  at th
e 
Wheth is hand at 
painting,
er T d h
kerman eve
r trie doubtedly, 
a.ctua.l U
c
bodying fee
ling. Un
efrort emor Physi ca
lly tly, there 
is 
he ut, ao
paren
must er,
 b
have r 
oth
, at some 
time o  
oointing ef
fort. But
no ap
.l:ecord e been 
a disv
 Wh at must
 ha
e his , and 
he 
llev 
or e exoerienc
el"the1 ect
iv
ess h ub
j
, e made 
the s
a.cc 
011Jp11 shed t of ef
fort. 
t by din ld ba
d 
i
 to the ar
tistic wor
ure
Tuck erman's fi
rst expos age. 
y years of 
been g man twen
t
1n It 1 y
oun  
a Y When h
e was a  the pleasa
nt
.!'n Ji'  found fulfi
llment in
loren d Rome he 
had
lish expatr
i-
nq ce 
an
erican and E
ng
a.  Am
St.1,121 ciation ofg asso lves i
n 
Ulat1na.t ly to immer
se themse
es wb ficalO 
Were in It
aly s peci s must have
 
l'ta.l 3 For Tuck
erman thi
Y' s heritage . 1sti c goals, the 
inter-
been ar
ti ues, the 
experience
. The val
ition to th
e 
e t a Pror
ound onnos
8 8 re largely 
in direct 
Oft ese person
s we
h
151 
Bost onian mercantile virtues whi ch had surrounded h is growth 
through the 1~20 ' s . This , t herefor e , was a new world . I t 
Was a new reali zation . Va guel y, he sensed a r elat i onship 
11 11 
between t his world and h i s own priva te and somet i mes painfu l
response to nature . La t er , he was t o more closely de f ine t hi s 
exner ience , seeing i t as t he bridge between t he Pra ctical and 
t he I deal , but in these fir s t exuerience s t here was much tha t 
Was undefined . Young Tuckerman pleasurably responded to t h is 
ne"' environmen t wh ich placed no disapprova ls upon r omant ic 
subject i vit y. He saw himself a sensitive instrument ol ayed 
Upon by t he over power ing i nfluences of Nature and its artistic 
concent r a t ions , a nd he determined to tune himself to under-
standing . Before a Ma gda len of Fra Bartolemeo he explored 
the 11 I looked upon it until the langua ge artistic experience : 
it breathed pene t rated my heart ??.. I tried long , but in 
Vain t ana lyze the spell ?. .? A tender and stirring remini s-0 
cence ' a sense of bereavement, and indescribable longing, a 
Vague and melanch oly presentiment af fected me. I s t here not 
in th e soul a chord which vibrates to the center of being , when 
beauty and anguish are thus at once presented ? "14 Th us was 
Tuckerm an,s  initia tion into t he vast universal sub j ec t?i ve. 
Gradua 11 Y, he formed an allegiance t o t he vi b r a ti ons o f t h i s 
soul-chord in t h e center of his being. He  b ega n  to see a 
corre1 a tion betwe en what he wa s experiencing and wha t the proph-
ets of Romanticism proclaimed- The outward life of phys i cal 
existence was not the true end of being. It had validity only 
as a r rea lities of th 
epres en t at ion of the more divine i nner e 
152 
human soul. Love, Beauty , Sentiment, Morality , these were 
the keys to the realm of the spirit; these were the moti ves 
Whi ch administered to man's immortality . But Boston Puritan-
ism Yet sat hard upon him. Perplexed, he cried out: "Could 
'We but clearly d istinguish between pass ion and sentiment ..?. 
The very int ensity of emotion blinds. . ? . ,, Earthliness 
Profaned b eauty, and self ishness rent ruth les s the s oul . 15 
Dedication demanded definitions , 16 set boundaries to be depend-
ed u Pon. To abandon the world of hi s fath ers required 
justifi mere dreaming , l7 and tc ha et  io con n vb ee ry so in od n , not 
only of but t oh fe   tp hh ey  s si oc ua l l, a s it must be , would 
have t "Shall my pea ce of mind , my very identity 0 be complete. 
be sacrifi ced ? My life-blood I would joyously pour out like 
rain ' for an adequate end; but, the nurest essence of my spirit 
1 
--ir it is yielded at all, it must be without measure ." ~ But 
time and associ~t i on gradually formed the definitions, or the 
1ndefin1ti ons de fined as definitions, 19 and before Tuckerman 
left Italy to return t o his more prosaic Boston his conversion 
had b Philosophically, he had come to ration-ecome comolete. 
alize tha t beings, in proportion t o the intensity 11 all human 
ana_ b readth of their chara cters , lead two lives;-- parallel, 
inter communicating , yet distinct;--the one outward, mechanical, 
a lir e of routine, duty and habit; t he other inward, conscious 
ana_ Personal. 1120 Tuckerman, s final and comple t e dedication 
was to the 11 1nward" life and to its reco gnition . 21 
As Tuckerman grew older, the artistic exnerience 
l"'ested more eas ily upon him, and he came to see art as the means 
153 
for th e ex-pression of the s p iritual intangibles of the 
Roma n t ic world within the physical sphere in which men lived. 
Nature ' and indeed all 11 outward 11 t hings, contained within 
11 11 
them aspects representative of the 11 great,
11 
the gr a nd, the 
11 
"s Ymmetri cal, 11 the 11 beautiful , 1111 and the i nteres ting; it was 
the t ask of art to illustrate these aspects t o the huma n 
senses . Thus, ar t was both entertainer and t eacher; it exist -
11 2
ed n ot only t ') g ive nleasure , but to 11 refine the senses. 2 
It 1 8 a language, a medium whereby ideas and sensitivities 
distilled from the aspects of the Ideal as conta ined in Nature 
might be Tuckerma n sinceree lyxp  r be es ls iee vd e. d that man was 
destined revelations oft  o t hr ee  c Ge oi ov d e a nd the Eternal 
at II th oe f  h Can red a tive wisdom" through man himself, through 
man's 11 reverent observance of 11 universal laws- 23 The " channel 
Of 8 p i ritualitv w11 as, "obviously, 11 the senses, the finer feel-
ings ; it was th. rough this channel that man must reach man, 
and c ommunicate s oul t : soul. In Tuckerman's heirarchy of 
feelin gs, the sense of the beautiful held first place. It was 
the d eenest, most basic receptor of all impressions; it held 
highest command over the emotions, and could mould the very 
Chara cter of a man toward the divine . In the beautiful in 
Natu re , in "Nature's surpassing grandeur and loveliness " Tuck-
11 
e:r-rnan saw a ministration to a 11 heaven-implanted Idealit y; and 
in art ' he perceived its highest manifestat ion. Through art 
the 11 mortal existence" ( the Actual ) might be united with the 
11 ang el1 c 11 ( the Ideal ) ; t hrough a rt , man mi ght per ceive life 
i nt er preted in terms of everlas t ingly high and vast destinies . 24 
Quite similar conclusions were reached by J ames 
J ackson J arves . Jarves, also, was a self-educated beauty-
enthusi aS t , who came to Italy in 1852 after a rather active 
life ( t otally unassociated with art in any sense) in t he 
Hawa1 ?i an Islands. He too, was from a rather well-to-do and 
'Well -eS t ablished Boston family. Like Tuckerman, his conver-
sion to art was gradual, but complete ; but unlike Tuckerman, 
he did not hesitate in the slightest to record h is growth 
to-wa rd 2 In his artistic philosophy, an artistic compr ehension. 5 
Jarves c finally) that man was oncluded , (a
II s did Tuckerman , 
t-wofold in his nature--material and spiritual." The "mate-
r1a111 conformed itself 11 to the outer view of things," and the 
It 
sp1r-1 tual t the 11 more subtle, intII angible" needs (as dis-
' 0 
tin guished "fr om what we can touch, see, and feel, through 
e:icter The s piritual part of man's nature nal sense ???. 11). 
had t "Morality, comprising religion in Wo grand divisions: 
Ba1 1 it 8 relations, and Ideality, in its connection with 
eauty 1136 recognized, like Tuckerman, that beauty ? Jarves 
e:x1 sts only in the cogn ition of the senses- However, Jarves 
th
'Went beyond Tuckerman (at least in his writing) in at he 
rlesc ogn 1 zed dangers of excess within such orescription. II Sense 
a subtle foe of the soul," J arves proclaimed. Too many 
Perver-ted their possibilities through a constant search f or 
Life, thus, 
ways to erpetuate the pleasures of the senses. 
beca. me for what it could offer toward material Valued only 
enjo Yment Th lif II died and beauty, such as it might 
b ? e II inner e , 
e, 't-vas rest i ternal form and color ("degraded 
r cted to mere ex 
155 
to the low situation of a pander 11 ). 27 But for Jarves, as 
f or Tuckerman, beauty was the key to the inner life. "The 
sense of beauty embraces within its scope the whole image of 
God in his creation . Its employment exalts and expands all 
the f a culties . ? Every other occupat i on or professional 
nursuit conf ines the mind. The study of beauty in its 
s iritual and aesthetic character, alone fully develops the 
soul, and leads it to a recognition of its unlimited powers. 11 
Beaut y was a form of the Ideal, and art was the representation 
through which the Ideal mi ght be thus revealed to men. Art 
b ecam e, for Jarves, the best interpreter of man's 11 nobler 
instincts"; it had a capacity to refine and elevate h im to 
life in l ine with 11 the I deal, which aspiring constantly to 
erfect ion ??? a ttra cts man onward to his origin and ulti-
mate destination in Divinity. 11 2 $ 
The close parallels in the conclus ions of both Tucker-
man and Jarves are quite obvious. The idea of a dual existence, 
the need for expression of the inward life and the striving 
toward the Ideal, beauty as the grand exemplar of the Ideal and 
a rt as its highest representation, and the conception of art 
as th e link between the two worlds, are salient parts of the 
philosoph ies of both men. Yet, of the two, Jarves was by far 
the deeper thinker, the more precise philosopher, and the more 
exact cr itic. 29 In after years the philosophies of both men 
chang ed little, but their theorizing became overshadowed, for 
J a r ves, by the burning fever of collecting , and for Tuckerman, 
by a personal interest in the artist himself. 
From the time of his earliest exneriences with art 
in Italy, Tuckerman was much interested in artists. He 
numbered quite a few of America's foremost artists among his 
personal friends . His European travel and residence, his 
Boston, New York, and Newport social acceptabilities, put him 
in a position of contact with many of the artists of his day . 30 
And he liked to visit with them. He would go to their studios 
and sit long hours t alking to them whi le they worked.31 To 
him they were a race apart. Simple, honest, true, intelligen t, 
sensitive , they were interpreters of the lessons of nature 
for their lesser brethren.32 They were "priests of humanity, 
and ora cles of God , 11 33 and they administered a holy offi ce in 
that they were medium between the physical world and the mani-
fest ations of the world of the Ideai. 34 Such a high calling 
necessitated the possession of two essential capabilities: 
11 a deep sens e of the beautiful , 11 and nure "mechanical s kill." 
For Tuckerman, the first was 11 the inspiration" of Art, and 
the second , 11 t he a lphabet, or language ? ?.? 11 To be lacking 
in either of these prerequisites was to insure mediocrit y. 35 
Beyo d this, the artist required only a conf idence in him-
se l f, 11 ? ? ? the instinctive self-assertion of a nature 
e.ssured that its own resources are its best and only reliable 
means of success and enjoyment. 11 36 Thus, Tuckerman saw in the 
artist an expression of the Romantic principle of self-reli-
ance. The artist, as the oracle, could have faith only in 
h i ms elf, and in his divine capacity t o resnond to the voices 
of the gods. His means must be intuitional. His perceptions 
157 
mus t ext end b eyond mere physical auprehension into an intense 
ym athy whi ch would create wi t hin him insights and under-
st nd ings beyond the expressive powers of ordinary men. 37 
In a sens e he is like the poet in this, but his office is 
more p rolonged. Tuckerman sta ted tha. t the intense excitement 
of insp ira t i on which gave birth to grea t literary works of 
art came to the uain t er or the sculptor, only in the early 
sta es of lanning a work of art. After this, the artist's 
work wa s largely mechanical, and required much time, and quiet 
though t, and a strong determina tion to see the vision through 
o co m letion.3S In this respect, the experience of the 
artist is never really transitory, but a lasting, prolonged 
effort. It is a serious occupation, one which requires the 
utmost sincerity and self-knowledge. Jarves, too, realized 
this truth. "Art is no pretty pastime for the artist; no 
trifling occuna tion to grace idle hours. Far from this. It 
is his serious duty, the life-work to which his soul-energies 
should be bent for his own good and that of his fellow men, 
if he would escape the reproach of buried talents. God 
requires account of the least of His gifts. How much more, 
then, of His great est! Is it a pastime to serve the Almighty? 
Yet silly minds prate about the pleasure of being an artist 
as they would of being a bird. 11 39 One wishes that Tuckerman 
had been as explicit. 
Yet, for both men, and for many others, the greatest 
opnortunity of the artist was in his usefulness as a teacher, 
not of the techniques and skills of artistic reproduction, 
but of the great truths of Nature, and life, and human 
relationships . 40 Tuckerman felt that, to fulfill this oppor-
tunity best, the artis t must reach into the lives of his 
audience. He must, therefore, seek never to misrepresent 
h i ms elf. He should not be a forger, a 11 cunning mannerist. 1141 
He should keen his interests current with the interests of his 
time and his nlace. He should rema i n loyal to what is around 
him and portray with all his skill what his intuition reveals 
to him in the humble, familiar objects of daily life. 42 
Tuckerman's artistic philosophy is a gain another 
expression of his dominant devotion to the doctrines of Roman-
ticism. His basic conception of existence in two worlds, or 
on two levels of i nterest, is ever implicit in Romanticism, 
and es pecially , in any consideration of the artistic experi-
en ce.43 His acknowledgment of Nature as the master template 
in mankind's striving toward the Ideal, and of Beauty as 
Nature's best and most perfect manifestation, is duplicated by 
every noet and artist who ever placed himself within the Roman-
t i c fold. The natural divinity of man, the idea of poet-priest 
( or , in Tuckerman 1 s case, artist-priest), the reliance upon 
self through the intuitive oracle, and the implications of 
mo r a l-divine gu idance within its promptinv,s, all are central 
rinc iples in the Romantic philosophy, especially as it ap-
p e a red in America in Tuckerman's time. 44 Nevertheless, the 
fa c t that Tuckerman applied these principles to art and artists , 
a nd recorded and published this application is certainly worthy 
l-  of re cogn ition. 
I 
i 
159 
As to Tuckerman 1 s personal preferences within the 
different ki nds of artisti c work being done in America during 
th e Yea r s of his interest, it is most difficult to define any 
Posit?i ve choices. Apparently, he enjoyed them all, for his 
remark 8 about all the large fields of artistic endeavor are 
most 1 ry. 4 5 Perhaps this was due to his always sub-audato
j ect iv e approach t o any work of art. S ympat h y was th e key to 
the artistic reception for him. As early as 1~50 he had 
11 It 
defined his critical credo for the artistic experience: 
is When we a r e overcome, and the pride of intellect vanquish-
ed b efore the truth of nature when instead of comi ng to a 
blo gical d ecision, we are led t' o bow i n profound reverence 
efore the mysteries of life, when we are led back to child-
hood , or uu to God, by some powerful revelation. ? ? it is 
then In accordance with this, and with our natures grow.1146 
a11 of hi s a rtistic theory, Tuckerman sought always to grow, 
Therefore it 
to l earn something from the work of the artist. 
approached art in all its manifes-"t 'as ' Perha ps, tha t he always 
in a most humble, extremely 
ation ' general and specific 
a ' 
PPreciative spirit.47 
It was in this attitude that Tuckerman produced his 
"1ri t t en works dealing with art in the United Stat e?? Artist-
L~i.re?r , Sketches of American Painter~ appeared first in 
1847 ? A collection of twenty-three biographical, anecdotal 
essa Ys on prominent American artists, it became the main body 
Of TU ckerman's later and major work, l?,_ook of the Artists, 
~Amer n Artist Life, Comprising Biographical and Critical 
160 
Sk etches of American Artists: Preceded by an Historical 
Ac count of the Rise and Progress of Art in America, which 
, peared in 186 7. The Book of the Artist s conta ins all of 
Artist-Life; in every case complete essays are r eproduced, 
a nd in some cases , they are lengthened to bring them up to 
date . 4S According to the publishers (G. P. Putnam and Son) 
Tu cke rrnan's Book of the Artists is not intended to be a 
cr iticism of ar t or a rtists, but r a ther 11 a Biographical 
His t ory of Ameri can Art. 1149 
Contemporary critics generally approved Tuckerman 1 s 
work, although there was some dissension . This became openly 
evident with the 1SS2 inclusion by the Dublishers of an 
"Advertisement to the Second Edition" acknowledging complaints 
r e ce i ved ( ma jor a mong which was the charge of a la.ck of solid 
crit icism), and justifying the work as "essentially biograph-
ica l 11 and not intended to be so 11 ungracious 11 as to stoop to 
11 fault-finding . 11 50 Reviews such as that found in Lippincott 1 s 
robably typ ify such critical reactions: 
Mr. Tuckerman, in writing the Book of the Artists, 
has undertaken a good thing , and we only wish it were as 
well done as, from his acknowledged ability, we had a 
right to expect ??.? The opening essay is well con-
ce ived and in a literary point of view, well executed; 
it is very pleasant reading , if neither very deep nor 
comprehensive. Its fault is a discursiveness and want 
of point; its suggestions are good, but the author seems 
to fe a r handling h is subject with the vigor which it 
requires, and of which he has been pronounced capable . 
But the ob jectionable feature of the book is the utter 
absence of genuine, intelligent criticism .?? and in 
the substitution thereof of pr a ise, indiscriminate a nd 
unthinking ?..? Such criticism as Mr. T. has given us 
is an injustice alike to public and artist, because it 
lowers the standard of Art and misleads the uublic 
taste .?.? In no case does Mr. Tuckerman enlighten us 
161 
a s to the end or a i m of t h e artist's work, as t o h is 
idiosyncras y or peculia r i nterpreta tion of na ture, or 
in how gr ea t a d egr ee he has succeeded in e xnr es s i ng 
him s el f . He has a nparently no sta ndard i n art. 51 
Evidently , howe ver, such s neci f ic a nd harsh stricture wa s not 
t h e genera l r ule . Th e Atlantic Monthly d id chide Tuckerman 
fo r hi s exces sive p r a ise of America n art develo pment a nd 
Ame r i can a rt i st s , but, nrobabl y more repr es enta tive ly , found 
mu ch in hi s wor k worthy of praise. 11 The truth is, Mr . Tucker-
man does not l a ud a ll our artists alike, though it must be 
owned t ha t t h e diff erence is rather in quantity than in qua lity 
of compliment. We do not know t ha t the result was one easily 
t o b e av oided by a good-natured man ??. a long with its 
exce s sive k indne ss , the work has very positive value of a 
different kind. 11 The Atlantic praises the pleasantness of 
Tuck erman 1 s style, his management of the biographical materials, 
and his use of fresh sources. It criticizes his Judgment as 
to wh i ch artist is important and which is not. It concludes 
enially: 11 His book is a complete review of all tha t has been 
done in art in America ?... If the picture presented is 
erhaps too glowing , we feel sure that it will improve with 
time, wh ich sha ll bring our artists up to the author's idea l. 
It is a good f ault, as the tailors say, when a boy's ga rment 
turns out too large. 11 52 The Southern Quarterly Review had come 
to essentially the same conclusions almost twenty yea rs before 
in reviewing Tuck erman 1 s Artist-Life53 (which, as has been 
stated, contained the main body of Book of the Artists), and 
Tuckerman had cha nged neither his materials nor his views over 
these yea rs. Most probably, the more sympathetic estimates 
162 
ab est r epresented contemporary popular opinion. Quite obviously, 
havPeu blish er as r epu t able a nd prominent as Putnam's would not 
requested T uckerman to produce such a work in t he fi rst 
Pthlea ce h ad his r eputation not been respectably established in 
~DUldg eneral Am eri can art world; 54 and, most certainly, Putnam's 
y not h ave republished a second edit ion in 1332 (eleven 
ceoanrt s aft er Tuckerman's death) had the work not attained some 
emporary Ponular status and had there not existed some sort 
Of Popular demand for its re-apnearance.55 It would appear 
therefore that in its day Tuckerman's ~ok of the Artists was 
And, 
accept ed as an authoritive and reputable production. 
rtehpoureg h it does obviously contain faults, yet it is a worthy 
great sentation of the kind of art criticism acceptable to the 
M maJorit Y of American art enthusiasts at mid-century. 
taodre  over ' it is to Tuckerman'? rather lasting credit that even 
res ay most modern scholars yet cite his work, and usually 
Pectru11 Y, among their principal historical sources . 56 
tr The book is arranged by artist; each important man is 
lg~e ated in a complete essay (the majority of these f ram the 
lar7  ~Artist ), and lesser artists are included within 
? ca ??;er gr oupings (such as Portraiture , Genre, Historical, Land-
tn Pe, and so forth); but, nevertheless, are treated separately 
or TSh ort i ndividua l biographical essays. The boOk reminds one 
to Uckerm anI s travel accumulation Ameri ca and her Co mmenta-
~sub?j5 7 ) it presents the same sort o
' f- vastness in quantit y of 
atttet ct matter, treated with a steadY sameness in style and 
Ude. 
Tuckerman 1 s method remains unchanged from that used 
i n ro ducing his America . He presents a tremendous quantity 
o f matter; he des cribes, observes, casually comments and dis-
c u sses, and suggests possible interpretations and reactions. 
In rea lity, he is not a critic, nor even an art-historian, 
bu t rather a casual "art-commenta tor. 11 5~ Thus did he charac-
terize hims elf. He ca refully avoids assessments. When 
? ero atory criticism is inescapable, he almost always quotes 
at leng t h from other critics, thus avoiding the personal 
resp onsibili ty and blame should feelin gs be hurt.59 
His organizational pattern in writing his essays is 
uit e re gular. Generally, Tuckerman begins with a brief 
laudatory statement of some kind, then a straight biographical 
acc ount of major events and occurrences in the life of the 
subje c t, followed by a painting by painting commentary upon 
the artist ' s better works. Most often the comments are quite 
g ene r al, words such as II sympathetic 11 11 true 11 "well-executed 11 
. ' I I 
11 m1ngled pathos and delicacy," 11 earnest, 11 11 affective, 11 "impres-
s ive, 11 " striking ," are more than frequently used . 60 
The gre a test value of the Book of the Artists is in 
i t s presentation of original materials from the personal lives 
of the artists. Much of these materials were drewn from 
u er s onal corresnondence to Tuckerman (from such men as Inman, 
Greenough , and Powers) or from Tuckerman's personal recollec-
ti ons of social evenings and dis cussions among the men about 
whom he writes. 61 Yet, even here, with typ i cal reticence, 
Tu ck erman often does not make entirely clear that the source 
164 
of the mat erial s is himself, or some other close friend. 62 
Eugene Neuhaus sta ted once tha t "the artistic achieve-
ments of ma n h ave been recorded in the form of art histories , 
but the huma n values, the biographical elements, are here so 
often overwhelming that the artistic values are lost sight 
of. 11 63 This would appear to be somewhat true of Tuckerman. 
Although it is obvious that Tuckerman made a conscious effort 
to record reactions to various works of art, as a good Roman-
tic he did not deeply probe to understand just what, specifically, 
art was about. For Tuckerman, the artistic experience had a 
primary value in its subjectivity; to objectively dissect or 
explore would perhaps have seemed somehow heretical to him. 
In his presentation Tuckerman mentions only large art 11 prin-
cip les11 (which are in accord with the dominant Romantic 
Philosophy of his day). Thus, he cannot really be considered a 
teacher of aesthetics as, for instance, Jarves might be), for 
he is too reticent to publicly examine the feelings which 
underlie his own enjoyment of the beautiful. He does present 
specific works of art, and discusses, upon a large general 
level, what qualities these contain which may serve to bring 
pleasure to their viewer; but, in all of this, he is not precise 
enough in his theory, and not specific enough in his pronounce-
ments. Tuckerman, really, is more an 11 art-appreciator, 11 than 
art-critic; he is a friendly commentator and promoter of artis-
tic a preciation in America. 64 
And in this he is not out of place in his age. Tucker-
man's efforts were among the first reputable works on American 
art and American a rtists. They were preceded only by William 
Dunl a p 's A History of the Rise a nd Progress of the Arts of 
De s i gn i n the United States, 65 and by C. Edwards Lester's 
The Artists of America: A Series of Biographical Sketches of 
American Artists . 66 Both of these works were written in much 
t h e same vein a s Tuckerman's. They are biographical, anecdotal, 
and ersonal. They treat the artist more than h is art, and are 
more i nterest ed in the man than they are in the profession. 
Tuck erma n was well acquainted with both of these works, for he 
liberally used materials from both of them. Lester, like Tuck-
erman, was not an artist; although extremely sympathetic with 
the artistic experience, he did not venture to criticize artis-
tic works nor to explain artistic principles. Dunlap , however, 
was a former student of Benjamin West, and, as an artist, felt 
f ree to criticize the work of other artists. Tuckerman, thus, 
is between the two; he is more critical than Lester, but less 
so than Dunlap. Tuckerman does provide the most scholarly 
imp r ession, for he presents the greatest quantity of material, 
and does so in the smoothest, most meticulous style. 67 At 
first glance, Tuckerman 1 s scholarly carefulness and educated 
use of language makes his work appear superior to both Dunlap's 
and Lest er 's; however, a closer examination reveals their essen-
tial similarity. Of the three, Lester is the most completely 
biogr auhi cal, Tuckerman is the most comprehensive (treating more 
p ers ons and intentionally dis cuss ing more works of art), and 
Dunlap, due to his free (but often unreliable)68 style of per-
sona l ane cdote, is most pleasurably read. In its time 
166 
Tu ckerman 1 s work was r eputable and , to most critics, acceptable . 
ui t e obv iously it served as the example for such later works 
s those of George Will iam Sheldon, S. G. W. Benjamin, J. Walker 
~cs . a dden , and Charles H. Caff in. 69 
Tuckerman's comments on the contempora r y situa tion with 
regard to the de ve lopment of art in the United States are worth 
noting if for no other reason sim. ly because later historians,70 
with the advantages of hindsight, tend to agree with him in his 
g eneral observations . That Tuckerman righ tly assessed his own 
time and nroblems certainly is an indication of a greater 
knowledg e and ability in the world of art than has heretofore 
seemed apparent.71 
Tuckerman perceived five major problems in the devel-
0 ment of art in America. The first was the impossibility for 
the American artist to identify himself with the universal 
American life. American ut il i tarianism, hustle, struggle for 
material luxury, devotion to the immediate, faith in enterprise 
and self-assertion, were perceived to be in direct opposition 
to the r epose, thoughtful observation, sympathy and deli cat e 
feelin g required by the artist. The pressure of commercialism 
p romoted a lowered standard of vulgarity, mediocrity, and 
hate, in the name of quantity distribution for profit; all of 
wh ich was foreign to the intrinsic subjective nature of art.72 
The second major problem was the lack, in America, of 
enlightened public sympathy. The American , ublic was provin-
ci 1 in its artistic taste. Financial encouragement and public 
praise were given to artists for work of low artistic merit, 
167 
h us e ncourag i ng mediocrity and inequality of artisti c 
r oducti on . 73 
The third problem was allied wi th the se cond ; it was 
c on c erned with the lack in America of II ext ensive and a cceptable" 
r esources for artisti c education . America had great need of a 
fr e art gallery , both as a p lace f or the art ist to displ ay his 
etter work , and as an influe nce 11 t o hono r, elevate , a nd refine 
h r o su erous but per ver ted i nstincts of humani t y. 11 Th e 
A e r i can artist had no center wher e an art ist ic s tandar d migh t 
e e stablished, where he c ould s t udy the best art works in con-
jun c tion with h is own effo r ts . 74 
The fou r th pr oblem wa s t h e lack of a dequat e and 
a c c e table a t ronage fr om the Federal Governmen t . Tuckerman 
felt t hat governmen t a rt s ponsorship t hus f a r had sh own a 
" l amen t able i gnora nce and pr esumption in dea ling wi t h art a s a 
na t i onal i nter est . II Tuckerman c ited t he Capitol building 
i n ash ington as a s ymbol of Government s ponsored art, and he 
c .lled it "a most i nc ongruous combina t i on of Q: ood and bad 
eff e ct s ." The s poi ls s ystem wa s the culprit in t his sad situa-
tion; i t re sulted in "superficial, i gnorant judgments," and 
inferior a rt i s ti c product ion, by men selected by politica l 
in f luen ce r a ther than artistic knowledge or capablllty.75 
The fina l problem wa s the l a ck of ind ividual push and 
d e rmin t i on on t he part of the American artist . Ar t in 
Ameri ca ha d become so subject to 11 cosmo olitan 11 influence, and 
s o " de p endent upon the ma r ket" t hat most American artists were 
fo rc ed t o 11 paint to live, hoping , perha ps, the t ime may come 
wen they may live to uaint. 11 This situation forced t h e artist 
t o u e r vert hi s inspi ra t i on, to paint to the nublic demand, for 
mone y , r a t her t han to be true to his own individua l genius. 
For Tu ck erman, s uch a perversion wa s trag ic, for to him the 
rt st wa s a member of a sort of natura l priesthood , and the 
? e l i ng or bar gain ing of that holy power wa s tantmount to idol-
n t r y . Tu ck erman dep lored the evidence of the commercial spirit 
amon g Am er i can a rtists; and he blamed it u on t heir evident 
wil l ingnes s to be subverted to lower goals .76 
Of i n t erest is the fact that Alexis de Tocqueville had 
sta t ed many of these same ideas in the second part of his 
Demo cra c y in America seven years prior to Tuckerman's ea rliest 
. ubl ished expression of any op inions on art and artists in 
Amer i ca. 77 Tocqueville also noted that the intense strug le 
f or we 1th i n America tended to degrade and corrupt artistic 
a ch i evement, and to encourage vulga rity in the public taste. 
An d , much more u recisely than did his contemporary, Tuckerman, 
r e arr i ved a t f unda mentally the same conclusions as to general 
c uses and underlying principles: that it was the Ameri can 
em hasis u on utilitarianism and materialism which tended to 
corr up t both the artist and his market . (Tocquevi lle, however, 
n robed even more dee ly than this. He perceived that American 
olitical equality and freedom of economic opportunity inspired 
the American to strenuous efforts to elevate himself within 
his society. Materialism and utilitarianism, in the American 
ph yslcal situation, were the natural results.) The consequent 
desire for wealth, and the swift rise and fall of its a cquisition, 
' 
I 
169 
b r d among the neonl e desires for cultural attainment ' or , at 
l e st, desir es for the superficial evidences of its presen ce, 
t us creating a great mass market for artistic objects without 
n y a cc ompanying critical standard to maintain a high quality 
o ac c omplishment . Artists, therefore, fell prey to the com-
ercial vices of quantity production over quality product ion . 
Forced by financial need, artists aimed at a more average level 
of achievement and the result was that II they rarely have an 
0 ortunity of showing what they can do; they are scrupulously 
8 a ring of their powers; they remain in a state of accomplished 
medio c rity. 1178 
Just how familiar Tuckerman was with Tocqueville's 
views on art development in America is not determinable from 
presently available sources. That he had read Democracy in 
Ameri ca by 1864 is apparent, as he had discussed Tocqueville 1 s 
book a s a travel account in Ameri ca and her Commentators publish-
ed in that year . But, whether he had comprehended Tocqueville's 
analysis , especially of the art situation in America, earlier 
t han this is not known;79 however, in view of the immense popu-
l a rit y of Tocqueville's work, both in Ameri ca and in Europe, 
and the fact that it appeared in the years 1835 and 1840 when 
Tuckerman was so much interested in educated European opinion 
of America and Americans, it would seem that Tuckerman must have 
been acquainted with Tocqueville ' s views. 30 If so, undoub tedly, 
Tocqueville 1 s 11 salutary wisdom and rare perspicacity 11 81 had some 
influence in the formation of Tuckerman's later uublished views 
on ar t and artists in America. That Tuckerman could have arrived 
170 
a t his concept ions individually, without any knowledge of 
To cqueville ' s prior perceptions, is, of course, ossible, but 
highly improbable due to Tuckerman 1 s youth at the time of 
To cqueville 1 s writing, plus the immediate popularity of Tocque-
ville1s work (especially Part II, which contained th ese 
uarallel percept ions). 82 It would auuear, therefore, that 
Tuckerman was influenced in hi s art views by the prior works of 
Alexis de Tocqueville; yet, it must be remembered that such a 
theory cannot be absolutely substantiated. That there was 
a r eement between the two men is, at least, indicative of the 
fa ct that Tuckerman , whether led by Tocqueville or not, was 
able to see his own age with some sort of detached perspective, 
and t hi s is a prime prerequisite for any valid social criti-
cism. 
Tuckerman finally concluded that art, in America, 
11 like everything else, 11 was in a transitional state, and he 
v oiced a hope that the changes which were indicated for the 
future might be fortunate for a true development of a great 
American artistic awakening. But he warned the complacent that 
"while a superficial observer might infer from these 1 signs of 
the times ' an auspicious future for art in America, and while 
they undoubtedly evince a tendency in the right direction--when 
we consider that, justly regarded, this great means of culture 
and sphere of genius is positively degr aded by mediocrity--that 
it is sacred to Beauty, Truth, and high significan ce, moral and 
int e llectual, and therefore, absolutely demands accuracy, har-
mony, power, grace, purity, expression, and individuality, as 
-----=-a . 
171 
normal attributes ; and remember how much more these are the 
exceptions than the rule ??? these indications of a superfi-
c ial recognition of its claims must be taken with allowance. 1133 
Tuckerman pro claimed that American art, to achieve such great-
n ess , must regain a stability, for one of its most prominent 
ch re.c teristics at that time was its very instability . It was 
mos t often an incongruous combination of artistic virtues a nd 
v i ce s, of " defective drawing" joined with 11 superior color," 
nd " exact imi t ation of form and texture" joined with 11 false 
ersuective, 11 or "skill in the gradations of tints, with bad 
manag ement of light and shade. 1184 And all of t h is but reflect-
ed for Tuckerman, the " grand deficiency" in American art of 
11 want of character; gl impses, prophecies, imperfect de velop-
men ts t h ereof we d iscover, but as a general rule, not en ough ? 
? . . In turth, our art, like our life, is too subject to 
vi cissitud e a nd cosmopolitan influences, too dependent on the 
mc=i r k et ..?. 1135 Tuckerman saw a rt as a language, a medium for 
the expression of ideas and feelings; there were two requisites 
fo r its use, "to have something to say, and ?.? to say it 
well. 11 The American artist, restricted by the limitations of 
his social environment, seduced by commercial materialism into 
c onscious perversions of his individual integrity and morality, 
h d lost the high personal charac t er and initiative necessary 
to p roduce gr a nd works of art . S6 To restore that initiative 
should be the high aim of Americans everywhere, for art was not 
only a reflection of the surrounding reality, but also a guide 
a nd a mentor to a higher and better level of life for all men . 
172 
And T as a moving figure in the art life of mid uckerman 
-n1 neteenth century ' Ameri ca , was a sort of advocate for 
that ebvie tter world . Un ab l e to create the Beautiful himself, 
annea~.  w dently t 00 reticent and kindly to blast for himself a 
ay in , e was content to move quietly bc er hit inic di  sm h 
thieg hsecre nes ' nerson a 11 Y encouraging struggling artists to a 
h1 t ho
v u.r t endeavor a nd a more faithf ul consecration, and striving 
o gui de a mor e intelligent appreciation. 
Not ostentation t 
nevear thd eep think er, and often not a lucid writer, Tuckerman 
1s  De eless mad e hi. s contribution to hiS times? His position 
rhaps by Samuel Isham, who writes that in best summed up 
8'Pit e Of his d 
. eficiencies 
hwef the p ith man, whe
' 
n the tawdry ornament is cleared away, 
rea ? 1,?  Tenucj ker of the matter in him, He )!:new the artists 
ath vered t~yed their society, admired their worl!:s, and Ught m eir characters , He had 100!1:ed much at art and 
a~ 0 knew h~ch about it in a r a ther hazy, sentimental way , 
cu~ut him 
8 surroundings, the social and business life 
th ture t' a nd he felt the need for a nobler , ampler 
une diffi~ balance the spreading commercialism? He knew 
th certaint~lties of the artists, their isolation, the 
the materi es of patronage , the lacl!: of j
a u st a preciation, e lllachi al difficulties of studios and models, and all 
J~ ~as no~ery of art, and for all he had ample sympa t hy , 
r dgement an advanced critic? His judgements were the 
tbVersed ? s of his time and many of them have been 
the cont' but for us it is rather a merit, for he voices 
?ie mann!~porary point of view, and if we wish to l!:now 
~l i" ties of men for whom our art ists worl!:ed in tbe m1tat! eir enthusiasms 
t th beir sentimentalitY, tbeir 
.1.u ck ermiaonn. Ss / we can find it'  all reflected in? ? ? 
l73 
OTES TO CHA TER V 
Rceocnot  co re1a. ctiTohne " ~rand style" was a culmination of the anti-or eury. I t haw_ ich swept over Europe in the eighteenth 
anticlecticism d i ts s t ructural roots in the aesthetic theory 
!mit quarian Joha dvocated by such neo-classicists 
1 a7 s5   the ?Hon of t h an~ Jakob WincJ<elmann (Reflections 
a on nd   th, e and t h e a intin s and Scul tures of the Greeks, 
ecieTas te in~ painter Anton Raphael Menge (Concerning Beaut~ 
inra Ctlcism r amt in , 1762). BrieflY stated, the theory of 
thisll ible. T~claimed that Beauty was an absolute, ideal and 
trui ideal ou e artist, therefore, who sought to approach 
acco! great arf~ t to copy the most perfect accomplishments of 
~o ie~lishment ?(s, j oining their virtu
a ep sh  a into o u ot nr ei  g gh rt a nd I t was in this spirit that B
t et no jn am~ e
i
 n ? WeS se t  composition, organiza
e t1  
io
~ nsk , a ar n dH  a fg oe rn m,  from The Birth of the American Tradi-
!\oma0lds, a~d ew York, 194-0, P? 115~omulgated by 
8Ubj nt1c ace practiced by West, the "grand style" found 
thet;cts soueptance in a t endency toward the idealization of 
?rt1 t Poss ibf1I out for their emotional con
~h tee na t  (a? nn dd ,  a tu hd usi ,t  ies for establi shing a close communion betw
U eb en8J  /tist so ence). Through this appeal to human sentiment 
? m cts wer ugb t to portray a story through hiS medium. 
0IBen~t hologie , therefor e, usuallW ye   eitherg  r ha i sa tm oi rn i cal,c  a ll i, t eo rr a ro ~f   drama t ic or moral contemporary interest. 
more styles~ was the outstanding American exponent of t h
nd e tng1 E nglish? Although some scholars claim that West was 
is ua nd, hi than American due to his long residence in and :den1ab~einfluence on ! he formative years o
~ f?  t1 A mo et r ict an art ? Tuckerman considered him an American artist, 
<23 . sts, [0N0  ~ ood a one at t hat. See Tuckerman,in' Jam York, l S67  ] /@, Ok of t~pp. 9 16  ~106.) See Hagen, PP? 10 -
X!<~~ 1e ~ , Amer1~a-r? al( N wSo Q?0y :l'Ia<n,  1 DIo; ro) t, hyP " C? . Millet , ~d he mer1oan s 7 ; and 1 Fr rank 
?,' pf ~nt,;; 
J 
al h 1t- 1-n 
e
A wr et   'l'h 8 ~ a n: of2 Amari. ca, 
.o en 192 . , PP? 9 3o . 
t o enr . ll.bri 1 ' " ' 
W',' 0b eb S t a2e?  I n American art dur1ng ti>? ?? y r ? thi _ 1nf_1 ue!iO int l'ou
~  h?b e~ n ?? 1  t he dyn mio t eaohin of w1111am Mor r '- Hu
 nt , 
L ~o~cto Boston arta  circles t he r elai ed stmplicityblul td hn n schentra tion of Couture and M111et and t he so? OB e -
~~o0 ut a0 Far oal. Hunt's most famous Amer1can prot e was 1~fe inB j; Who desoite a rather desultfiy !I~t~~~ A~~~ican 
1D )a1 ni,; or an ce, reached arti 0s  tic ma tur thY 6 , See
(  i l
0l ).'   C11o rti shsoizs  frJ iehn dL  HFun t at Newport in e Sl~ s.(B t ?ton a.pna s A IIA  ' aa ir\  ana d  a ar   e t ud t 'o  ~mD Oa SV  S o no , f wn11am !!orris Hunt, 
, 923 ) . ? s . annon' _Tos 1s t orv of ~~in~
, , amuel Isham, ~ -
(New y 174 
Of ewAm  yOr1rcka, n1 P92a7i)n t ?0 ? 309--327 ; Charles Henry Caffln, The Storj' 
man b ork, 19 1n the Evolution of Palntin i n America 
186?)r1efly d3i7s c' po . 121--15 ; and Soby, po- 2 --30. Tucke~--
Abbot t pp . 447--45~~es Hunt in Book of the Artist~, (New York, 
lnriu le e 111 w ? and LaFarge, p. 4g9 . The work of J ames 
foremence I  in AmehlS t ler was also representative of French 
le c tu? st exoo n en~ 1 can art ? Wh 1 s tier, in theory, was AImerica s 
?? '? -?r e Ten of art for art 
I s sake - See Whistler s 
(NII ew YOo Ir ~lock, 11 in The Gentle Art of Making Enemie_? 
Jewet?n . 2s5 .. g '. ig9o); also Caffln, ~tory __ gf American Paint--
Art Mather 3O II A sham , pn . 327--340 ; Soby 1,1  P? 30 ; and Fra nk 
1net er1es Ii /terthoughts on Whist l er , in Estimates in 
lands8e enth ent ixteen Essa son Ameri can Pain"ters of the 
this cape alntur , ew York, 1931, PP? 9 .. 101. n Ameri can 
or the rly Frenl~g the work of George Inness best represents 
a lare America c influence. I nness is an excellent example 
?chieger synthn fransition from minute analysis and detail to 
?ar1yvements es s of mood and emotion- I nness' highest 
and hilS70 1n synthesls were atta i ned in the late 1S60 's and ~?(N1
8 e5e E. Daingerfield George Inness, the Man York, 1911 ); Soby,-P? 26; Carrin, ?:j;ory of 
fnr1uc t r eatm n ? PP ? 134--143; Isham, PP? 255--261; a sympa--
lllerience, lsenf~t  of Inness' development and hiB American ~.;;:n?x? A~rt ~ Eugen Neuhaus, The Histo~deals oJ: ew York, 1931), j)p. 97--120. Tuckerman dis--
tion mer1can 1n Book of t he Artists po- 527--532. Mather, ?cc ~ Of the 8plrlt in Art containS~xcellent short descrip--
or 0thl>anied bw e od rke  v ae ni dY  i nre flp ur eo nd cu ec  t oi fo  n as l lo  f o ft  h te hi er s ew  o mr ek ns ,  representat ive 
opments discussed. 
dOif da11 of th Tuckerman had kind sympathetic words for the works 
?got~ot appr~!e painters, excePt Whistler, whom he oby1ouslY 
~rman ~m and e f, most probably because of WhiS t le r s open 
hist arara Other loose mor als- Samuel Isham notes thst Tuck--~an1 leB8 r  is war lamp h t( in Book o_ f__  ;:; t.. h;c. e.;:.  .:: A.-.::. r=- t.. i;:. s.:. t:.~ s:..  -::-;:;. P;:: P...::: ?.;  ;;... 4--' 311 5 .i.  466T)u  ckon e r 
~of os the only drop of gall? . ? ? n -
8 
the Artists (Isham, P? 330). 0 
0
A?th? eh elr< o ~k 3o?  f JE x cellent portra it a chievement is found din some f 
?ag1 Brown Dohn Trumbull Rembrandt Peale John Vnda o erlY , 
?~one. Per urand , Samuei Finley Br eese M;r
o sr et ,~   aAme Jr o1 h nh  aps the only susta ined high qualitYn din  potrhtraiture 
~??11 e Phu~an ar tists during these years is fou in e work 
d ""-t y of c delphlan, Thomas Sully; yet, the arist tocratic -
al to soon harm and gr a ce which hiS work consiS entlY attsin 
~0 i 8~  r~'.:Y . ,.~ut of date midst the rise of the new American 
????maen~t lolfo ?w ppi.n 1g6 -t-h2e9 , Cciovnilt aWinasr - a Mshaothret, burt co,mp~rehens ive 
a port raiture in these years? 0 
" 0?ne 4in- evG e nre palnt ln~s endeavorede  r ty od  a vy o rtl ri af Ye   ? a. sG  enre had its earliest Amet orY rican r 
175 
ings i n the work of John Lewis Krimmel of Philadelphia 
a :--, c:::1 tl nry Sargent of Boston, early in t he nineteenth century . 
~ - mi - c entury the be t ter genre pa inters were Henry Inman, 
11 ~; 1 g ri II Ma tteson ( Tompkins H. Matteson, who painted the 
11 s --Ji r ? t of Seventy-six"), Richard Caton Woodville (who immor-
tP 2.i d the barrom), and William Sydney Mount; of these 
----: e i n t rs , only Mount achieved in g enre painting any real 
8 r tist i c s kill . After the Civil War, genre pa inting reached 
8 ~ tis i c lev e ls in the early work of Winslow Homer, and in 
~ h ma u r e wo rk of Eastmond Johnson. It rea ched a common 
e x n r s ion in the p opular II newsboy" t h emes of John George 
.:: ,r o w . However , the highest artistic achievement in genre 
'.)a i n t ? g a e a red after Tuckerman I s death, in the realistic 
h.:,e r i c anism of Th oma s Eakins. Wi th the exception of the 
1 s ol8 t d , and large ly unreco gnized, achievement of Eakins, 
;:;- enre inting began a decline after the Civil War, p robably 
c-?ue to the mistaken aestheticism which decried all narrative 
;)a i n i n g s sub-artistic. Ma gazine illustration had largely 
s u . lan t ed genre ua inting by the last qua rter of the nine-
te n t c e ntur y . See Mather, The American Spirit in Art, 
D D - 37 - 4 0 , 5 0 -58; Isham, pp . 341-358; Caffin, Story of Ameri-
c a n Paint i ng , pp . 94-118, passim; and Soby , pp. 21-25. (A 
t to r ou h understanding of the p otential of nineteenth century 
z e n r e a int ing requ ires some consideration of Eakins and his 
ach i e v e ment. Se e Lloyd Goodrich, Thomas Eakins, His Life 
an d lark , [New York, 1933] ; Mather, Estimates in Art, 
D D ? 201-231; and Matthiessen, American Renaissance, pp. 604-
6 1 0 , et p a ss i m.) 
5. Thomas Doughty (1793-1856) was a self-taught 
D B i:-i t e r of large rural scenes in and around Philadelphia and 
New York. He was a p ioneer in American landscape painting ? he 
ach ieved with the brown tones popular in the 1830 1 s and 18 4O' s, 
a r ath er fine illumination and quiet harmony, quite surprising 
f o r the accen ted formulas within which he worked. See Mather, 
The rn erican Sp irit in Art, pp. 41-43, passim; Isham, pp. 213-
2 l 4 ; and Tuck erman, Book of the Artists, pp. 506-507. 
6. Th omas Cole (lgOl-1848 ) is the father of Ameri can 
l an d s c a e ainting and t he most prominent member of the 
11 Hudson River School. 11 He established a p re c edent of solemn, 
Ro mantic adora tion of untamed nature. Through his work 
Amer i c a ns lea rned a reverence for the artisti c potential of 
t h e i r own countryside. All of the later American lands cape 
ainters owe some debt to him. He was an intimate friend of 
j i lliam Cullen Bryant, Fenimore Cooper, Asher B. Durand, and 
o t er leading Romanti c s in the early New York circle . An 
e x cellent study of Cole as a Romanticist i s Walter L . Na t han 
11 Th omas Cole and the Romantic Lands cape ," i n Romanti c ism in 
Amer i c a , ed., George Boa a , ( Baltimore, 1940 ), pp . 24-62. 
Sta n dard treatments are in Mather, The Ameri can Spirit in Art, 
u . 41- 44 , passim; Isham, n . 216-231; Caffin , pp . 66-69; 
Neuh a u s, pp. 65-73. Tuckerman 1 s essay on Cole, pub lished 
first 176 
repro d1un c ed1S 4in7  hinis A  ~]g7s t-BLooikfe ,o f poth. e 1A16r-t1i2s2ts, , ls co2mpletely PP? 23-232 . 
1lasnt,d s a nd 7P. roAmsihneern t Br own Durand (1796-1336), engraver, portrait-
micro cape paintl member of the "Hudson River SchOol" of 
ua1nt!cop1c dep i~i i ls most famous for his meticulous, almost 
?Yes d from nat on of every detail 1n a vast landscape 
he ?f the Rom ure . Durand, like Cole, saw nature with the 
?ough~ sted upo~ntic poet, yet he differed from Cole in that 
esse1n0 1to repre a more( literal rendering of the actuality he 
?choo Ce of the ~ent. Interestingly enough, this was the 
John 1n Franc eginnings of realism as seen in the Barbizon 
"](ind L1 aFarge e which was to produce William Morris Hunt and 
beautf?d Sp1r1i ~t~r in the century.) Durand painted the famous The A es of a which portrays Cole and Bryant enjoying the 
21 mer1can 8r  omantic American nature scene- See Mather, 
Bt ; on the 5Hirit in Art, PP ? 42-44, g!lssi_!!!; Isham, PP? 214-
Boby of Ameri udson River School," PP ? 232-254); Caffin, 
Po0rt; Pp . 1 _ gan Palntln , pp . 71-76, E!'ss~; Neuhaus, p. 70; 
NaturaYal o5f 1th' passim. Tuckerman oralses Durand ' s r ealistic e. See Te actual scene and hlS "greatest feeling for 
11 uckerman, Book of the Artists, PP ? 187-196. 
Ctoh upr ~h (lsS. 26A-ll bert) Bierstadt (1t30-1902) and Frederic Edwin ?1 rtray th 00 were the two leading exponents of an effort 
Phys~?? u on~9 grandiose vastness of American scenes? Empha-
?ou8 ghca11y t ? igness, and the landscapes painted were often ~h11 t to large for dlsplaY 1n the horn?? B1erstadt 
(anae Chur0c0hrt
0 ray the form and 1ocal color of a large scene; 
not' fore sought a detailed depiction equal to Durand 
mu trecognl~ch object, usually better). Both painters dld 
??nn ?acr1fle the later-established fact that grand deolct1on 
Ch8ur~t be ~e detail to grand effect, that such vast scenes 
entuh mi gh11t erally represented- The work of B1erstadt and P0p. 4Y Amer be viewed as another expression of nineteenth 
oby 8-2549. l ean ambition and exhibitionism? See Isham, P8ra 2? PP. Mather, The American Spirit~? PP? 47-49; 
that"e for b-20; Neuhaus, PP ? 79-33, ~- Tuckerman has 
l oo1a their1 oth painters but does state rather carefully, 
qUen e~1de effort is mor~ intellectual than sensual, giving 
Pp. ;1,. ha~/ ce of form and compoe7 i0 ti- on, bua tn  d II  1d n ry co. lo? r'?   f? r e-11 Tuckerman, Book of the Artiste, 
39
Year?t1c 9t h With Inness the a i. n~t f1 l uence of more advanced foreign l(e54) 1n lteories must be acknowledged? Inness soent two 
app nr1o aly (1$47-134 ) and three years 1n France (1S5l-
?1rerozimar t o the years9 of hlS greatest artistic achievements 
'?ho" tha ttely from 3 to 1s7o) . However, most art h istorians 
??? o1, h1' although 1In59n ess was 1nf1uenced by the Barblzon 
hte an 1ndf steady growth from analytical to synthetic ideals 
return V1dual achievement accom 11shed 1n America afte)r 
from Europe . ( see' references 11sted 1n Note 2. 
?uckerma 177 
?bsusobit l e mn esaeneimn s a.b  it dismayed at Inness. He senses a 
natur~t e geniu:? 1ndi c:tive of the rarest skill and mo st 
Evide ' and "li~ ? ? ? Yet be complains that he "overleaps" 
See Tn t1y Tucker !nce t akes the place of fre
u ec dk omer .m  a ? n .'  s ? B " an bas not gr a sped the synthetic principle . 
ook of the Artists p. 527 . 
p 1 _, 
to
dh
 
ei
e
vlea
r elp
ide ateo
h. i a SAucrht  efforts as the American Art Union, t he  art c 6 Union, and the Western Art Union, did help 
l<ith Ping or ons ciousness, but tbeY did lit t le towards 
Un1on m0 ediocrit;;f.1ning the ubliC taste . ( "What is the matter 
4, e in 1844. asked the president of the American .Art 
6Populsp. p . 4S 8 ee Russell Lynes, ,Tiie Tastemaker~, pp . 37-
?nd ?rizatio - 49.) Almos t all of these eff orts at art-
thes :teady fi~ collapsed from want of solid public i nterest 
l<hich efforts ancial support . Perhaps the most successful of 
r(ePut flourishw~s the Cosmopolitan Art Associa tion in New York 
dist"ble qua re through mid-century, and published a most 
throuributed f terly journal, the Cosmopolitan Art Journal 
??socgh 1859 r ee to members of tile associa tion), from 1556 
On th ?t1on ?~ Excellent contemporary descriptions of the 
Green"1 matter a c tivities appear in each issue of thi s journal. 
lfemor~Ugh "A of the artistic taste of the oublic, see Horatio 
osm al ~r He
,, ?rv~ 11tan ~rst
hetlcs at Wash ington," in Tuckerman'?! 
atio Greenou h , pP? 61-94; "Art in America, " 
Old 0, ~rt H rt Journal, III (December, 1655), 1-5, pass im; 
~e8 rs" ints, PP? 1-14, 304-311; and &::!, Studies: the 
~- Fran of Italy; Pa1nt1n?, (New York, 1BW, PP? 1-20 , 
~? pn c~s Steegmuller The Two Lives of James Jackson 
" iC 1gn 
2 -265 relates jarves strug ?le with N2 ew York t orance and apathy in the 1~60 s. 
t13o.!>rt k?  A1r1t ist Tu ckerman published three works concerned with tort' 1 7. -Life: or Sketches of American Painters, (New 
last' 11159): The haracter and Portrait? of Washin ton, (New 
t"o Work ? and Book of the Artists New York, 18 7 ? The 
?tte~ rks 1ncorpora tes almost all J' the contents of the first does 0 1n thiFor this reason the first two works will not be 
not a s paper except where the informat ion document ed 
t ppea r in the later, more comprehensive publicat i on. 
ton ( ill l am Morris Hunt's Talks on Art, ed., Helen M. 
l'lowl 12. W 
r ? Boston, 1 1' P? 57? 
Uct d of T uckerman Leaves
1  3. contains the more pe'ol1ne1cyoel' rman duTck erman ?s ' a~ies 1n ItalY in the 1s3n
rdsotnhal o ?s. 
!nth in Lon i d not publish these notes until 1553, a en 
~?rs eir don , and probablV after a most t horough edit ing? 
"?s1ona1 PUblished form th0se notes throw some light on the 
by ?denc~- everyday thoughts of Tuckerman during h1S Italian 
"?r eu?ker~ h~wever theY have been emasculated quite thorou~ly 
rencesan s del~tion of names and place s , and most definite 
? It thus furnishes mostlY onlY indications of 
~??lings 17s 
thUackt ertmh a n~ ns d rethtoieu ght s with no actual relationshios established 
died i e record :n~e even brings him to adopt the old r use ? 
Tuckern an old in1 ?t his , but t hat of another traveler who 
Prefa man's chan cn 1n Massa, Italy, a few years prior to 
?ague ce," in Lea e e)counter of his record. ( See "Edi tor ? s 
Come ~ess, Leav~ves. Regardless, however, of al l its 
amon ? his inns is the nearest Tuckerman allows anyone to 
fina~lTuckermanfr feelings . I t is somewhat out of character 
Y to ublishuubli cations ; one wonders what prompted him 
8 it at all . 
?llrgt,'  "and1 4I. sab T ~ ~kerman , Leaves , PP? 60-61, See also pp . 10S 
Physian evidenc' PP? 19~-195, wherein Isabel sees in ancient 
Cal life . e of devotion to something beyond and above 
11 
l5. Tu ckerman , Leaves , PP ? 6-7? 
so morala t the struggle b wy istuhcinh  wthaos ugnhott s oansl yt hmee nftoallbut al 16. Th ? is indicated l
,o wing: 
f hin us e to me as if wha t is richest, most exalted 
Wcaitr  oInt e s?e?e'm m du st be perpetually repressed, To live only 
eares and self, to consume years in a round of petty 
nds--how amus ements having reference onlY to personal 
bs unattr barren--Joyless! Even the pursuit of knowledge 
r1e renounac tive except as a means, Must the beautiful 
dedeem theed? Cannot will, imagination, and feeling 
???tiny be a ctual? If, indeed , the 1aw of human 
SSity i e to sacrifice the ideal at the altar of nec-
~ur as;i sit ordained that we shall be thwarted in all 
nger rations, baffled in 0ur best affections? I no 
( P0lacenc;ondered at monastic life, and 1ooked with com-
/uck upon every convent? ..? 
?nl.id,1s deer mhiasn' wLeaves, p . 33.) AlreadY Tuckerman has begun to Of ' ?elf orlds, and to define them in terms of means and 
ore'Udencea unself, the actual and the ideal? ~e problem 
1?? ?n0 the th a
nndd  enthusiasm also disturbed him; however, the 
llal dought about it the more he t ended toward hiS 
ecision 
hthe  tr same ' cautious instinct wh ich siowlY enriches 
tth"aatr t t?h:de er ? ? . should be deemed applicable to the 
thus wh aspirations is absurd and sacreligi oUS ? Yet 
in theiat are called sensible and correct men talk? 
a??m. ; Vi ew fools alone sacrifice prosperity to enthus-
issum tihe loss of social consideration and the 
snfiniteon of expense are evils, in their opinion, 
ming th ly beyond any spiritual need? ? ? , ?How dfpres-
an t h1ese hopeless and literal arguments- ?.. As a 
Of comfnketh, so is he? ' Forget not this, ye idolaters 
ort and po sition, Better the simplicity ye 
179 
ctthhonead teqmu nen, chanind g thoef  : riva tions ye so strongly deoic t, than 
is i sens i bilit tll holy fir e , and the passing away of 
( mmortal wit~ 0 beauty and t ruth through whi ch what 
Tuckerm in us is kept cons cious and aliv e . 
an ' Le aves, p . 43.) 
Wthaas t t hTU 1ck7e. rmaSnuc' hs  ~~ssages as the following would indicate 
?ear ch! r esult of na l de cision to 11 ve the life he did 11v e 
!llowedn g on his quite a little cons cious thought and soul-
Od Vei a more r oart. One wishes that hiS r
l ee td ic ei nm cp el  i h ae dc  tise record than 1s found in the vaguenesses 
ca i ons i n Leaves. 
1 h ?I ?  tFiosr  dstar a nge that so mu
-ch restlessness can obtain. 
demave avoidys and months I have 11ved 1n retirement ?.. 
wanands. I ed all association ... beyond what courtesy 
it dered forhave read in the stillness of my chamber, or 
er! and ext th to obtain inward quiet by physical activ-Ye Ving symernal objects ??.. It is true, deep and 
tht When onoathies will mine, as it were, into the heart, 
Pa~t t o be e is conscious of a false position, but feels 
br ience ta looker-on in life, demands a martyr's 
uroad st~ifhere is a problem to so1ve. Yet not for the 
to e , shoulde of ambition, nor for the highWBY of pleas-
to Co nv1nc we reoine . Somewhat I know of both--enough 
a dust one me that the fruit t heY bear 
a ? riva .t ?e  b m ay e tul ri no  s. A sequestered but intense
t  h experience, ba"Pirit. ~t satisfying activity, is the need of many 
th nquet m e can gather mental food at will, but the 
coat ardoay be solitarY? ??. It 1s awful to reflect 
un~~anion~~ of pursuit maY almost incaoac1tate man for 
mo 1 inst ips. We may identifY our standard of good 
?kc~1 ? Whilead of a household fire, it becomes a star t hat 
? y. e 1t allures f ar f ar above us in the cold 
( 'U ' ' 
Ck:e:r-m 
What an ' Le aves, PP? 50-51 .) nd
w ch n of mental agony maY
wnh
 
: h1_ u man creaturh es e ur? eroruirs  even t he ir intimat es are conscious- ? ? nd?  e of It is 
r~ nd?ign~0 how t he soul can wrestle with destinY a '?"ke 
or" obse There i s a world of silent endurance of which 
Pl caua i~rve rs dream. The will, pride , ae11cacY, a fear aniasure useless pain t o others, a kind of magnanimous 
(t isoia n bearing what must be borne alone--all nerve 
l.l.citel:' te the s pirit. 
tlnSan , !:_eaves , P? 160 .) 
: Tucke rman, !:_eavej!, P? 109? 
so Such . 11 sentiment is a 
19 de lie tas, for instance? ? ? 1? so peerless and 
a e , so pre-eminentlY lov e Y, 
~?ar, t h 1so 
chtartc ltth  ey t cathn eyo nwl hom 1 t mo s t enriches shrink from analyz i ng 
la lnf~g of the hy recognize with trembling; l ike the f a irY 
glance ~ltely ref~~ming-blrd over a honey -suckl e, i t s action 
or mer~ ( Tucker m ed , and eludes while it f ascina11 t es t he 
P1rt t l y human a an , Leaves , P ? 7,) Or, also: Some channel 
8Child Ual to co s soc iation was requisite to enable the 
love wof clay t ~q~~r the mortal , to l ink the sympathies of a 
as orda in ed !mor(tal ity , and t o such an off ice human 
? Tu ckerman, Leave s , p. 27.) 
elrtm aben  a2t 0t. hisT utcikt  eer m?a n , Leaves , p, - 164, - The quest i on for Tuck-~1 th / s s i bl e a nd t hr oughout hiS l ife, was ". . ? whether 
naturehe0 existen~ r econcile physical and mora l requirements 
P1rtt apnear t bsocia l order, Abstract truth and human 
?8nd thu 1 good- ~ e antagonists; outward well-being and 
'P?, r 15ge )expedien~r osperity and disintere11 stedness--the sincere orm' In tlma a re a t perpetual war, ( Tuckerman, ?,eaves, 
much oi?m a r e tions of Tuckerman'? future attitude towards 
?rrtvedd er a t ~h a r'.mt her e, J ames Jackson J erves, although 
bp , l- l at much ~ht i me of h is conversion t o the values of art, 
?tons , pass im? e same conclusion, See J arves, igt Hints, 
O4f  an I nq 1 a lso The Art-Idea: P~nd 0?._Confes-
! u rer, (New York , 1364), 
? ta:. 11a. n 2c1o. unDtru r ing one of h is long 1onelY walks across the yside Tuckerma n bad contemplated his situation 
0
be futur ? t h ought of the past--striving to 100k into 
hth:e n I re? co. enwith a strong heart, The beautY of life had 
thd assum~di zed under new phases, Its common features 
a ought I to my mind a sweet and fresh interest, Me-
end f elt isaw deeper into the hidden resources of time, 
1?Uld mak ntens ely how the spirit of 1ove and beauty 
t~eXhaust!b the world a scene of genial acttvitY and glOUght. le charms, With a kind of hopeful uride I 
u owing ? ? t hat my lot was cast in a free 1and, With 
( nsubdue~esolution I promised myself to awell t herein 
bTucke by its prac t ical suirit, 
eat told lnLea ves, P? 102 .) Tuckerman's rinal dedication is l:'Ina n 
ln h is Sonnet XXV, Poems, p, 71: 
~a Tmhya t fii~ ;::....:;_;;-st youth , the feverish thirst for gain temp is noble land makes life so chill , t h
&n 8 d Pl ew's ereeadr lyto a80  bl igwhits e-r- at ruchsta sbteyn pinagin s, ense of ill; 
Fr\ o'lmh  e~ger  acs loe uxdi l aedn d tofl oaw ' seurn n-aY  scolfitmeer,  meaning caught 
ln'Paeat ~eful forms and holY wrecks of time, 
:mored ng all to fond and uensive thought; 
o nd at of the Beautiful I grew, 
let me ter alta r uledged mY virgin soui,--
ere those treasured vows renew, 
131 
LF oAr ndin  ththoyu  th e service shalt henceforth control' 
1ves the b!r e ces and thy love sincere ' 
eS t spirit that I yet revere ? 
"Art and Artis ts," Jhe Ont imist, 
Pp . 9 3-9
242 ..  Tu ckerman, 
23 . Tu c k ermRn, Bo o1 of the Artist,? , p . 27? 
~Leave?  2D4..  lOTSu ck ~~gan , Book of the Ar_tl.ili, P ? 329. See also -22k or th~ A , et pass im; Isabel, PP? 194-195, et passim; 
-~::__::~r~t~i~s~t~s, pp . 329: 332, ]2?.ss im ? 
;rUmcakne ??  h2o5w. evJear v~s was a ctually five years younger than Tuck-
t le /man, in ir  ~ e was fifteen yea.rs older ( in 11'152, than 
?hat xnerienc S32 ) when he first began to explore the artis-
or !tl <as then e . In Ita ly, J a rves collected, at great expense, 
Ga1ieal1an nr iacknowledged as the bes t collection i n the world 
able r y). J a mitives (now seen at the Yale Universit y Art 
b1 rcr1t1c r~es developed i nto a most ca nable and knowledge-
a Cha aphy Why e was most frank and sincere, His psuedo-
or 0 th rm1ng- r and Wha t am I? . . . ( Boston, 11157), conta ins 
art ~ stric t rank, humorous iieif.=a~sessment much in advance 
Bia le dev credo of his Boston background, Jarves's 
1tg118~iPer1ene 1opment was the result of intense personal effort . 
Years e , andc~ au a rently was much more solid, more intel-
??? m before etter defined than was young Tu ckerman'? twenty 
book Ost voc?l In contrast to the reticent Tuckerman, Jarves 
?ry s about :r about his wn feelings about art; be wrote six 0
Ltve~?riodica t, and published numerous articles in cont empor-
Jarve or Jame ls and newspapers, (Francis Steegmuller , !!)e Tw~ 
at1 s s lir ~ Jackson Jarves is an excellent account of 
f0or ;;ns .) Te, 1t con t ains a biblioO'raohY of Jarves' s publ18 -
0?n. e quote~ckerman evidently resp~cted Jarves as a critic 
(See B Jarves in support of views identical with hi
_ook of the Artists, p. 530.) 
n 2r -o . J ames J ackson J arves, ~? P? 5? 
?ePeat.r 1fo27r ; bJarves, Art Hints, P ? 16. Jarves proclaim
nsd  th? 
~?s tua1 i alance between the two demands, material a st
Cle~ Pla~e n men's lives. Man should recognize that reason 
~ et ~cea,1 1a / i n the soiritual as well as the material exi ence, ~~ he e re resentative of the "material" nature, is a 0 tr!enses mtehans for investigating the material universe, 
lt.l. tna,1-414 t1 .t  "Boatrhe  the means of exploring the thu niv00emrspeo soi tfi otnhe  of 
tt hec a.1 y Yi?   ( Seae reJa necess11 rves Aarryt  Helienmtse,n tPs ? in1 3,) e Tuckerman urac-
he c~O1 ~shrnores the pot~ntiai:rorsensual over-insdt0ulge0nce in 
1l~> Pe~~ ?nt~a~f the Beautiful. With exemplarY Bo \ in!~~sltY 11 s0 unw es his vision uoon the Ideal; whatever (T 
l>e~ha ca.t1on orthy of this hiO"h goal is not beautiful? ~e 
Ps l<h must be then t ha t BeautY is essentiallY, an 
Olly, Morality; yet, the question still remains, as 
it er 182 
tsho e i mn1syis, taenndt  l !hdoes in Tuckerman, as to whether he meant to 
did tmnl ic t ion et~er he actua lly under stood the extent of 
the? Tuckerm ? is strict moral l i fe would say that he 
or t~wo worldsanbgropes for a possible r econciliat ion between 
the e Validit' ut the nearest he comes is his r ecognition 
moreestablishmy of the contribution of material progress in 
disc fine apol~nt and growth of the American nation- J arves 's 
ern1ng thi kcation of this necessity marks him the more 
n er . 
2S . Jarves, Art Hints, PP ? 19- 20 , 305-306 , ?._t passim. 
baerte1n "t i c2 9n-hilHa d Tuckerman been more free in defining hi s ow gen drawn b ~sophy , a much more complete parallel might have 
tha~ra1 natue ween the two men. However, due to the extremely 
baseda ?lose~e of Tuckerman '? own self-revelations, it is felt 
more u comparison than is here indicated, would be 
pon su position than careful scholarshiP? 
SGhroeeb noug3h0 . HAim ong Tuckerman's personal friends were Horatio Samual Vali Cram Powers , HenrY Inman, Thomas Crawford, 
~orrel Finle levenger, George L. Brown, Charle? Robert Leslie, 
Bunt is Hunt Y Breese Morse , Frederick Edwin Church, Will iam 
ington ? Salisbury Tuckerman John LaFarge , and Daniel 
? See Book of the Artist?.,~-
~'G11rhee  lta1311a. n ~uckerman, Book of the Artists, P? 25, ?t passiE; ke tch Book passim" A emorial of Horatio 
' ~7assim; Art' and Artists, ~ PP? 88-
11 
]l . 99, ~~si;~?kerman, 
11 Art and Artists, ~? 
b'11y\J .c!}Jt erma3n3 r uckerman, Book of the Artist, P? 332. sewhere eave .n   " Te  fer s to artists as ministers of humani Ety l , ordained 
? Se e "Art and Artists, 11 ~? P? 93 ? 
11 
and ok3 4 ~f Tuckerman 11 Art and Artists , ~? P? 94  ; 
8 0 11 t he Artists,~? 
? r 35 8 448 It 
a1r t or wa~ !tb Tti u" ct ks e. r mat n  of B ot oh ke  s oe f  ~ tht etr  i Ab ru tt ie ss ts ,t  h J'.Pa ?t   3we ,  have ?  so manY !!!l'diocr_g 
?01 ity t" .? The love of beauty is often mistaken for the 
~heor andomreproduce it; and a certain manual apti~U~~ 3~~tif Y 
.~?ke~~fess~~~ll}ng is t houghdt bY Ih~u~~e;pe~!~~~: agrees with 
~an? an. ? painting an scu P 6 332 All of Tuck-
~ s cr1t18 ee Jarves, Art~? P? 31 ? it ria-cism is basecr--on tnese two er e 96  
o}l~~ani3~~rr iuc kerman, 11 Edmund Kea.n, te A~ t f~ ~~/g!ic! j ~~e ? 
e harde ts Hunt found thiS 1ast e em0 fenhlS Boston students. 
8 to instill 1n the minds 
S e Morris Hunt 's Talks on Art, passim, esp. nn . 10, 
l , 
37. Tuckerman, Book of the Artists, pp . 351-353, et 
~R im. Ralph Waldo Emerson had allott ed the same exalted 
,- o ion to a ny creator or interpreter of the Beautiful six 
ve~rs b efore Tuckerman first published such views. (See 
~ .n r son , 11 The Poet, 11 Essays I Se c ond Series, [ Boston, 1g44] .) 
~l ' ough Tuck erma n d oes not a cknowledge any debt to Emerson, 
.. e us t hav e b een cognizant of Emerson I s views, and one wonders 
~ t e r Tuck erman nurnosely i gnored the presence of such 
a r a l lels, or wh ether he really did not recognize them. 
(. c u a l l y, Tuckerman did not think too highly of Emerson 
ei t er s a man of letters or as a philosopher. 11 Emer son has 
en inven t ive f a ncy; he knows how to clothe truisms in startling 
c os ume; he evolves b eautiful or a t figures and apo thegms t ha t 
str ? k e t first, but when c ontemplated, prove, as has been 
s a i , usually either true and not new, or new a nd not true. 11 
( S ee Tuckerman, 11 Sketch of American Literature, 11 in Thomas B. 
S law , Complete Manual of English Literature, p . 503.) 
3S. Tuckerman, 11 Art and Artists, 11 The Optimist, p . 9g
1 
Del S im . 
39. Jarves, Art Hints , p . 314 . 
4o. Art ' s 11 highest office is to tea ch , 11 said J a rves in 
1 3 ( Art Hints , p . 314), and Tuckerman agreed . The main 
our ose in art, said Tuckerman , was the expression of 11 a 
sentiment ," whi ch would teach and inspire toward a delight 
11 in t h e b eauty of the inner world , 11 11 awakening the heart to 
b et er aims and a nobler t r uth . 11 ( Tuckerman, Book of the 
Art ists , p. 326-332, passim . See also "Art and Artists , 11 
The Optimist, pp . S9-90 .) But the mission of the artist is 
n erha s b est expressed in the spontaneous lectures of Tucker-
man's c ontem~orary, the a rtist William Mor ris Hunt: 
Ar tists ??? pass their liv e s in earnest endeavor to 
ex res s through the med ium of paint or pencil , thoughts, 
f eeling s , or impressions which they cannot help expres-
s in g , and wh ich cannot po ssibly be e xpressed by any oth er 
me ns. They make use of material means i n order to 
a rriv e a t this end . The y tell their story--the story of 
ad y , an impression of a character, a r e collection of a 
moment, or whatever, more or less clearly or well , as 
t hey are more or less capable of do ing . They expose 
t heir work to the publ ic, not for the s a ke of prai s e , 
but with a fee l ing and a hope tha t some human being may 
see in it the feeling that has passed t h r ough their own 
i n d in their poor a nd necessarily crippled statement. 
They end eavor to be honest and earne st, if almost always 
with a result weakened by overconsciousness or endeavor 
to be understood ...? It is a dumb, noiseless, silent 
!htoomr yi, t tomla d ? as best it may be , by the author to those 
t o ~verybo~ concern. And it does tell its story. Not 
(Willi Y? But to somebod;'? 
~am -1orris Hunt 's Talks on Ar_!, pp . 74-75 .) 
41. Tuckerman, 11 Manners," Rambles and Reveries, p. 4ll. 11 
~? 4p u. l r erman , "John Const-able , The 
E Ls as na 2 . T3u 
d
?-k
sc
 ane Pai nter, 137 , 140. et pas sim; 11 New England Philosouhy," 
1n he s , With ' " ? 25 , na s sim; Book o~ Artist.?, P ? 332 , uas sim-
deadls own i:h!r? ~\eristic brevitY, imolores the artist to stey 
Stud tongue II e ( 1-. o great work ha s ever been written in a 
P. of th; A uo t ed in Lewis ~umford, The Brown Decades A 
S. rts in America 186 -lB , New Yor'<, 1931 , 
18 
Pl!peu. h v -ix4, 3 . is ugene Neuhaus, i:,rld of Ar.!, (New York, 1936), mea aus is Ea  moder n conceotion of this same idea- Profes sor 
or ~s for moS t concerned, however, with finding ways and he pr a0ci~ning the world of the artist to the comprehension 
ca l wor l d outside ? 
Sist arnn ore 4b4.a siR  omanticism, and Tuckerman'? general alleg0 iance, 
rebu dard deia lly treated in Chapter II of this paper
t10nt ble li initions of Romanticism may be found in any 
book 1s in Wt era ry h istory. Perhans the best brief enumera-
l>a;;;;J:o Lit illiam Flint Thrall , and Addison Hibbard, 8!_ Han:g!-
~- erature ... , (New York, 1936), PP? 376-3 3, 
~(eOl't r a it45u ; . S ee for exam
s
p tle, in Book of the Artists, on 
l). ~ - PP- ~i e 
th chapt ers on Copley e?P? po- 71-72) (1 uart ( ??8  lJ, D o' 114), Page ( esp - PP ? 295-296), Elliot esp-t
ca1f 3? PP . urana (esp . PP? 187-191, 196, ~!? Church 
Pb. the ~?0-372 ), Bierstadt (esp - po- 369, 392, on HiS ori-
321 ~ 92, )hapters on West (esp- PP ? 97-98 ), Trumbull (esP? Bs ?,26 ; on Genre: the chapter on Huntingt on,' es ? PP? 
~- 33 gr~95af29). Samuel Isham refers to Tucke 8 rman s ~rt(ir!ticism 
O.) agglomera tion of sugar and butter- ? ? ? am, 
135 
h is country, to definite 
At in t i llY more 
"': :-_e firs du t y of a l over of r ' ed espe c 8 d the where-. d . We ne whY a n 
e :>:- erc 7 is crimination .. ? ? d t ion--the ? the fulsome e ?_)_l o f: iums, a more measured commen ~e stated; not ti on of the 
f' e, r of exce l l ence Ei nd defect to licious elabor~ iove but 
c .>: fI' ? r t ion of the one , nor th e ma rk of a rt wit dlY iaoli ze, 
---::; "? .t. r . Let us apnroa ch a g enuine ~~h does not blin f the 
-.-.:- i t:; - a love th t g i ves insight {, wf Tuckerman, ~ook thg_ t he was 
t~u - t ? n elligently an reciat e s ? k rman thought a l y vague 
_:.,__ r ~ :? t , . 39 . ) Un doubt edlY , Tue ~ore I s are ex~reme does 
::-: o in _ t h is , bu t his why I s and where on ap recia tion 
:c., n d f a n d f a r between; his stress ~indly?) almost everya  
r-:. ot 11 idolize, 11 but it does ignore (b (For instance, in one 
n o s si i l i y for deroga tory criticism. Tuckerman makes butell 
t ~~e l v e a e ess a y on Emmanuel Leutze, ?s p icture of Cr omw 
d e r o ory criticism : that, in Leut ze rm "of a washeryoman--
a .n d is daugh te r, t he daughter has ~~e 1rtists p. 342 . 
~ r--. an t o rni ca l a bsurdity. 11 Book of e _, 
1 which went into the 
48 . A g r eat deal of the materiareviously by Tuckerman 
Bo ok o f t h e Artists had been published P s (which comprise 
e l sewh er ? Besides the Artist-Life essa~reenough was published 
0 ve r half of the bo ok), the mater~al 
0 ~u h t h e material on 
i r: 1 8 53 .s A Memor ial of Horatio reen ~k~tch Book in 1343, 
Cleve er first apn eared in The Italian t blished in A Month 
s o ~::e of he material on Leslie was firs t p~ le Robert Edge 
i n En g l n d , a nd the s ke tches of Rembrand ea a' all appeared 
F ine , a nd some of t h e s ketch on Thomas Cr~wf~r its of Washin -nd 
i n 18 59 in Tucke rman I s The Cha racter a or ~:rt in America " 
~o n . Ab out h a lf of Tuckerman ' s introductory At Journal 
'".ras u b l ished in April, 135~ in the Cosmopolitan r ' 
III , ? 1-8. 
11 
49. See II Plan and Purpose of the Work, P? ix, in5  
T ucke r an I s Book of the Artists. On page vii, the book 0 f 
called "A candid and comprehensive survey of the Progress 
.Ar t in t he Unit ed Stat e s . . . . 11 The nublishers claim tha t 
tr.1.e bo o sta tes a n d d iscusses 11 the statistics, means, inf?u-
pn ce , obs t cles ' n e eds ' a.n d triumph s, 
11 a nd suggests tt he -o st II 0 f 
f e c tc , t he pres ent tendencies, and the future -orosnec s 
2: rt i n America. 
50. Se e Tuckerman, Book of the Artists, 2nd . ed. , 
( N w ork , 1882), p. xi ii -
51. Linn incott 1 s Magazine of Lit era t ure , Sc ience and 
E ~ ucation, I, {Anril 1@6@), 449-453 . 
5 . Atlantic Month ly , XXI, (February , 1863), 255-2566 . 
53 ? Southern uarterly Review, XXX, (July, 1949 ), 333-
35 na s s im . That Tuckerman 1 s artistic interests were alive 
ove r a l l these years is evidenced by his ur ivate co r resuon-
u en c ? See , f or instance , un ubl ished c orres nond enc e Henr y 
Theod o r e Tuck erman t o Ri chard H. Dana, Sr . , January if , 1S43 . 
"'hich di 186 
"c'ohricrhe s ~~sncduenscse s toHe ~ry Inman's prospects; and unoublished 
"'ork. scusses th e gchenaredra Hl . i Dgnaonraa, nJcer .,i nO Acmtoebrei cra?  2o4,f  A1$l7ls0t, on 's 
th 54. See T uckerman, Book of the Artist_sc, p. vil? 
1 
~iga.ht  t T~ 5~ 5ke. rmEanv e, n th e s plene t 1 c !:_i poinco t t _sc finallY concluded r? dese rection 8.  11 1 sbor, if not the best, is still in the 
?Proac~?? the eui ?. ? In the meantime let our artists endeavor 
before m og ~u(m of Mr . Tuckerman and t ake away our 
en. Lippincott 13, I, 453 ?) 
~}1n  ?1\ w/1 5 6t e. r L/?~ic 1 ss ee NS amue 1 Isham , The Hist or of American Paint-~ st~an, "Thomas ole and the Romantic andscape," 
A?me 01 T' A Shortn merica, ed ., George Boas ; James Thomas 
~ahra11 Sob1  Histor of American Paintin, (Boston, 1950); 
~l ; 
8 Al; Eugen Ny and Dorothy c. Miller, Romantic Paintin in 
Ame an Burr euhaus, The His tor and Ideals of American 
Mteegmrican Pa~u~hs, Limners and Likenesses Three Centuries 
t C8padU ller, Th n in , am bridge , Mass ., 193 ; Francis 
hese den, Fam e Two Lives of J ames Jackson Jarves; T. Walker 
Urr ~ Neu.h8usous Painters of America, New York, 1907). Of 
8 ghs referSraises Tuckerman (pJJ. 23-24, B3-B4l; and 
0 t Tuckerman as II invalu? ble" l P? 1~ 9 l ? 
O 
J 57. merica , is discussed 1n Chanter IA I I of this paper. 
~58? .I II Th [" phrase ls his own. See~ 
~ ' December, 11i5!), P? 5. 
~t!n5d9 . obvie most prominent exampS let  y of thiS is Tu" c kerman's Th 
;~? 8li"::' p. 4s6)sly unfair treatment of Whistler(~ 
TII JPloy -1!6, 29 ; other examoles of the same metho0d are 
aU c1te/d by T9  ' 39 4-395, 4!$-439- This same me th d was o~d, .,~an "s uckerman in America. Linoin~ charges that 
l otheeneve~ems afraid tO meet-hiS~t fairlY and_squarelY , 
??e.11r or /e can, resorts to quotation from the criticism 
8 ?r,uia ers off into mere generalities or common-nd
6 
~ ncott's I 450 
'-Olll rdPlet 6e 0 P? araP erhaps ty' picI al o?f  Tuckerman 's generalness is t,h i 
graph from his treatment of Sanford R- Giffo . 
.n e We we d e-painters as 
all o., XIra mple re to select one of our 1an sc~P m0e an the 
"Uber or k of artistic intelligence--bY which 0w1 e f 
?h J e ct s n owl edge in the u se of means, the ch ce 
lli~~ld ?~n~nd the wise direction of executiver~kiliii:ebest 
?at1ures ca~dently designate Sanford R.tGifi~ted with entire 
Pr1 sfacti be not merelY seen but ~n enuin? 
the1"iPle/n1 they indicate 
~ a  capacitY b
Oa~ e~e~~a1t i~nal; 
subj'e cths eairre  eofffetecnt  dise stthiteu tree voerf see xcept i ons 
ictur 187 
aaevn, :e ragee sqanudlie ne ? but select ed simpl y because they include 88f aml ar 8 ufg e t1 ve traits , normal asI pects, rs'cogn ized 8 
h i bi t an c arms . Somet i mes Gifford s landscapes 
rarmonious executive skill , a judicious treatment--an 
drom cons cieffe ct and i mpress i on, which can only result 
aazzle, the ent ious f idelity to truth in art; they do not 
PPreciat ioy? win ; t hey appeal to our calm and thoughtful 
Ympathies n, they minister to our most gentle and gracious 
Tuck8  ' t o our most tranquil and congenial observation-
( 
erman ' Bo ok of the Artists, pp. 524-525-l 
255' 2664-1 2. 65 See OOK Of the Artists 
pU? 238-2 6, wssl,)!!; 253-
B , 1 4 
, pas s im; 292- 293 , 309, .??~si,l!!? 
2~~ 2 9062, . 31S_e e Book of the Artists, PP? 241, 251, 263, 282, 
1 0 311 , et passim. 
t 63. Neuhaus, World of Ar!;_, p . vi? 
~0a !th~ .~6a4 m. e Ru ssell Lynes The Tastemakers apparent
4ly 2comes 
~- general conciuSion. See pp.-4-3, 63, 18 , 56, 
fcohll!s t1  1n6 5l. S3H4 ereafter cited as Dunlap's~? appeared 
threeetely ed? Frank W. Bailey and Charle? E. Goodspeed 
ine p/ 1 ume i { ed it ( with a dditions and 111us tra t ions l in 
1llle a o0neer rn Boston, 19111) ? DunlaP is still regartdhed as 
fact nd sch the history of art in America ( even ough 
?d1t1"nd conoiarship have proven him often incorrethct in ~oth 
on of Dc usion). See 11 Editor's Preface" in e l9l 
unlap. 
<llelelao_ ,./o:6r 6 ; Published in New York in 1846, Lester notes the 
tda.1n ~r* 11 to make Our Arti~ts and their w7rJc~
1~~~;er 
p? ? te~ that i 1; He cites his free use of DunlaP s ~I, 
a11y f states his "the only work which affords me anY pr1;c1-
rom th is sources to be "most authentic ? ? ? 
the e Artists themselves,' 
d~ 1'o:r6k  7?  Th ( v) describe , Pl1cat as ha~ieditors of Dunlap's~ Pi r orthographY, 
1/k h ions i ng " faulty compos i t1on' irregu ft Lester, s 
0 llguaas not' thrrelevances and prolixitY? ? ? ? simple 
ge th ese faults but is written 1n more 
cr an T k ' s. uc erman employs . an t1c S Se A t historian and 
?a1na 11s 6a niue1 I Oskar Hagen, PP? 113-115? r me.n thUS: "The 
tnr11?~t or thi:ham compares Dunlap and T~~~!~P ~a? of the 
tn 186? Coloni period is Tuckerman, as A tists published 
~.~! is no~ 1 time, but the Book of theOf  ~he rts of Desi n ?~ c~- It the equal of the 1stor nse of proportion 
:rne of is badly arranged, withouta":tuffed through 
88 statement, long-winded, an -
?nd th 133 
r1enrt1erem  rinoua bhl eor Ctions w
 ditehs cptrple pat ches of fine writing. There are on r ptions of scenery , analyses of emotions 
?nd uetic quota~orals , on science, on history, and a wealth 
butteO nreadable i~n , origina l and selected, most blameless 
tive ry Vial of w ile over each artist is uoured the same 
stronmind, his praise of his blameless character, his sensi-
for flY of Go pe;fect work. In short, the whole thing savors 
?ork d Dunla e s Ladies' Book ? . . and the reader longs 
0
t ' unreliabi~
iclea r narrative and frank ad11 missions of poor 
ty, bad tem er, nd excess. ( Isham, p. 211? ) 
?nOd:t> k iii lS6979. ); Ge ~rge William Sheldon, American Painter~, (New 
amou storical S G. W. Benjamin, Art-i n America A Critical 
Ame, l'ainte ketch, (New York, 1 0 ; T, alker c padden, 
Ame, c8 an st rs of America, (New York, 1907); Charles H. Caffin, 
~1 of Paintin Bein A preciations of Some 
1 ers, New York, 1902. 
?8oobtye ' D7o0r.o thWya ~ter L. Nathan, James Thomas Flexner, James Thrall 9 above. ? Miller, Eugen Neuhaus, Allan Burroughs- See 
6
?II iInc t1j U?7t1ic. e tTh is is the charge that~ also makes: ?ucc on th t Mr . Tuckerman we would not conceal our con-
th18esaru1 hO e has both the'knowledge and the abilitY for the 
??isebook. P~osecution of such a task as he has undertaken in 
?nee not r e f i rmly believe that hiS oresen t deficiencies 
Undo;b His ~~m want of right conv i ctions, nor yet from i gnor-
gener tedly e the faults of an easy-tempered ?ritiC - He nd 
(o g1ous natapnreciates t he defects in our artists , but bis 
L1 Ve to t~re pre f ers to dwell upon their excellencies/, a
t~e latter what we consider undue prominence, ' 
z?1e~blicat1 ' I, 453 .) The f act t hat in 1666 (a year prior 
llle~1ted t o8 n of Book of the Artists) Tuckerman bad been 
~867 can a~t serve on a committee~eiect representative 
(Uck~ Wou1a works for displaY at the Paris Exposition ~f 
~See ~man's certainly support~ indication o 
a er/PPend~ontemporary reputation as ana6 rt 11 conn~is::~;;n 
about:? Universal Exposition of 13 7, in uc ' 
a aria, PP? 169-170.) 
a/?1 t 72. F Th American 
p own in A~t or modern agr eement see Mathe1r,~ 
l.P. 3 Decad , P? 42 et passim ' and Lewi? Mum1f $6 ' )iiii, 
ter ~21, e~s A S ud of the J\:~ts in America 192~  Ame~1can 
~1ture"a passim; and The Golden Dav A S ud _ et 
l~lllin:t The n1dC ulture, (N ew York , 193 , PP? iai ne~d8 
01-- t>ea1es Tuck ea of artistic needs vs- mate~arY situation? 
~ehy ity erman I s views of the contempo , hilos-
lba. ri , o"Ar  t w' wth is 1 O
 
s but another phase f hiS ma.J ors eeP  Tucker-
p ?cetn rt i0 n orlds, or two levels of existence- III 
? 29 be:r, A!e)rica, 11 Cosmo olitan Art J0~u0rt=~he Artists, ' ~ na1o8o5~- ? 6-3 !'_t pa_?ftiJ!!; and ~Bgo?~~~ -~:::.---:-:;.:;----~- ' 
1~9 
S~ "eOa~i:io~;I3 Book ;rman, Cosmopolitan Art Journal, III, 4-5, Ameri so Ja- rveTsu ck 0 t he Artists, po, 22-23, 3$, et passim, 
~n Spirit' i~rl Hints, p. 140, Jc! passi_!'!; Mather, ~ 
Pp. 14 .'ct ;assim? rt, PP? 30, 95; Shannon, pp. 6-11, 
~. -14 et ' <!atthies
n senr , ~ Am? er icP ao n . RenaissanQ!e, 4 passim; Caffin,-!)le Story of American Paint-
~? ( ~59-360; Commager, PP? 23-24; Nevins, Qrdeal 
~. po. _ ew York, 1947), II, 527-529; Neuhaus, ~or:\!! 
1 6 , Pt passim. 
"a ?n?atrt1?  ona714 . acaTu'c k  erman even considers the establishment of 
?1a1 lCtion an a emy, but he is wary due to the dangers of 
Book ns . See~ regimentation to the artists' intividual 
Dize0s of t he Ar uckerman, Cosmopol itan Art Journal, III, 4; 
Pra 4?t he worktists , PP? 11-13, ~- Tuckerman recog-Pp. 1 t as of t he Art Un i ons and art associations and 
?rti1a8 t-19, et a salutary influence, (Book of the Artist?, 
Tuck1e encOu passim.) As an examnle of the difficulties 
dian "m8 an reln!~ er in displaying their work in America, 1gb/ Y his es t hat S. F. 
1 B. Moree had to pay $110 to 
8t1on ??n mont hcture of Congress Hall? "He l abored at it 
(Book and no and spent many hundred dollars in i ts execu-
8 
~h?re o
au f  thew A he has to pay t he nubliC for 1ooking at it," thwere varrtis ts , p . 16$ .) Puring Tuckerman'? lifetime 
g lle e mone i ous institutions of art in New York, but none 
Po11try. (SY nor the facilities necessary to maintain a 
nt an us ee Winifred Eva Howe A Histor of the Metro-
~1he ~:?t tii!~m of Art, New York: 1913, I, 3-95 ? 
8 It is of ea tabli h in spite of Tuckerman's nr ofessed interes t ndi n 
~0?r1ynot ap6 ment of a metronolitan art museum, his name 
rise Borgan~:ar in connectiofi with its actual founding a
tu?kerowe onlation, 1869-1$71. Tuckerman is mentioned by 
rb? m t h man kney as t he author of Book of the trtists- Yeti 
r ? E. Useum: w a great many of t hose who were connected wi
Eu"ker Church Daniel Huntington, R. M. Hunt , HenrY w. Be llto ws , 
~??utman's ' Eastman Johnson and others- HenrYth Theodore 
t"??idive Co~ousin, Lucius Tu~kerman, served on e firS
P. 12?nt of ftiett ee from 1670 to 1572, and was a vic?-3, 323. Art Museum from 1$72 to 1374- (Howe, 
J' . tnen 75. B 1
h a. 35 Tuckerman ~ti(oned-~~k of t he Art~? PP? ll- 3?c~s~oncl0i tan Art 
a0 ?r t p. ) . is s i tua uon in 1858 in the ~.~9  
a;"??she Yeai' evidently the situation had not i%P~ p 5 
ab t1at/lth Ts? ( Mather , The American S 1rit in r m~ri;an ' 
~.-ltty' only U~kerman , but~ that of al\t h;t had the 
\t? Us to h orse, who had a1readY abandone a ' stiC 
~Oal g~n murar? satisfactorilY met the natio~~1sa~~ia poten-
a;~ttonal, anas and paintings .) Tuckerman c t~e great pro-
Was or th as an examule of possibili tY' entsl patronage; 
8 then a " Italian masters under gove1rn~ welfare and 
ccepted as a part of the soc a ' 
190 
t : e r ist was a res ne ct ed, honorable member of the social 
c o .:r u n t ~ . Now, in America es ecially, said Tuckerman , art 
~ c on sidered perinheral to t he s oc ial welfare , a reflection 
D best, ana t h e artist is forced into a social isolation , 
~ s r.1 sf it who does not belong . See Tuckerman, Cosmopolitan 
.Ar - J our nal , III, 6; and Book of the Artists , pp . 136-137 . 
s comes near to the sa me comparison. See Jarves, Art 
, o . 23, e t oassim. Allan Nevins notes t h e pressure of 
-,,,_- ct"'-_,-- nublic demand and t h e public purse" upon American a rtis ts 
d-century . (Nevins , The Ordeal of the Union, II, 
32 . ) 
76 . Tuckerman lin~s t h is back to the American la6k 
o f f c lities for educa tion of artists . He feels t hat given 
p so c 1 acceptance, a nd the society of other artists, the 
J evot ion of artists to the Beautiful would be much strengthened . 
S e - Tuck erman , Cosmopol i t an Art J our na l, I I I, 3; John Pendle ton
1  K en edy , ? 53. Tuck erman felt, by H167 1 t hat the situation 
nad i roved , at lea st as far as private patrona~e and encour-
0.! e m n t w s c on cerned . See Tucke r man, Book of the Artist
~ s' ,~  . 19- 25 , 303-305, et passim; Math er , The American Spir
2 i9 t , in5  Art, p . 0-51, et passim; Jarves, Art Hints, pp . 11-13, 
3 10 , e t p ssim; and ev ins, II, 527-529 , e t passim. 
77. To cquevil l e 's Demo cra cy in America, Part II was 
DU blished in 1S4o and was immed i ately translated into English 
oy H nr y Reeve in Pa ris, and published in New York. Tuckerm8n 1 s 
f irs ubl ished views on a rt in America were in Artist-Lif e , 
i n 1847. 
7S. Tocqueville , Democra cy in Ame rica, II, 50-55, 
esD. 5? , 54. Tocqueville says : 11 Th e social condition and the 
j_nstitutions of demo cracy impart, moreover, certain peculiar 
~ enden c ies to all the imitative arts ? . ?? They frequently 
0 i thdraw t hem from the delineation of the soul to fix them 
exclu ive l y on that of the body, a nd they substitute the 
representation of motion a nd sensa tion for that of sentiment 
a nd t hought ; in a word, t ey put t h e real in t h e pl a ce of the 
j_d eol . 11 ( II, 54.) 
79. Pas s ing reference is made to Tocqueville's 
11 or i g i n 1 reasoning and nov e l principles " in Boston Mis cellany
I , II , (1~43 ), 44; h owever there is no ind ica tion therein that 
Tuc 1 r man w s a ctually acquainted with Tocqueville 1 s a ctual 
views ; e s pecia lly concerning art. 
so. By 1S62 , the dat e of the publi cation of the 
Fra nci s Bowen r e-translat ion (which is the Engl ish l anguage 
eourc e c i ted by Tucker man in America), Tocqueville 1 s Demo cracy 
~n Am er i ca had appeared in seven distinc t Ameri can editions , 
-r,lu s numerous o t her partial and complete reprintings . The 
~ r a n c i s Bowen text appeared in a s econd rev i sed edi t ion in 
lg63 I 191 
\eo/no:crek ?  t roTi ourck etrom athn  su~ eOly'  s wwahs ena cqhue afinirtesdt  wmaidthit. e e  Tpuocbqluisehveidl lere fs er-
1O 6
?fo?r a  TU ckgerlm. an Tu cl<:erman , America, p. 133 ? (See pv. 130-139 
travel a cI ~o~~~~jtor y des cription of :?_emocracy_jp AmeriC? 
eBrsasad i in8 2T.o cq S ee Phillips Bradley's excellent historical 
esp ~Y, ( Newu~ville,. Democrac in America, ed., Philips 
? 23-43 6. ork : vintage Books , Inc- , 1954), II, 389-437, 
~--83 uckerman, Cosmo olitan Art Journal, III, 5-7, et T 
Tucke rman , Co smo oli tan Art J ourna1,  III , 4 . 
! 85. Tuckerman, Book of t he Artists, P? 27 ? 
ort  "isa r or8 6in. teTr u ckerman, Book of the Artists, P? 21i, _<l.t passi_!!!? 
~ion tt f or areft that art historians, cont rarY to thf vogue 
ee !lo moral/ s salrn , 11 generallY, sup_o rt Tuckerman s devo-
Pp. 14OY al Co ~ tty a s an intrinsic ingr edient in great art-relev -16. issoz , Art and Common Sense, (New York, 1913), 
%a1itncy or ortissoz also quotes HenrY James: "To deny the 
. ? Y or a subj ect matter and t he importance of the moral 
~orai The wh ~ork of art strikes us as ??? verY childish? 
!~?ctielemen~ e thinking man is one, ??. to count out the 
n th Y as in one 's appreciation of an artistic total is8  
tPart ree syf~ne a ? it would be ?.? to e
liminate all words 
?o ~r t he e!bles ???? [ MoralitYJ is in reality st,mp~Y 
~1?.?~h;r Esential richness of inspiration- ? ? ? ee 
r?e.,.~~? ? \stimates in Art? Charles H. Caffin, 
~ nd 
..Jit.J'e~:' i New York 1913/'. American Masters of Scul ture, 
( 3); and Eugen N~uhaus ainters Pictures a
90
' San Francisco, 191~). ' 
%lllo"l:n'ee Qconn87o is Isham, PD? 211-212 . Nevertheless, Tucker man was 
(n<ll-e ~ only o seur t han collector- Of the few paintinW5 he 1 i.? e Qe1 sn e might be termed famous ( "HolY FamilY ? bY 8 atalo arto), and this maY not have been the origina . 
~??~~tor Ne~ue of the Library of the 1ate HenrY T. Tucrerman 
or,: t & C York ??? to be sold at auction1, George N. 
' S72.)?' Auctioneers, June 10, 11, 12, 3 ? ? ? ew 
1
CH PTER VI 
LITTE ATEUR 
I 
avored sham s obs erva ti on that Tuckerman s style s Samuel I I 
a of Gode I s Book, 1s unfortun-
too 
S.teJ.y strongly I 
TU ck e rmPan e t 
most of Tuckerman s 11 t erarY efforts. Plicabl O 
? ca n ne exemplarY mid-nineteenth centurY 
Aine'"'i is al v-iay s t . 
?ant n ributor; he 1s kind, roost agreeablY 
.nt 'lea mag azine co t 
ixit philosophical, abounding 1n :p !'oJ. , sup erficial l Y 
r or v erbo sit Y, al ways careful, e ,ct reroelY proper, 
ana_ Y and 
erary ? ? He 1 s the f 1 gure of the prevailing lit ever moral 
er Tu . ? the symbol of the grand average, As a 
~"it standard 1 
r e~ sh produced one novel-like
 travel romance, 
a ckerman 2 
num Y-like sketches 3 two t bin book? of poetrY, 
an<l ort stor 4 
?ta ographical and raro111ar essays which, after 
fir erous bi ? 
?e ng in conteroporarY periodicals, were assembled 
fol~'  PPear1 or th publicatio n in collections . ? rt will be the a.1 Parate 
rt pter to examine these, Tuckerman'? 11terarY 
err is cha 
0at t at t empt to det erroi ne t be 1r 11 t erarY value 8 
a.11c1. ' in an 
tury Am ? and their place 1n the ro1d-n1neteenth 
Cen ainment 
erican literary scene. 
il rman' a one maJor work of r1ct1on, ~1 
81c Tucke 
ro1 ma e, achieves a relative significance n 1 
its A Pil ri 
en precursor of the 1ater 1nternat1ona novels 
or e as a 
to11ur s ? Al though essentiallY a travel account of 
a '!.'y Jame 
Sicily, it is clothed in a 11ght plot 1nvo1ving 
Of 
C 
193 
ttuhree de ventual marriage of a young American girl and a cul-
However , t ne plot is thin; 
Sic111 aristocrat 
th an ? 
ere is develo~ment toward a rather only a superficial 
Passi Ve Isabel OtleY, Tuckerman's American denoueme nt ? 
heroi Sicily in t he company of her guardian ne , has co 
unc1 me to 
Chil e, to meet her fat her wnom she nas not seen s 1nce earlY 
tensdhood?' necessarily, for Tuckerman' s purposes, an ex-
1  Vet island is made prior to t he reun
ion.
'I1he our of t he 
tour s, 1ncidentallY, in the passive. development re suit 
Of J.. ove and Count Vittor
io, a fellow traveler 
betw een Isabel 
inh. e h
t 1
  s 0 ve land. As soon as t ne main business of wn na.t1 
%ickto ur is co mpleted, Tuckerman ( 1n his last two page
s) 
O
at.,~ e ., an ly al lows fat er to find daughter , and daugh t er t w d 
that i!?t;e r ? The plot, obviouslY' ls wnat Tuckerman intended 
13".nr"i  b should b e, a form merelY, to avoid the f orma 11ti e s 
ored oms of t he ordinary travel journal . 6 
l lttle Cont emporary reviewers of ~ apparentlY round 
Ge ntlemm ore t ha n this to praise or comment upon. ~, 
wb at s d t he 11
c tialn of r1ct1on ? ? ? some-
an? s Ma  azine foun
Do ,,. 7 ogatory" 11 hing 1ts pur-"? UPGer  but nevertheless accomP s 
8
"olume" ~' s Lady, s Book termed it a "verY agreeable 
ac .... i w ich t to clot he hiS "de-
~- h in ne aut hor's object, 
-t-tion Of antiquities" 1n fiction, was achieve d ? facts 
la.ua. ea. Tuck er man ' s skill and effect "in 1n t erwea vi ng 
il'l, th_ 
~l?a?ae nat c count and concluded tlla t tie effort iS "reallY 
aurus and instructive ? ,,5 LiterarY historian and cri tiC 
swold ful and ingenious 
'W. Gr1 found Isabel 11-- a grace ---
book 
an suggestive 11wh 1ic 9h 4  , graphic d 11 gave, nonet heless in t he 
rg  Uiz e of a ro ma nce ? "manY interesti11 ng descri ptions an' d 
11
eflect1 ons i ncide nt to a residence in Sicily . 9 
erhaps, however it was unf ortunate for Tuckerman'? 
fut~e l it erary f a me t hat'  he maintained his int ention so well, 
if or t here a r e in this simple plot situati on many of t he 
ngr dients whi ch l a t er were used so skillfull Y by Henry 
JEa me s. The dominant idea of the young American girl 1n 
urope ' with all its potential of symbolism, of young 
Virginal A ern r  ci a  in contact with older disillUSioned civi-
1i  izat10 ns, pl u s t he urr iage oft~ tw, with all its 
mplicati one of cultural clash and 1ntegrat1onal problems, 
aJapmpae r ently was never comprehended bY Tuckerman. Yet, HenrY 
Tl 
s us ed t n? e t heme to create some of his best works. 
~
le Golde ? with all its intricacies of character 
t:>t'O"Wt h cul tural intera an cd t ion, almost begins where Isabel 
leav es o fr,lO and The Portrait of a Lad_l certa1nlY 1s 1sabel 
toov er again and continued. 11 Through a11ow1ng his c",=" rac t ers 
become r ealities who think and feel and create situa-
Dtiloin  through 
8 t he .i r , own actions and reactions, J ame s ace om - 
h
s eh  e ws o rt k of the art 1st ( according to Tuckerman, s 
o;.rn definition)12 in that he communicates the intangible 
tr o h is audi ence. Tuckerman, on the other hand, wr it es a 
oa .the r uni que travel account,13 but falls far short of his 
DDortu ni ty t o be the artist he al waY? sought to be. 14 
The major defic1encY 1n Tuckerman'? efforts in writ-
ing fiction (demonstrated not onlY 1n ~? but also in 
195 
hobi s sk etcnes) ' is weak charac t erization, In Isabel Viou sly _, quite 
man's , all t n' e characters partake , 1n part, of Tucker-
rut self ' n? vie ws and attitudes hi s background and 1 8 
Th ure h ' u none of them ever ' attains real dimens io n. 
opes? b t 
reelya t sim 1 Y do not come alive. Th eY n? ave b e 1 ng onlY 1n 
ionship to the dead past they survey. 
some what due to Tuckerman's consistent 
This is 
omissi on of descriptions of his characters, except for the 
bThr i nant trait. efest on of some characteristic or domimenti 
t us I e herself is reallY a verY fuzzy image, more , sab 1 11
grraacn scend real than physicallY palpable , She is of ental ly 
rui gure and medium height , , ? not strictlY beaut1-
eful fi 
attr? ac? t ' ? She was one of thos e beings who vi ndicate the 
eaut. of her sex beyond t he most perfect models of 
iveness 
bP e Y, ose eye smile, and manner are so instantly and Wh 
ls :td'fle ct1 Y 1 nspired'  bY t he spirl t withi n them, that criticism 
are ? s t andards of the beautiful annihilated, and we 
sarmed 
ln~ le of being interested wi thout prec1selY know-
only sens1.  b 
And, besides t he fact that she iB a con-
fi t::) how or why . 1115 
manl: 'med Rom anticist, t his iB all there 1s to Isabel , Tucker-
t hou :Provide s no insig' t into Isabel'? inner feell.ngs, her 
Sne g ta , r growth of her 1ove for V? ittorio, 16 t he gradual 
0 
t he is merel Y a paper-doll figure pasted methodica1 1 Y across Her companions 
:Pages of hi s travel tour of old SicilY ? 
fare Count Vittorio is "a young man of graceful 
no b et t er ? 
196 
~i en . .? handsome , intell igent ???. To engaging manners 
a ent usiasm . . . he u ni t ed t alents of r a r e nat i ve power, 
gr ? t impr ov ed by st udy and t ravel . 11 1 7 nd t hi s is all 
v er e is to Vi t t ori o except wha t on~ can glean from hi s 
c o oisseur-l i k P conversa tion on Si ci l y 's ancient art. 
I sa bel ' s u ncle , Cl iff ord Frazi er, i s a more definite charac-
te r tan eit her I sabel or Vit t orio , a nd ye t he i s real l y a 
mi nor fi gur e in t ne story who play s no role ot her t a n t hat 
of c haperone t o his young niec e . Fr a zier remai ns unde scribed 
exc pt as a 11 gr ea t adm i rer of t he i nst i tuti on s and manners of 
n i count r y , a nd a thorough utili t a r i a n. 11 1~ Qui t e obviou sl y , 
s meant to represent t L1 e t yp i ca l American travel er in 
Europ ; ? i s ob s er va t ions a re a l l in terms of hi s own provi n-
c ? a1 background . In museums, Frazi er spends his time looking 
a t meri ca n objec ts , and , in cont a cts wi t h Sicil ians, he 
monop oli zes co nversatio n wit h pro-American comment s. Tucker-
man s es Fr az ier bo t h a s a means to port ray American provin-
c ial i ty , a nd as a mea ns t o blamelessly criticize t he Sici lian 
wa o f lif e . Thu s , Frazier has cha racteristics whi ch make 
nlm more i dentifiabl e t o t he r eader, b ut he is still merely 
a bl a ck a nd whit e p re sen t at io n; t here is no dept h or shading 
t o i s c a r a c t er. 
Never t hel e ss, Tucke r man's characters do represent 
var i ous at t itudes prominent wit hin Tucke r man himsel f dur ing 
t e se early year s. Isabel, in her young Romanticism, is 
197 
obviously Tuckerman t he artistic amateur,19 seeki ng the 
eautiful and the True ami dst the ruins and remains of a 
once p roud civilization. However, Isabel does not grow 
in t his experience ; she merely demonstrates her intuitional 
equality in the appreciation of the Beautiful, with Vittorio, 
' o, as the artistic connoisseur, brings to the appreciation 
experience the values of intellectual study and historical 
background. Vittorio, in his kindness and acceptance of 
t e validi ty of Isabel's pristine perceptions, is Tucker-
man's conception of what the connoisseur ought to be like, 
and, quite obviously, what Tuckerman sees himself to be 
like aft er six years or so of devotion to Beauty and its 
a reciation . Frazier, in all the vigor of his honest 
American utilitarianism, by t he very nature of his comments, 
1s also Tuckerman; but he is Tuckerman the American, expres-
sing his irritation and discontent with t he dirt, poverty, 
e dl ess beggary , and eternal inertia of the European scene. 
True, there is much in Frazier's charact er which is not 
Tuckerman , and which Tuck erman quite obviously places there 
to indicate the superficiality of the dominant American 
business attitude; but, in Frazier's disgust at European 
com lacency toward her social and economic ills, there 
is much which echoes Tuckerman's sincere complaints as 
regi stered in his other travel accounts. 
However , it is in Tuckerrnan's brief description of 
Isabel 's fat her, Frederick Otley, that Tuckerman probably 
reveals most of himself . Although inactive in the story 
iOttlseeyl f . ( ot her than as t he object of r eunion with hi s daughter) , 
b ure of the f uture a s Tucker ma n t hen saw it to 
is t ne f i g 
e for h imself . Otley ha s roanY of t he cha rac t eri s tics which 
Tuckerman must have at t r ibut ed at t hi s earlY t i me t o himself . 
Oint l ey has a "sensitiveness of t emperament, a nd a d ept n of fe el-
il l -fitted him f or t he cons t ant co
W nth aic ch t  of wg o, rldly 
He is f orc ed bY ci rcumst ances t o take up 
i nfluPnc e s ? ? ? ? It 
a m ca re er 1n t he commerci al emporium of t he new ercantile 11
Wt orld ? F or Tuckerman, a sI  I the eldest son and obvious hei r 
0 hi f a er' s bus ines s enterpr i ses, t hi s st r i kes near to 8 t h
ht o? me ? It i ndica tes t hat Tucke rman rous t hav e felt t hat t he 
l me would come ( probabl Y wi t h hi s fa t her's deat h) wrten he 
too e f orced by circumstances i n to pursuit s for whi ch Would b 
he felt he was not sui t ed. Tuckerman states that OtleY had 
also en joyed a year 's res i dence in t he south of Europe prior 
t o h i nt o tne business world, and t his experience, i s entry 
Tuck 11(a es Wi t h rma n himself) had conf irmed hiS natural aver-
sion to t he pat h of life 1n which circumstances bad placed 
him . However, OtleY bad devo t ed himself to his duty, 
? ? ? II 
and ha d won a "universal respect and con fi denc e" among his 
bus 1. as sociates "but t he effect of his uncongenial occu-ness 
give ' to hi? manner a reserve ut terlY foreign 
:Pat i o n, wa s t o 
whi ch unhappilY prevented his associates f
t roo m h  i s nature 
di man' y of t he roost estimable qualities of hi s 
scerning 
Cha ?'acter." Thus, it appears t hat Tuckerman intended to 
b:r u1r111 his obligations when the necessity at 1ast arose, 
experience, he was sure, would be a diffi
U ct u t lh t e o ne 
199 
?o r im, a nd would result in his withdrawal into himself as 
~ ere coul d be no soul-companionship for him within the 
co .. 11ercial world . Tuckerman evidently foresaw salvation for 
el f in an eventual happy marriage to someone of equal 
11 s " m at hy of t aste and feeling" for he has Otley marry the 
c u i va ted and sensitive daughter of a well-to-do Virginia 
p a nt at io n owner . Se fulfills his need for emotional and 
in G l ectual companionship and inspires him to work so hard 
a .dwell at his disliked commercial obligations t hat he is 
a b e t o retire to a life of ease within a few s ho rt years. 20 
Her ub s equent death i n the earl y year s of Isabel 1 s childhood 
s r mi niscent of the death of Tuckerman 1 s own mother whi l e 
, e was ye t a child; it links Tuckerman once a gain to Isabel 
a s a s elf-express ion (and to Vittorio, who also lost his 
mo t er in his childhood). 21 
Thi s loss of mothe r lay deep-rooted in Tucke rman 1 s 
at titudes toward life. His description, t hrough Vit t orio, 
of i s loss, t hough vague and g eneralized, does give some 
ind ca t i on of hi s feelings at the time; it also provides some 
grounds for speculation as to the impact of the experience on 
i s life in later years. Tuck erman viewed his loss of his 
.not er as t e greatest misfortune which could have come into 
?_s l i fe . Not ing could compensate him for it. He felt that 
his mot er would hav e understood his revulsion for t he com-
merci 1 world of his fat,h er, 22 and his determination to devote 
i m elf to the pursuit of t he Subjective and t he Ideal. He 
saw i n her a bastion a gainst the unfeeling condemnations of 
200 
, an a support in his reaching out toward 
t e Pr ac t 1 cal wor l d d 
Her lov e for him was other-worldlY in that it finer t ? i ngs . _, regardless of 
'Was cone only wit h t he fact t at he was er 1ed And as he grew older he saw his 
his Physical circ um s t ances . 23 
angel who watched over his 
mot h 2er as a spiritual guardian 
waited to lead hi m to a higher realm 4 
eart hl y lT ife , a nd ? 
a11 w n s idealizat ion of motherhood (and hence of 
uckerma ? 
Cent placed hi m amo ng t he foremost of t he American mid-omen) 
lencue ry2 i rs of femal e puri
ty and nat ural moral excel-
dol ato up he bad ever sought for female 
com . 
5 I n hi s growing 
to fill the void ieft bY hiS mother's deat , 
an1onship 
al>nedr cei come to believe t hat women ( because of what he e nad 
sensitive natures) bad a natural 
ca11 Ved t o be theairn dm roerfei ne the more grosslY ma t erialistic 
n ing to e1  evate It appeared to him that men bad adopted 
atur es of men . 2 6 
lt< home e world as t heir specific realm of being, and 
that 
Practica1  
?~1 been left to maintain alive the knowledge of t he 
n had 
of a higher' more Romant ic world of nner re1at1on-
sten Ce 
Thus it was tbat in hiS devotion to thiS Romantic 8h1?  Ps . 27 
l<o mpantonshiPS among '\\tom:r- 1 found most of hi? understanding 
co
d he 
!lat ast he believed t hat he did, It was onlY en, o r at le
as refore that he should find such a high acceptance 
ura1 , the 
re a butor to mid-centurY periodi
cals, ror most of his 
C ' 
ontri 
Were feminine and he kne? it and felt confident and 
aa.ers 
at h ing for such a sympa thetic audience, ome Writ 
mai Sex, in t he sense of basic physical attraction between 
female , was evidentlY conside red too animal and 10w 
e and 
201 
~toa s,e natet r t into any of hi s relationship? with women , That he 
fuJ. ' ysicallY attracted, especiallY 1n his yout h-
i rn e s ph 
so r Ye ears n ; however , he did not openly, at least ' is evide t 
t o BoucJo. gn? eelings , The comple t e relationship , sou, iz e hi s f 2~ l 
any p na Tuckerman sought in anY special liaison with 
' was w t 
love person of t he op,,osite sex, 29 Marr iage, and the 8 ecifi c 
Upon Whi c h l ed to marriage , would necessarilY have to be b
ased 
?~uai and spiritual, sympathetic affinity; the 
an i ntellectual 
a8  se ems never to have been seriouslY considered,30 
union 
thegisa ra.i ' t was most U kelY this idealization of women (and ess i 
v espo ing discounting of -nAssi on) which perhaps pre-
corr nd
o?nugthedt  from ever marryin,g,..,.  ObviouslY, Tuckerman 
Tuckerman 
aSn y ife companion a fulfillment most probablY beyond 
in a 1 1 
as'? Pos sibi l ity of actual achievement .3 The returns he 
tuJ:\.ed ' Of disinterested companionshiP, emotional and 1nte11ec-
81 beyond sensuousness, he round roost often in the BYmpat hy 
ca1 of married women,32 And when he intimates that 
h m so Ci ety tha
~ae had erienced love, it is usuallY quite clear t it exp 
for a . d n 33  Be-
cau8 s1e 0Tve  mature, and verY happ1lY marr ie woma ? 
n errnan evidently does not see anything morallY wrong 
Uck 
1 a rel T k n's 1e8a Urci ati onshiP ( and 1n recognition of uc erma 
b0e a Y chaste attitude toward t ne sexual exPerience )' it must 
as t at' for him, the idea of a sexual rela t1onshiP, 
Bsumed 
a<lm an 1 ntegral part of 1ove between man and woman, was not 
l t t ed 
? 
Such an idealization of womanhood was 1n th? main-
Of American Romantic thought at mid-centurY? American 
202 
mo r ality and so cial et hics had demanded a modification of the 
i t era r y ideal of t he beaut i f ul but ev entual l y seducible 
. eroine . Ho no rable wifehood and mot he r hood had beco me the 
e r ican presc ripti on, and wit h t he ideal of inviolate chas-
? ty had come a n armor of cool passionlessness whi ch proclaimed 
a mental pur ity ( and , of course, a spiritual purity) equal, if 
not superior , to t he requi site physical spotlessne ss. The 
Ameri ca n man? s love fort he ideal American woman was supposed 
t o be a sort o f wors hipf ul adora t ion at a heaven-sent shrine. 
Lust, s ex- grat ifi cat ion, passion out of control, were simply 
not a part of t he American portrait of the ideal woman . 34 
u s , Tuckerman 1 s i dealization of women was really merely 
anot er expression of anot ner American norm, a norm which can 
be se en express ed in lit erature all around him, from Miss 
Sedgwi ck ' s sensitive and pure Bessie (The Linwoods, . 1836),35 
t o Hawt horne's 11 white-souled 11 Hilda (The Marble Faun, 1860).36 
If t h er e is any diff erence, it is simply Tuckerman 1 s evident 
de t erm i natio n to actually find in liv i ng relationships such 
an i deal i zed perception. His line of rea soning, _from t he 
sainted mother to the beautiful, chaste, inviolable companion, 
is stri ctly accordi ng to t he American Romantic pattern of his 
t i .e . 37 
Also according to pat t ern were Tuckerman's sketches, 
w i c h deal t almost invariably with the major theme of t he 
ma azi ne story-tell er, young romantic love . Of the sixteen 
t a les k no n to have been authored by Tuckerman, twelve are 
var i ant s of t his t heme . Perhaps t hey are Tuckerman I s personal 
203 
r e ections of his va ni s ed yout hful dreams of Olympia n lov e 
v i t t L1e ideal woman , or perhaps t ?1ey are only a furt her wit-
e s s of a ba s i c s ubs ervience to t he fe el i ngs of t he time; but, 
r r rd ess , t ney re veal in Tuck erman a tr end i n literary 
t? s te a nd a pauc i t y in crit i cal judgment which undoubtedly 
co tr buted to hi s near-mediocrity as a literary critic. The 
ea in whi ch Tuck erman produced t hese sketches have been 
descr i bed as 11 f abulous, 11 a nd 11 f em i nine. 11 3El Hawt horne , in a 
m quoted phr as e, procla i med t hat American writing during 
t ese year s wa s 11 wholly give over to a d--d mob of scribbling 
"- Ome n. 11 Sentiment r uled with a high hand, and women, for the 
mo st part unintellectual, only moderately educated, and un-
e a nc ipa t ed in a male- dominat ed world of practical values, 
f o nd a n out l et for less-practical expressi on in the dawning 
f lo od of mi d-centu ry periodicals. That Tuckerman should fit 
ea s il y i nt o suc h a situation is understandable. He was a 
,,., ors i pper at t ' e shrine of ideal Beauty ( especially female 
bea uty, a nd t ' i s, irrevocably, included female virtue); and 
' e was a confirmed advocate of a philosophy which saw an 
o verba a nce of t he ractical in the world at the expense of 
t e I deal. For him, sympathy was the mainspring of human 
na t ure and t he most reliable and most valid key to mankind's 
mos t elevat ed exp eriences. Thus, t e romantic formula of the 
f orties and fifties fitted his personal demands rat her nicely, 
a nd i s f ew at t emp ts at tales and sketches quite naturally 
fel l i nt o t hi s ready-made pat t ern. 
o st representative, and evidently most popular of 
l 
204 
uckerman 1 s ske tcnes was 11 The Sad Bird of the Adria t ic. 11 39 
is, in many respects , according to the popular formula. 
Its t erne is love, a nd it draws upon the s tanda rd elements 
of beauty broug.~ low, unde served poverty, untimel y death, 
sa dness and melancholy , se emingly unrequited love and sick-
ness f or love, wit h notes of religion and nostalgia sometimes 
_pervading . More particularly , it is the tale of a highborn, 
beaut i ful , lovely and mysterious Venetian lady, who, each 
e v Pni ng ( from a closed gondola, propell ed by a mut e gondolier) , 
at hetically sings melancholy, sad songs lament ing t e loss of 
r f a mily fortunes , t he deat n of her fa t ? er, and the impend-
ing death of he r sick and fast-fading mother.40 Through a 
c oinci dence, her face is seen by young, rich, aristocratic 
Gio vanni , who im mediately is smitten with love for he r. Gio-
vanni pu r s ues the lovel y lady, but, because of her pride, and 
s ame in her fallen stat io n, is ignored by her . In despair, 
? e be gins to sicken for love, and, at t he point of death, is 
r eviv ed by t he r ather coincidental appearance of the lovely 
lady ( di s guised a s a Paduan monk ) who dis closes herself and 
a dmi t s he r long restrained and hi dden love for him . Thus love 
is at last re quited, t he terrors of poverty and orphanhood are 
ba n s ed , and solemn marr i age brings health and lifelong 
hap piness. It is a shallow little tale. Reple te with melan-
c ol y moodiness , much talk of f il ial devotion, and the sweet 
re l eas e of deat h , i t lacks only talk of temperance to have met 
al l t he demands of t e America n sentimental average. And it 
i s not alo ne in Tu ckerman's small repertoire. The same 
205 
:-o ?'.T1ul i s rep eat ed t hr ough various forms in 11 The Florentine, 11 
11 n Rose- colored a cket, 11 11 The Second Courtship , 11 "Ha r ry 
C in on , 11 a nd ot hP rs . 4l Sometimes the out come is not so 
s c c es sfull y ha ppy; but, the end is alway s more melancholy 
r c) sad , a nd , t hus, more b eautiful . In t his , realism can 
~- ? !' y be admi t t ed, e ven as a tendency, because Tuckerman's 
"Tl i s no t t o s how t ning s as they are, but rat he r to create 
c:.. .I} t i.e t i c emoti on in his reader ? Thus, the spurned lover, 
~or made wit n j ealousy , who drowns himself and hi s former 
6 wee eart i n a leap from a bridg e into t e flooding river, 
i s o t t ne rea l subject of Tuckerman 's 11 Bridge of t he Be-
: r o The major figure i s really t l e spurned lov er 's 
m t 1 er, who , because oft ese ter r ible events, loses he r rea-
s or , a nd sits for twenty year s i n t he middle of t he bridge, 
s t o p ing those who pass by , and t elling them t he tale of her 
f ortunate son. Likewise, in 11 The Disclaimer, 11 43 t he aim is 
o t o portray t he r at her unfortunate circumstances of the 
d e t h of t he lovely l a dy Berenice, but r ather to evoke pity 
f or t he terrible agony of her lover, who, craz ed at t he thought 
t . at he was responsible for he r deat h , roams t he streets dis-
c aiming to everyone , 11 It was not me . 11 
I n t h e maze of sent imental ske tches a nd tales whi ch 
f loo ded mid-century Ame rica, Tuckerman ' s efforts are neit her 
amo g t he worst nor the best . robably origi nally inspired by 
I r v ng ' s successes in The Sketch Book , Tucke rman's tales are 
f te remi nisce nt oft he more minor literary digress ions in 
rrv i g ' s wor~ . 44 But Tuckerman never at t ains Irving 's relaxed 
206 
s -_ ~ .J,_ t lli ng comfort , nor hi s more personally-f el t interpre-
0 ? a d ness , melancholy , pathos , in Irving 's work, is of 
.:._ L , \." _1 g n mse f ; it is expressed in terms of his own personal 
i g s . Tuckerman will not thus expo se himself, but insists 
, __:. : _,r; . -na i ntai ni ng his p rotective walls o f reticence and formal-
~ t rv ng , neces sarily, is therefore the greater portraye r 
'; : ol ing , for he allo s himself to be more intimate with 
it . a funera l Irvi ng is able to say, 11 I could see no more--
o rt s elled into my throat--my eyes filled with t ears-- . 
1145 and this , coupled with all the friendly confi dence 
an a y companionship which has prec e ded, succe e ds in reach-
1 . s audience , and, if noth ing else, creates a general 
y f o r Irving in this position. Tuckerman, however, in 
_ s i mi l ar situat ion conf ines himsel f to generalizations, and 
0
c i c ' observations on d eat h and its awfulness, such as II struck 
:rr r e face of t h e earth--gone from t h e freshest presence of 
l~a t r e and t l e t h o ug' tful scenes of an absorbing being, to the 
, a r k and solitary grave! 11 46 Yet, i n spite of this stylistic 
s r o tcoming Tuck erman's sketch es do reflect an interest in many 
o f t ' e same sub jects whi c n interes t ed Irving . Historical tales 
a n e g ends , t elli ng o f mysterious death, youthful lov e , and, 
a s ways , t ? e young a nd lovely lady, ever fascinated Tuckerman 
a t e y did Irving ; but Tuckerman's excessive reserve prevented 
i f rom achieving the sympathetic response which he so care-
full y so ught a f ter , and wh ich his friend Irving so often 
a t t a in e d . 
To Tuck e rman 's credit, it must be added that even i n 
207 
his more , he i s not as convulsr ina gm m lYa  elod tic moments 
tearful as some of his femal e conta en md p m oro ar ra iel si ,z  ing 
sue as ? a ur mi a m 1S ns , C ~9   for . instanc e, or Caroline Lee 
Hentz 48 rs. E. D. E. N. Southworth, {h0r-? Hi s good fri end 
se1r - - mo of scribb0 ne ling women
11 
 ) a
o l wf ayt sh  e s po" kd e  d b 
1h'ai ag hulyn dOo f T uckerman ' s good t ast e and quiet reserve, and it 
??en 
ubt e ed sl ey   same t qh ua11t1es which saved him here, At 
his as t h ey condemned him at t he other end of tile scale, 
YstWeroir st e ' comh pe am reay d  wb i th t he more cas@l4 9 and 1ess 
lha ter cal r w t i ings o f Mrs. eara Jane Lippincott, wno, in 
a de ' al
Y se oa  r es n joyed a European residence and achieved 
?tr gree of cosmopo11tan1sm which tempered somewnat the re- I
tale1s c ted morality of her styl e. But, regardless , Tuckerman s 
"0t as as indications o
~1 st f a n hd i?  thoughts and attitudes, 
a"?" e mediocre as some, and not as excellent  as o the rs,  the  Y 
???P' hen evert h eless, witnesses of hiS subservience to t he at-
TneY snow that although h? would not 
"et h re of 
" hl il s  time s. 
ls ah s in the extreme of American nd  commercialism, he 
Ut 
owed e f t be quite immersed 1n the equallY extb r eme, hims 1 0 8 11 
<lay . So 
evide Yn  t ul n reco gniZ ed, ov er-emo ti onali sm of hi t erarY 
1
??uck of tile roost 
" d' ifficO un le t  problems in analY? ng 
that erma n, both as a writer and as a thinl<er, iS the ract 
only ery
h  e o fv t en gives evidence of a skill or a perception 
l i lht e,
0 nc  One searches in vain for further evidences whlch 
his co so11a1ry compar isons and 1nd1cate excellence? worthY of 
ntemP orary reputation, but seldom are the?? round  ? 
208 
Tuckerman 1 s Isabel is a ca s e i n point. There is no evidence 
t ha t he act ually comprehend ed t he po t ential of Isabel's plot 
construc t ion; yet , t he fac t t at t he situation was concei ved 
and, t o a limited extent , por t rayed, i s inescapable. Tucker-
man's sketc es also illustra t e t he same perplexing problem. 
1 ost of t hem follow t ne s tanda rd pat t ern; yet, there will be 
one here and one the r e i ndi cative of some sort of bet t er effort. 
Te pr oblem is sim ly to de ter mine whe t her s uch efforts had 
t eir origins in happy c a nce, or in carefull y-planned inten-
tion. For exam le , Tucker man I s short sketch "Love and Mys-
tery11 51 contains el ements of violent passion and revenge and 
selfis ambition , a ccompani ed by a Gothic sense of unexplained 
mys t ry somewhat i ndica t i ve of t he work of Edgar Allan Poe; 
but t he occurrence of s uch indications is so seldom that to 
conclude that Tuckerman recognized and tried to consci ously 
Utilize such li t erary t echni ques cannot be Justified. A furt her 
example of t hi s same problem is found in Tuckerman's two 
sketches whi c h critici ze American culture, "Kitty Mayo, 11 52 
w ich ver y didactical y illustrates American pr ovinciality in 
Europe, a nd 11 8p ecula tion, 11 53 a s hort sketch portraying Yankee 
c aracter witn a humorous tinge of New England dialect (which, 
in i t self, is worthy of note occurring as it does twenty years 
be f ore t n e Ci vil War) ? These t ,. o rather small efforts are the 
only evidences of any comprehension by Tuckerman of a use for 
t e tal e or sketch beyond t he mere portrayal of incident and 
e o tion . "Speculation" is t he only i ndication of humor in all 
o f Tucke rman ' s published work s, and, as such, must indicate 
209 
k rman did have a s ens e of humor
, but more t han this 
c
y be cone uded . Even the obvio u
s l ink of Am erica n 
dl
CU .l_ t 
er ticism in these two t al es i s 
r eally a rather forc ed 
0 an's cosmopo-8 ip , as 11 Ki t ty ay 0 11 r epresent s T
uckerm
lta n's 
sm , wile 11 S eculation 11 is real 
y based i n Tuckerma
cialism. Thus, 
nnate revUlsion against American
 commer
' or apart , t hese tales can hard
ly warr a nt more than a 
n -..., ..., .i.. . 
exi s t ence; any s ort of a maj or co
nclusion is 
Of tne1r 
d by their minuteness a nd sol ita
riness wit hi n t he large 
;.> i c t u. r an ' s literary i nt ere s t s a nd endea
vors. 
of Tuckerm
an ' s effort s at poetry r eveal a p
at tern qui te 
Tucke r m
S ::t T. i a r 0 t hat re vealed by hi s sket ches . Almo
st all of his 
0 ~inally wr it t en for peri odi cal p
ubl i cati on, and 
r ri 54-
we re l a ter 0011e cted by him , a nd published 
separat ely. They 
r efl ect t ne same major phil osophi cal t heses, 
a nd t he same 
r uncr1 t1ca1 acceptance o f t he p
ublic taste. 
Ye t , Perhaps it wa s more i n practice
 t ha n in t heory 
rocla-
uc k erman came to the popula r l ev
el . The various p
:na t on Of uperficial i s poetic t heory i ndica t e at lea
st a s
K. no wl edg e or i ntemporary cri t cal t hought, alt 
ough i t is 
co
of'i:e n oor1 represented i n hi s own poetic wo
rk . His know-
 d 
l edge is undoubtedly 
ul t f ding, 
mor e t he r es o wi espread rea
t n a n of for Tuckerman 
ny Original t hougr ton his own p
art, 
6 t 
:a no t an ?ri? gi nal t hi nker , a n d
 hi s poe ry does not s how the '~
i i ge nt apPl ic tion of pr incipl e
 t1a t should be prese nt i n 
d
ns. 
radua1 development of originall y
 ar r ived at conclusio
Re gardle s s riteria (s t ated , Tu cke rma n 's t heoreti cal poetica
l c
210 
alwa Ys ei nn e ral f a shion), often parallel tha e  majm oro  st 
i' dmeae  S oOr f t bh ot h w0 rdswo r t h and Coleridge, and, through them , 
0 r dsw lesser Romanti c 
e p oi ed te sa  as n d cri t i cs . Wf i th O 
U0pon t ort n ' uck ermT an p r oclai med t he benefi cent effect of Nat ure 
eac e of t he soul , and
h  e N i a t ure ' ? signifi canc e as a t nner li f 
erma 
er oft e de eper and more pemane~ tr~hs of li f e , Tuck-
r onuga g Wordswort h t hat poeti c r evelations must cot me reed Wit r 
a p~erception , and would come best to t ~ se 
~h intui t iv e 
o a Nature in a childl i ke 1ove and not in cold i n-PProach 
te11 ed Wi t h both Wordsworth and Coleridge 
I?Uck ectu T, al i sm and reason, 55 
"orlde rman b elieved that t he poet must be able t o see, in the 
him, evidences of t he unse en I deal and t he Univer-
around 
sa1l et i nspira
a tin od n born of intuitive re eling, be 
ab ' ' Wit h t 8 
e act Xpr e s t
o   he e  values of t he inner 1 if e as t heY appear in 8 
at ht le es of t he Real world 5 Thus, T
u uca k1 e1 rrt n1 a n, 1n6   0t hndeo rY 
t he a st ' finally concluded t ha t p? oetic expression was beY
or b rest r i ctions of a s ociallY proper reticence and t he f ear 
be hiesin go  char ged wit h ego t i sm, To Tucl<eman, the poet had to 
t got 1 sm wn o racl ; he had t o tell of himself or be sl. l ent  ? 
8
lnent o ' in t he genuine poet would be absolved in t lle t ahchl.eve-
l'ace. u f t he?1  
 vaa u
T nh iu vs e r sal s w' hich 
11 ew
t  aY t ne bosoms of o ec  cas ioned bY "some 
tnrc u a nee ' inc er6 e , spontaneous f eel ing, of po-wer'" is ever 
e tn st of i nt erest or so me sentiment 
'Uc< fo r t 57 With Coleriage, 
? ~e8 romuthe  
rce ' 
an saw t hreu ek  p oetic expressi on, to be t he i magination, 
t me ans wh eY t o such percept i on ~ himself with de ereby man might perso nallY identifY 
ep er 8 Ymb oli sm of t he universe. 5s 
-
211 
?ri ved 
d From t or theorm eh te ise aj cal premi ses, Tuckerman 
ser t roug t h
Clo Pri
i
n S c oi wn personal t heorY plea which b h 
Of i 
o h? poetical practice , The t ranscendent al i dea 18 
ment 
ntuiti erception led him agai n t o hiS old bap s i s, sV ee nti-
s om~on denominator of t he great universal, 
Thu ' as t r e prime c 
,-er onath1 was one who had the power to stir e feP eo le int g or h ' 
ll a r rougn his 
8 writ t ena   words em ( o Ft oi ro  n T ucke5 rth 9
m
 an, 
gt een ny re part i cular probl em wa?s  in hi s not applY-
1n ' t ne mo 
Of hi er the or eti cal judgments t o t he popu
s le a r b de et mt a nds 
evident l Y, realised their oppositions, 
8 
For age . He nev er 
bet'Wiene  ns  t anc e' ne neve'r  attempted to defi ne t he dif f ere nc es 
nt im genuine f eeling and merelY achieving a shallow 
se creat ing 
i s c Y; t he nearest he came to such a perception was in 
h enta1 1 t 
e " of Lydia H. SigourneY, 6 po etrY, and e ven in thr ii st1  h  Cism 
?Pont e va gue , reveal
a is n g himselq fu  1 t to be wri ting more from 
Pr1n s feeling than fr
a omn  eo eu v olved and defi ni te critical 
ment or criteria.) 60 And with t he accep
C taip nl cF e>  s o f senti-
'l\tck as a cr1t erion, c ame coro1'1 ari es whi ch actuallY dominated th
"at II poetic ef for t
t ?  chief amone grm  ta hn e, s e was s e old idea 
great ay mpat hy 11 was t ne mo, st important ingredient in creating 
? ah 
and 1 ast ? n 61 unfo:rtunatelY, Tu c k erl -'n " g po
1 e t i c expression. d
~11
ue defined 
 ea. lJ. as can be de-never 11 sympa tf  hr Yom ";  howeT v er, as we d s a basis for an 
Ccept uckerman, s practice, i. t serve a 
Pop\J.la r e of most of t he sentiment,
a .]n . c t tiem? s and approaches 
l'l.~tne among the peri odical poetaster? of hi? daY ? rn the 
du1 s ym a t hy rno "' e than rre quentJ.Y 1n-
"?eaO. f i n suc h , Tucker man himself ti?C  them? ? as untimelY 
commonl y popul ar gornan 
212 
cleat n? 
s of t ne 
, tot mn be ,  unre1 q uited love, and a o neline 
eparati ved ones . But the t heme who in c h thoroughlY of lo 
dominat ot ner t hemes i n Tue cd 1< : erman' s wor k was tha al tl   of 
romantic lmost i nvariablY, if romant i c 1ove is not l ove . 
Tituscek1e rf mtah e subject of the poem, the hi ghest comparat i ve image 
for e l{a n p r esents will be someho>I associa ted with it. Thus, 
te en ' u II cke rma n ' s po
m empl  e 11 To T a n Elm continues for nine-
imt i es t comparative images, honoring, in metaphor and a a nzas of 
na1 r ee as an object of Nature; it climaxes 
r1 ' t e elm t hi ghest function and cal l ing, the 
try y '1t h the elm ' s 
Sting Plac e f or l ove : 
WTih tT h ehtn   1e mov ers hta sttree mtob leth le ei  l<:e t ha t shifti ng l
T i  gnt,e  ar t s t ha 
nd o
O 
 u a a r t J' oyo,' sb srahrvien oe-ld-a  trteeme Ple of delight) 62 
Port ne UnJ.<: nown Portra
g ita "i  n T ui cn 1< erman desc" rT ib' e? a 
l ?~ fe: rait Whi ch ha s i mpres s ed him, and imag1nes t h? anc?i ent  
Poses 
O ef  t h P erso n port ray ed, hi? youthful dreams, his pur-
and c courage, hi s battle? rought and won; but the final 
' hi s 
for "? ng co n
r co ew pn t1 i on iS t he probablO 1ove of the young man 
Orn e bei ng fai r, wit h 1ove' s 1<:een gaze? ? ? ? ,,63 
Ii? Ir T tt pt to 1et 
<s" uckerman did honestlY and actuallY a em 
Pr s speak then th?Y certainlY 
v-1t-dO em of his own 1nner ree11ngs, 
~tJ.ri e an ample over h1B
0  bachelor state ~ t record of hi S concern 
llts J.1h e fact t ha t he had not round the 1deal ,;oman to share 
~tJ.ri ? His 
6~ d ??f " e t h references to ove 
fo ~ co llrtshi poems are in lt  erlace ?" suitable mate? There-
re is P, and the need 1n man for?t  ~ot Tuckerman cries ou 
' it 
Per haps from hiS own heart ~?~ t 
21 3 
1 a n 11 man ea r a t t uned to cat ch" the "mu 0f  fl ed vo 1 ce f his 
r1: . ife , and 11 ~ent ly beaming eyes/ To pierce, wi t h keen 
d ??? / .. ? i t s idden cours e . 1165 And perhaps it is 
r ? . 
. . l, i Spirit tnat he sta tes tat he would rat her have love 
me : 
ve me the boon of love ! 
r aIr  ab sk no mor e fo r f ame ; 
T et 0 r one unpurcha s ed heart 
.J Yn a,n lory I s proudes t nam e. 
.ake a f v er in t ne 
0 blood, r d mp t ne spiri t no w, 
0 ~ain a wreat n who se l eaves s 11 wave 
A ove a wi t ered brow? 
G? 
v me t he boon of l ove! 
D ~mb1 ion ? s ne ed is vain ; 
e r er af fe ction 's earnest s mile 
' d n onor 1 s richest train . 
rt 1er ean upon a breast 
? 8Pon i ve to my own, 
Un Sit pavilioned gorgeo u sly 
~o a k in .l y. t hro.  n.  e . . . . . . . . . 
me t ne boon of love! 
l am of fame snine s f a r, 
B 0 ve ? s soft light glows near and ~ar m--
ure and ouse old star. 
O e t ender glance ca n f i l l t hP soul 
u it a perennial fire; 
g ory ? s f lame burng fitfully--
l o e f u ner a l pyre. 6
on wit h thi s preoccupation with love and courtship 
?was t ne r at er obvi ous concern with t he fem i nine which has 
a l r ,ady been not ed in his fict i on. Tuckerman saw woman as 
t ' ie ep t om of t he Beautiful. She was Nature? s highe st ex-
pr -sci on Of all t tat was noble and true. She was feeling, 
e~ot i on , gr a ce , s ensitivitY, 1 ove; she represented, in the 
phys. ca 'Wo r ld all t he finer affections and attributes of 
' 
ma n ~i n ? 67 Thus fo r Tu ckerman, t he most beautiful images 
' 
214 
'Were eirn-ce  ssociated wit n fem i nitY, with t he image of 
moth Vi tably a 
rat io uri ty, or an almost sensual concept of 1over-
aa. om fort- sec 
0 uckerman thus ref ers to s1eeP as 
11 tna.t n-pos session 
ermnean1.  " ? motnerlY embra ce he can forget "the surge 
Of t1 ' in wnose 
e see s Natu r e as a ki
a nn d, d    mot her whose 
v1t? h ? a? ha nd is laid 
AnUUa nn /t 1am m iatftsae ir fn eavl egrer de etthinrogb obinn gmY  ablrlo wa,r e stayed; 
But consci ou n to lie upo n her bregst, . 
?atu 8 of the world, ??? 9 
so treats hi m like a u1ov
r ee r, "a  l She cast s 
ln \. e . gaa y s ~ell that quickens ? ? , To? ?1 . in nset and t he coY retreat, , ? ? 
fre e th e thbee adtiimnpglsi nogf  lthiPe ? qut1i1cakt enpeadr t heart, ? ? ? 70 
tnant1c rman , s poetrY snow? him to be in tune with the 
Ito Tucke 
lo~~ and dicta of hi s a ge . He wrote poems celebrating ideal 
Q 1ta ave le .,-ends , roythicallY 1ovelY women, nature 
S.n Old 1 
Be alwa Object e, places and the past, and great work? o f art  . 
inc 1 7lersonified Nature as a matter of genuine poetiC 
Pt> y s P 
s. n11liate ' and hP il se   poetrY abound? in references to the 
bu.t n Powers of inanimate objects , He used high-sounding, 
felt l"theles s t O ,cpress wha.t he 
Weve e cli che' words and p
' b'b Io ' ases ' re noble Thus "tears gusll" and 
bo ?om eave " and beautiful thoughts, ,;ordB as usere, 
s".  n'" e  h v ' and such over-used romantic ) 1oc"k S 
n,i otari 
0 " uric!l ( or ebon 
~, da1-1< 11 (01- es ," 11 orbS," nvouchsa f e, 11 and "saffron 
?," a golde n) tresses
" ,'? "n  t "mutP eP  e da esr p air, n could be as senti-
Do a1 as th repeatedlY , Tbat Tuck0rma vident in sucll 
?me as "T hee  worst of the rnagazine poet? iS bues Y statesman 
Ringlet'" in which a wor1dlY' 
215 
( "or h s c neme s ) by ac cl dent
11   discovers a "r 1ngl et of ? ? deep 
had been h1S w
a1 hr e1 n1   he was w a h bi oc Y , and it 
1 
List m tot ears , but 
Y may i ~;;; e speaks--mark we
T llh  e hiS , L ti n s ot u gtitfh u l words; i ruct thee, --for men call tiiro great; 
Hsow t 
hou donsRt  i 
nglet of golden na
S 1rt l move my very mannood now l 
once thou idrirdisnt g abino vera dt ihainSc eca rwe-ewroer, n brow. 
Bu.t Tat thou a rte t hi nkm s i in te  . ca. nnot be 11 
U.ch) f sot rt e Y o r unfortu? na? telY, 1t 1s ni s, and a ft er n ne unat 1 i 
a Pires of memories of mother od innocent boynood, it 
in anzas 
8t1 e ch great moral: na
l ei ct o me thou now e ei nn  a sh  i am   tn' e 
bit different, pernaps, ,b  ut almost as poor 
"1aa 11d. 1172 
faTvuoc k s poem "To LadY Blanche" 1n .,n1cb be addr essed na erman , 
,. ? hi erms of 1ove more suitable to numan 
Cou_-...t rite Steed" in t 
O Ge P than good equestrianism: 
Le'tr o Pnlt1eea saSnt  eed ! ere thou dost go, 
For Peak ~hmemories overflow, 
'rhy 'Wn8o unm Y
n  jP uO st tl  e r eo nv oe wd n ; ca n thee be tiold, 
lie t ~8  rich 88 coat , t hY graceful mold, 
Deli nus I Pm ane floating down, 
Li~ious fat they neck of snow 
e t hy a
sno cf it e se ycoe m'se  aor n d go,n aJ. l dilating
 
 ??? ?7 3 st ,. t lle cnords 
Po""' 1 of this however Tuc11:erman ruc~ 
e:i.e,, ?-ar  demand ' ? j ts were a1wa? Ya st  ? and a pproval? BiS sub ec 
bee , moral ssion never 
oel llt)1 Ur~en.,  g7 4 and h ' and sentimental; tii s el<Pr eB ' 1' most constant 
? Ytne 
t .,.. nt is me cho af n ics, ever simple? '" a 
~? t ia b 6 y to read 0 poet:rY eas 
he tnost m ic pentameter made 75b i !liS Illecbanical faults 
0
average of hi S readers, 
216 
vJ e re ot such as would much annoy t he average reader, being 
c o . i ned to tne r a t er common tendency of p eriodica l poetasters 
t o a o a stress to fall unnaturally up on an article, or a 
n o a ly unstressed s yllable ( s ucn as t e iambic lines: 11 With 
6 
a r e rennial fire, 11 7 and 11 Lik e passion's billows, into gushing 
"'.::; e rs , Or, with an inarticulate moan, expire 11 ); 77 and to indulge 
a r a t '1er habitual pat t ern o f r ese rvi ng a verb for t he end of the 
l j . hicn tende d to creat e a monotony and artificiality which 
r e a y dest r oyed t he 11 natu r al ness 11 whi ch Tuck erman theoreti-
c a l y as seeking to achieve . Yet, the ordinary reader had 
l o ,v b en notably t olerant of such tendencies to doggerel , and 
T u ck erman I s roblems here evidently went unperceived, or, at 
i east, unnoted, for contemporary rPviewers found little to 
c o~ lain of in his work . Rufus Griswold termed it "expressions 
r cefu l and r oma n ti c sentiment . . . fruits of 
r efj_ e ction and illus trations ??? of taste. 11 But Griswold 
f ?el t t ere ?were a f ew p roblems. Tucke rman had "occasionally 
d one injustice to hi s o in fine p owers by t he ca relessness with 
w . _._ j_c ' e has adopted familiar ideas, images, and forms of 
ex? r e ssi o n, 11 and Tuck erman also had, at times, used rathe r 
i_;_n ? at ural language. But, nevert heless, on t . e whole , Griswold 
1 o n d Tuckerman? s p oetry both 11 delightful 11 and "pleasing . 11 7~ 
K i ck erbocker 1 s, ho 1ever, probably gives bet t er evidence of 
t -- e p blic t aste a nd liking of Tuck erman ' s po etic efforts . 
T o e r vi ewer was extremely pl eased with his 11 general harmony 
o :f t one and feeling , 11 and was forced to resort to metaphor to 
P X.Pr e ss h i s delight with Tuck erman's 11 expre ssion 11 (whi ch is 
217 
nct 11 from t hat of Holmes , Longfellow, or Lowell): 
?.? a s moo t hl y-flo1,1ing river of r hyme bea rs us 
u disturbed along by a mar gi n deck ed wit h flowers of 
am liar but b ea u t i f u l image ry . The atmosphere in which 
s musP. lingers is no t heated by a no on-day passion, or 
c h lled by t 1.e wild breezes of night: it is rather the 
e f res ri i ng coolness of a summer 's evening , whe n heaven 
? mbues e xt er nal natu r e wj t h a ge nerou s and holy fervor. 
I is a book to read in the country, for t h e thoughts 
e e st rung togethe r are mo r e calculated to awak en the 
s ym athies o f t he h ea rt than to astonish t he mind, and, 
a ter t e winter banquet o f a city, will come as refresh-
i n; y to the sens e s as t n e after dinn~r sip of cor dia l 
s u cce e ds t e exhilarat ing champa g ne. 11 f'j 
One p oi nt, ho wev er , whic t n e reviewers missed was 
Tuc "- erman ' s steady , almost didactic, morality. Undoubtedly, 
r; r e y e re so used to 1 ts pres ence in popular poetry, that they 
n~ d lo s t all p ower to recognize aught but its absence . Re gard-
1 e c? s , uckerman invariably ends his poems with a moral explana-
t i o o r in t erpretation which at tempts to adapt the poetic 
exp er? ence to t he reader's general life . He was like his 
f ri ed Bryant in this, although certainly not as s killed. As 
Br ya t saw in the fli ght of the waterfowl a divine design in 
h uman li fe , so Tuckerman saw in 11 The Night-Blooming Cereus 11 a 
d i v ine l e sson of the soul and the inner life which is ever 
k op hidd en from 11 t he world's broad glare, 11 and allowed to 
b l oom only in the "calm starli ght and t he dewy air . 11 
Bl e st is t hy lesson, ves t al of t he flowers,--
ot in the sunshine is our whole delight ; 
Some joys bloom only in life's p ensive hours , 
nd p our their fragrance on t he bree ze of night . ~O 
At l ea s t half of Tuck erman 1 s poems contain some such moral 
inter pretation , usually toward the ending of the poem, inspir-
i 1g t e reader to a higher endeavor and a better life . This 
I 
l 
213 
::.::-? cl ? ? s indica tiv e of Tuckerman 1 s always-pre sent purpose of 
eri c o a g ing the publ ic t a ste . 
n d , n evert heless, all app earances to the contrary, 
t c ... er e wer e t i me s when Tuck erman did ach ieve poetic expression 
a b 0 v t e comr.nonplace . His best results usually a ppeared 
,,,:_~ en e deal t wit h subjects rela ted to his own personal prob-
i e ,:1 s n d is to ry. arts of 11 I n my first Youth 11 31 rea ch a fine 
c o. ce ra t e d s i ncerit y , a nd i n 11 Bet ter Momen ts 1132 app ear flas hes 
~ ~ s ome s ort o f uni versal p ercep t i on. However, success in 
c r -;at ing t h e Beautiful came v e r y seldom, (and even then, it 
us u al y h a d to be aided through excerpting it from 1 ts more 
p ede s r ian surrounding s). Glimpses of such success are seen 
1_ n tr s p as sa g e from "Newport Beach 11 : 
Te ant i que g e n i us shaped a noble truth, 
I n ould i ng Aphro dite a s she stands 
repared to yield her beauty to the sea; 
n some coyness, half made u p of fear 
An d half of love, betray s itself in grace ; 
it eyes a v erted f rom t he tempting flood, 
Se grasp s her loosened hair , and as the wave 
Stri ke s her pale feet, a swift recoil 
C eek s the advancing step, and thus she broods, 
lovely image of subdued desire, 
cti o n and t hought, t hat quiver and unite 
In exquisi te p rop orti on; thus we pause 
U on t he brink of glory unachieved, 
Or sacrifice resolved--our hearts appalled 
B y t e chill touc h and dre~r infinitude 
Of Fate's relentless tide.53 
T uckerman succe e ds h ere in painting a mood picture which actu-
a l ly com~unicates feeling to his reader. His imag es are simple 
Bnd d i r e ct even though his words are, at times, ill-chosen. 
T n e holding of t e "loosened hair 11 is most natural ( but the 
-word 11 grasp 11 disturbs t he smoot h appropriateness of the idea ) , 
219 
involun tary shr i nking back from first con t act of flesh 
_ , t he averted eyes, t he brooding wait , add a sensual 
j__ -:-r. >-' ?1 c t ion to his picture of hesitant desire and love afraid. 
S c -:-. = o his words are good, despite ot hers; 11 a winsome coyness, 11 
11 8 __ . ~ av e rted, " "lot osened hair ," 11 swift recoil," 11 broods, 11 
d desire , 11 all are right words in ri ght places . But 
'' an t: c e genius ," "noble truth," "tempting flood," 11 pale feet," 
uckerman I s more com,non practices . The ever-at t ached 
not to
:T ol  i,:_ n; applica.- bC a.J.. 8 le , although it is rathe r mundane 
a.f' G er t e sensuous mood he has labored so hard to create . It 
un ortunate that 
i sS u ch pa s sages as this appear so infrequently 
'l u 1 erm n I:i. r-~ s poetic work, for a ctually , hi s poetic efforts 
only real at t empts to create t e Beautiful for others 
s e througn his interpretation of his i nner feeling a nd 
e x .;; e ri e ce . 
Tne greater part of Tuckerman's work compares favorably 
~ r i t. L~ t r t of Mrs. Hemans whom Tuckerman genuinely admired . 
~ a.rt s of rs. Hemans 1 "Cat hedral Hymn" : 
dim and mighty minster of old time ! 
A temple shadowy with rem embrances 
Of the majesti c past ! --the v ery light 
Stre a ms with a coloring of heroic days 
I n ev er y ray, whi c leads through arch and aisle 
A pat of dreamy lust~~, wandering back 
To ot h er years ???? ~ 
-r "Kindred Spirits 110 : 
Oh ! ask not, hope thou not too much 
Of sympa thy below; 
F e~ are the hearts whence one same tou?h 
Bids the swe et fountains flow ???? ? 
rni t wel l hav e been written by Tuckerman. In Mrs. Hemans, 
I 
l 
220 
Tuck e same devotion to sympathy and sentiment, erman found t 11 
t he same attempt at 11 earnestness of soul, and the Romantic 
?sa?mPea udsed icat?i on to morality and nobilitY which he himself 
r Yme possiblY co uld have copied some of 
h1s ? Tuckerman quite 
a. nitnant pat L, ern s r rom Mrs. Hemans' work, s6 if not also her 
0Oth nal mood of emphasis upon 1ove and devotion. 
l3 emoti o 
lllentawl1rti ters were guilty of the same maJor faults: senti-
??n , a endencY towar oggere , an care-
le Y' didacticism t d d 1 d 
oenimei ss i n stress an d accent. Tuckerman was more gui lt Y of 0-
11
apPre?c ni es s 11 ~7 than was Mrs. Hemans; but, in his artistic 
?vel ' he did maint ain hiS poetic appeal at a higher 
l ation 
both ? The fact t hat the public so enthusiasticallY accepted 
at Tuck e and Mrs. Hemans' work certainlY indicates th erman, 
ona1 b ePded, to some extent, in voicing tbe conven-
t1 both succ 
ny r expressed thoughts of tbe great multitude. At 
a ut un 
rarya te work as theirs met the standard of t he con em-Po ' such t 
little ' a ' at least for Tuckerman, there appeared to 
be taste nd
?~c?ea. indication of any conscious 1ntent to greatlY 
this ? 
asea. literary critic (as seen in hiS essays) Tuckeman 
b As a 
?s a1 judpents upon Romantic principle?? sentiment 
Wt> a11 his 
Ure ne basic criterion. BB Through sentiment, 1itera-
t -Way s t 
oral.it c hieve a twofold va1ue: it could teach truth, 
in might a 
- otianY , ana. virtue; and it could p1easurablY stimul? t e th e 
?rvi 8 uckerman saw oath of the?? potentiablsle  toc obnec eption a ? T 
ceab ifting mankind toward a more no or le in 1 
ht hie societY,B9 Along with thiS oasiC ideal, rnse1 f and 
221 
c.i.. i. er tieal philosop? y included many p eripheral , but inter-
r e l d p rlneiples, each and all intimately connected with the 
l j_ ;:; erary Romantici sm predominant in his day . Thus , he ever 
p r o e med the superiority of emotion ov er intellect , 90 the 
n e ed f or solitude and introspecti ve thoug ht,91 t he validity 
0 f melanc oly and unres t as sources of the ar t istic inspira-
t i_ o n , 92 t he great universal s ympat hy and affinity of souls, 9 3 
a. :id t over-po ering influence of Nature as its i nspiration. 94 
H e d e e nded the ideali ties of the simpl e lif e , and t he rural 
v i r tue s ; 95 he preac hed the transcendental doctrine of reliance 
Ll JJon i n tuition and o ne I s own personal revelation for guidanc e , 
e s~ e c i ally in t he artistic experience ; 9 6 and he revered the 
ret ro s .._ ective values of old memories . 97 One of Tuckerman 1 s 
roost often r epeated phrases was that t he spirit of his age was 
,, ecle ct ic, 11 and he , at lea st in his Romanticism, was as 
ecl ect i c as his possibilities allowed. He praised all the 
rn ore i rn ortant Romantic writer s a lmost indi s crimina t ely . 
col eridge , Wordswort h , Lamb, Hazlitt, Scot t , Southey, Byron , 
Keats, Shelley, Hunt, all were his idols, and he wrote long, 
repet i t ious articles generally pra ising the i r 11 t r u t h 11 and 
??nobility" and 11 fait hful ness 11 to t he universal intimations 
0 f Nature . 9Es He wa s discr imi nate only in hi e noti ng o f bi o-
, ~raphi cal facts and differences among his Romantic idol s; he 
t horou hly i gnored their philosophical disagr eemen ts and 
dis s o u t ions . 
Thus Tuckerman 1 s es s ays on these men , when s eparately 
e nco unt e r ed, appear to e v idence a vast background a nd 
l 
222 
rec ot1gnn1g ts i on n lc pr i ncipl e as demonstrated 1n various 
'w:i:,1 of Roma t 
a monotonoun d es; however, when viewed together, t heY contain a liv 
nciples ' a st at ement and re-statement of the s ame 
P:r1 s samene s s 
? Phlcal ap1n, varied o~Y by differences 1n 
bi og ..... a O ver and over . 
?o ught not a nd hi St Orical facts . Tuckerman, apparentlY, 
g a comprehensive, scholarlY obJect1ve 
ltn o-w:i.ed t o d emonstrat e 
n dem man di scussed, but rat her to show wherein each 
tna e of t he 
anti onst s underst anding and a pVlicat1on of the -l:i). orn rat ed hi 
>1r1tes P es which Tuckerman himself saw to be universal. 
8e c Pr i nc i 1 
rec1at? iscernroent of t he?? pr1nciple? and of his 
a.pp of t ni s d . 
T t hey were discerned bY those whom he discusses. 
ion that 
erar s biographical essays were not confined to his 
lt t Uckerman' . . 
e domi ? Promi nent historical figures, who 111ustrated 
Sorn Y idols 
~ed fr or accomplishment in manY fie l ds, a so 
Ser nant trait 1 
e Pera as his subjects. AJ_most a1waYS the?? figures 
'tler equentl Y 
l<hom h uckerman could, fol' the most part, aain1re, 
an.a_ ons whom Tu se as example?, to hiS audi ence, of dominant 
'laJ. e could 
tles everyone's emulation,99 Thus, he wrote 1ong 
e sa 'Wo rt h 8 Y of 
hYins g0t  p ersonalities as BenJamin FranJd.1n, 11George Was n such 
Clint on on, Dani el Bo one, Robert Fulton, 110ger w11 ams, De  Witt 
ea,q, Ys c'  Jenny Li ' and Jo hn James Audubon? In all of ese nd th 
?Ys th n seemingly standard traits 1nev1tablY ~eared? 
J\.J_w erta1 
~o" ?"~ h1ca1 ere we re t he nece ssarY general h1stor1cal and b1 o-
" "?coun facts' salted with whatever more 1nt1mate el<Per1ences 
<ttQ ts Were 1 t the reader 
t h avail able , all serving to acqua n 
~." e man d s a general 
?graph or twi  sc us s ed ? Then? al "'8Y s ? there wtra al virtue , or 
expl a ining t he subject's cen 
0 
223 
tr j_ , or accomplishment , and relat i ng it to t he general 
v,ol f e of humanity ( and this wa s, of cour s e , an expl anation 
or i ts relationship to the gener a l Romant ic pr i nci ples which 
'I ck , rman deemed univ ersal ). But all t he r e st wa s 11 verbal 
ar c i tectur e , ulOO s tating and r e-st at ing , wit h varied speci-
f i c ty, and from v arious direc tions and angles, t hose general 
mat ters already previously mentioned . Always, Tuckerman is 
~in d and apprecia t i ve , a t eacher o r guide of the public 
i n r e st, ever s eemingly seeki ng to lead his reader toward 
a n appr e c i at io n s im i l ar t o his own. 
nd , in all of t hi s, Tu cker man, at lea st as a litera ry 
cri ti c, was ful f ill i ng hi s own basic crit i cal criteria, fore-
most of whicn was t he at tai nment of each a uthor's basic senti-
ne t. For Tu cke r man, t he most i mportant element in any 
p ers on I s creat i vit y wa s t e p ervading spirit or feeling of 
t. e c reator or artist as it was revealed through t he effect 
of t 1e wor k created . 101 This was t he grand human feeling 
w 1ic ' oug t to lead mankind toward more noble and more sym-
pat etic l i ves. 102 The presence of such a sentiment (or even 
t e obvi ous intention oft he artist to create such a sentiment) , 
for Tu ck erman, coul d counterbalance 11 the gravest artistic 
f a 1 ts or deficie ncies. ul03 The major task of the critic was, 
t ' erefor e, t o perceive this spirit, and to discern its nature 
and it s i ntent, to ent er into t he artist I s experience and 11 pro-
l o g 11 it, dev elop it furt her, and bring it closer to the 11 uni-
versal heart" and t he 11 common ear . 11 The critic, thus, in 
Tucker an 1 s mind, s e rved as an intermediary bet ween t he artist 
l 
224-
and i"nt te ? He was a sort of priest before t he al tar 
'Wh e multitude u 
?0 ine e oracle as it was handed down from t he 
di rpreted t 
nn i source 104 It is of interest here t hat Tuckerman, the 
00 completelY absorbed Tuckerman, the 0
amat sseur ' has apparently 
eur. is more youtnful daYS he had proclaimed that the In h 
art i stic e could onlY be validlY 1nterpreted by the eXperienc 
l' ece1 onlY interference in tlle 1nterpr1e0-Ver 5 himself.'  t here was 
tat i of t he more 1nte11ectuallY 1earned, 0 ns 
ln I and Bab explana ti ons 
t e~ amat ' h e had given the deepest arti stiC perceptions to 
i e , and not to the more 1earned Vittori o. And, 
in eur I sab 1 
nad  be8 e Y experiences with painting and sculpture, he own earl 
heir re sentful of allY attempt bY others to impose 
t n most 
WaPs e r nterpretations upon his own revelation, EverY lllan sonal 1 
1ng h1 e in these earlY enthusiasms, and could he but 
br an oracl I
wo""l r1~  h mselr to b e in tune with the artist s inapirat i on, he 
artist ear t he same music and see t he same vision as did the 
"Vie Ws ? Hov1ever , t he years had changed some of Tu c k erm an, s 
be?, 1ev'  a1 most Without his detecti ng it, QbviouslY, he ye t 
o111 he sanctity of self and individual intuition as 
tne ea. in t 
tn at th Vali d source of revelation; and he still proclaime y d 
e.X't ?t1 e a rt1 st?i c creat ion ought to inspire men t ? se e the 
age 1 ld 8 Visio n ? But he had at 1ast come to recogn ize the 
tn 0 truth ey t it is not what men ougllt to see, 
nor what 
tha
.i.cb. e able to see, but rather what theY ~ to see 
Wn -1 Should b 
''? erns th )lost members of 
t"' grgeo v eir personal revelations. 
cl.t e.te at nmu l titude h i mm e i1 were too 11 absorbe d ? ? ? -with t e -
ana. temporary" to recognize t he need for their t he 
Perce1 225 
come than t ese. Therefore, Tuckerman 
baa_ Ving anything ot her 106 
?rd th ne need for someone to d~? the minds of men 
t o-w to s e e t , 
Phati r and higher, but otherwise neglected, 
1n ese g reate 
8fill was t be critic ( or t he connoisseur) who 
fu1 ons; and it 
t e necessar y office. Thus it was that Tuckerman, 
, ed t hi 8 
actuacrl 
rpretation of the 
1 t1 c, quite in accord i th biS own inte
nnoia eal situation, acted as both amate~ and 
co and the id 
P siti ' a he saw no conflict in biS occupancy of either seur nd 
0
on. 
Preci eodore Tuckerman was a1waYS thus, t he great 
ap Henry Th 
"'ay he e k ind encourager, the friendlY admonishter , 
IQ ator, t h 
g d or admired, a nd attempted to illustrate some laS it ng 8 
V00ery nal trut h apl-'11cable or discernable in a1moS
e eter 
?r to efforts, 11terarY and otherwise . Striving art1 
ev st' s 
e er e, subj ect1velY t he 1nspirat1ona.l spirit of 
t achiev 
Y eat every work h
e 1nevi tablY a.nd almost unavoid-' 
a.bl or of 
' Put into a s' ympathetic pos'i tion. 
himself 
n1., A what eir Pl  ea sure in Peac of his audience? Was not thnd 
0 h1 ' lauda torY, but ever-guiding approach apparen 
tn efuJ. t 
in his t1me? He bad s t riven since yout h to 
8 
wa.11t Po
p 
ulari ty 
middle line between the upoi.nt above the range of the 
a?ae n?oe cr a11a t  ?Ympa thy, " and t be "level of the mo st commonplace 
rat her ions ? II Whe n he bad assumed the edi t orshiP o f the 
ln medioc nd Fashion 
lg43 re Boston MiscenanY of Literature a 
Co , he h t nt here i S a medium 
on Ur se by Whi ad s t ated to hiS readers tba .. 1ews are consulted 
ne h a nd, c h, we think , while popular ? y be combined wit h 
0 a highe r standard of tastes ma 
226 
a bWe thticehr  t e h of sentiment and style , ThiS 1s the object 
" one, bot 
rship ? And in t he one year (ll'i43l of his 
ed1 t s hall aim ., 107 
0ng t ,i quite c1oselY to t hat 11ne, In fact, 
dur1. he adhered 
iscellan.,l improved 11ttle, if anY, in 
its 8 Year, t e 
1 Gauged primari lY to suit the better eve1 
X-eaa. of appeal 
leirts  e av. erage, it continued, under Tuckerman, to 
fi.l among t h 
g Wit wi Romant ic poems , sket ches , and t ales, deal? 
1.n Pages t h 
g thooa deat r , t he past honors of chi valrY and 
'l.~  l l 0 ve, and 
kern, e present joys of communion with Nature , To 
?u ? ' a nd t 0 ? iS the fact t hat he 1 secure 
Cont"'ib an 's credit' ho??1ever' d d 
Y ( for from a f ew of the more prominent l<ri ters of the 
da Utions 
ftnan c e , Bryant , and N. p. 11111 s, Char ies Fenno 
liar 1nstan 
soon rk Benjamin) and t,ad he not abandoned his task 
ao ' and Pa 
Year it nceivable th' at he might b/J.Ve succeeded, aver 
tne is co 
on raising both t he 1 evel of appeal of t ne publica? 
t1. s, in 
?ho aders levels of interest. Jlol<ever, as 1 t was, 
tb.1. , and its re I 
~it8n ar11 e 1 torial period in Tuckerman' s 1ife must s t and 
p rt d 
a tn an early indication of .,t,at 1ater turned out to 
be Y as 
B aj aTr  trait in his li terarY production , 
~sot n ,, __U .c k erm an , ? other earlY efforts at editorshiP, ~T'  
0eaa.y a nd The Philadel hia Book 109 show t he same 
li.  t ~lO g  te --~~~~~~-~' 
'%1ng ndency towar d a middle 11ne approach with as t s1 rnht nd 
~'-n t oward Tu1c1 ker-
s tat bettering t he public interest a ta e, 
de es op k that the 
?ea  Of enly in his "Preface" to T~he Bos~ 1 ca el ectin . h  wr.i?t?e~ r  ha? been 
nilar 8 g the best specimen? from eac 
%a Y to that 0 f average merit 
Uff entl of choo si ~ such as, bei~ t her familiar 
8
ic1 Y cha r a cter istic, are not aJ_toge 
227 
gt]o_eta nei  generl:l.l i t Y of readers. 11 And 1ater, he added that "these 
"'111 ng s ? ' ' --fugi t1 ve a nd f ragmentarY as marlY of them are--
m1nd tnoo t have thu s bee n presented i n vain, if t heY awaken anY 
found renewed effort, or excite in a single bosom a well-
e boedok 1s  in i n tellectual pursuits , ,,no Tlle contents of t ntere st 
m. The B e ves i ndica te Tuckerman'? attempt to follow tllis 
a1 t hems 1 
lVer W ook s of f erings range from Josiah QuincY and 
01 . --..;;,_____. 0 s t o n B , 
ild? olmes, to Sarall Josepha Hale and Lydia Maria 
C endell H 
B st on'  and _T_h_ ?__ Phila delphia Boak (more hi sto ri cal t !Jan Tl 1e 
ll 0?  ll Book ) r a nges f r om MattlleW-  CareY and Nicllolas Bid~dle , to 
arie? dC, oat an d Char l es Brockt en Brown, Popular reactions were v es 
o,- "ant s t ated t hat ~ was acceptable 
f On e critic 11 
an s ch et t er , and quarrelled generall Y wit '['ucker-
rn or ab 11 
? ?I  or t h select i ons , saying tnat the v erY best offer-
1110- 0 i Ce S O f 
ins t ead e Persons represented bad not been 1nc1uded; that, 
mo,.e )lo ' Tuckerman had often publ i shed 1esser and sometimes 
"as Illa llUlar works, 111 Such cri t1c1sm was well-founded, It 
tQe  cosntt  lik e 1 Y written bY someone wno bad some knowle dg e of 
"as a1me:mpora ry li terarY scene, ~1 bas1call Y 
Obv~ at t h 1 Tuck.erma.n 
<ou e 11 t t l e- higner-tban-average eve ? 
at t,.ac8t1  Y intended tllat it snould be of average interest and 
?n ?lem t he average reader. However, as a1waYs, tie did 1nc1ude 
re ent of . t nd th1S 1s 
llre elevation of the average 1n i' a 
tu entat i 0 life in 
? 8 ve of his c onsistent effort tnr ugnout w.s 
~e1r'- regard . T 11 pleased, and 
"sa i, '"'Pe felt hat the a verage audi ence was we view in Mr?? 
e's ~T  complimented, 1s evident in the re AmR 11ed The :B~ 
~rican Ladies' Ma azine wnic n cs =---
228 
B 11 a n excePdingly delight ful volume, 11 and praised its 
e d i t or for i s II good t aste. 11112 
Contemporary reviews of Tuckerman 1 s es says over the 
:; a s ratner mutually arrived at the same general c onclusion s. 
C o stently, Tuckerman was prais ed for his morality, his 
s e t i v i ty , t ne b readth of his scholarship , his s mooth style, 
o d a ,a y s hi s good taste . Of course, there were occasionally 
t c o e no disagreed, as w en, for instance, The ias s? c hu se t ts 
-=-- ---~y -Re-v-iew- stated rather categorically that Tuck erman?s 
es c;a s n Tne Optimist were 11 of quite unequal merit, 11 and that 
1; e r a ut or certain y did not 11 aim at a very high praise, 11 113 
o r w e Tne Atl antic onthly rather pl easantly indicated that 
rr c k erma n I s works really possessed 11 no great valu e as works of 
ori i na l thought , 11 but were, however, consis t ently sustained 
by t eir 11 unfailing good taste . 1111 4- But, on t he whole , review-
er s in t he periodicals of Tuck erman 1 s day r at her unitedly 
ble s sed his g ood work and his g ood nam e . The New York Evening 
l-o s t ecsta t i cally lauded his 11 unfal tering excellency 11 as an 
es ayist; Tuckerman ? s collection, Essays, was 11 mellow with 
t r u t a nd refinement , wit h learning and analysis, with prac-
ti cal wisdom and sc olarly culture 11 ; it was a 11 union of high 
:no r al t one and 11 terary finish" from beginning to end .115 And 
t e o st went on for fiv e parag raphs, all in high praise of 
b o t TucKerman and his es says . Yet , it should be r emembered 
t na t t e ost, during t e s e years, was unde r t he s trict control 
o f Tuck erman 1 s friend Bryant, and that Bryant hims elf was not a 
t 1 e orist or a n exa miner of philosophical ways and means . 
229 
3 ryan l, early recognized t nat t he reading public also was uncon-
c r ed it such analytical discussions , but liked what it 
..l..~ ed , perhaps unreasonably , but nevert heless, quite solidly. 116 
::::: n as sessing the ost 1 s p raise of Tuck erman, these facts cannot 
be g .o re d ; one must admit t ne possibility that s uch hig 
a r o val mignt not have originated entirely in Tuckerman' s 
i 1 t r y excellence, but perhaps in such factors as Tuckerman's 
a.ck o ledged s ocial personality, or acquaintance Wit h Bryant, 
0 r e rhap s also a priori , because t he publi c was obviously 
a.~ready p l eased with what h e wrote, and this in itself, to 
6 o ne , was an evidence of excellence . 
Knicke r bocker's reviewer, in discussing the same volume, 
a c no ledge Tuckerman ' s "great good taste, 11 ( 11 not only in his 
c - oice o f subjects, but in his manner of discussing them"), but 
0 oted t hat he (the reviewer) had been long under the impression 
,?that whi le Tuckerman never 'violated the proprieties, 1 there 
v.-as y e t somet h ing lack ing in his style; a want, if not of vi-
-r; ' li ty, at least o f animat io n. 11 And al though Knickerbocker I s 
could not or, p erhaps, would not, define the problem, the 
:r eviewer at least sensed its existence; but , for most, Tucker-
man's tendencies toward sup erficiality and generality, immersed 
j... n the learned, verbose styl e accep table to his day, went 
J... argel y unperceived. That Knickerbocker I s, in Tuckerman I s own 
I Ac ime, sensed the exj_stence of this characteristic in Tucker-
t rrian ' s writing is certainly to its credit. Yet, even Knicker-
l 
-v--o ck er's, with the Essays, began to fall in line; it excused 
j... ; s former feelings of dis t rust by stating that 11 few of our 
. ? have so remarkablY improved as Mr. Tu
ckerman, 11 
essayi st s . 11
that Tuckerman had finallY at t ained a seat and co ncluded 
ho e who occupy t he fro nt rank in America n Literature . 1111 7 
among t 8 
Perhap s the review of Tuckerman as an essayist, most 
a ive of the more perceptive popular view, appeared 
represent t 
- rper's in FebruarY of 1357? Quite correctly, Harper's in Ha 
readers t hat Tuckerman was 11 not occupied w~ith verb al told its
sand comparison, nor with the bare record of biograph-
ana1ysi 
, nor even with discussions from an aesthetic point 
ical facts 
with synthetic representations of various modes 
Of View; but 
? ? ? illustrated by eminent historical personages . 
Of life 
Tuckerman' s essays were "elaborate portraitures, in 
? ? ? II 
he events in the lives of their subjects serve for the 
'Which t 1 11 
u t ration of important general truths. !:!!'rper .!l reviewer 
111 6 
sensed Tuckerman'? conscious attempt to elevate 
apparently 
taste, and sought to further a good effort, for 
the Public 1
er qui t e eloquentlY praising Tuckerma n s earnestness, art 
culture, and good sense, and noting that Tuckerman ' s 
dign1t Y, 
was characteriZed bY "a spirit of choice and elegant 
'\tvork 
arship, 11 he rather abruptlY stated that in spite of all 11 
Sch 0 l 
"practical views, 11
 11
' it contained and apt 111ustrat1ons, 
t his 
aste and impressive c11ction, 11 which "eminentlY adapt i t 
and nch 
for 1111popular reading. $ 
Thus said the critics in Tuckerman'? own time. And 
Y evidently quite reflected contemporaI'Y popular opinion . 
the 
erman ever courted hiS public . He came to them almost a s 
Tuck 
i or with an off ering, but always hidden within the 
a su?t 
231 
comp1 1 mgreenat te urging toward an even higher beauty ana. a was t he veiled 
approac h r k nowledge . And t he public evidentlY liked his 
I 
?~e c a co mpl i me nt ed bY it, for Tucker111an s es saY s 
t,; , and w 8 
~ tho uat rried ome in magaz ines and books, and read and re-read 
1llecti aint as t heY appeared and re-appeared in different 
compl 
00Parenti ed in different co1ored bi ndings, No one, 
ap ons, cloth . 
ess t anything objectionable in wbat he said, 
uni Y, found 
rhe gr 1 was t he s imple absence of anything objectionable? 
cr1t1ces at "m ultitude" quite evidentlY enjoyed n1m; and the 
as a lit,  for t he most part , agreed, and praised him, if nsot 
kerm ght, at least as a person; and, at the la , 
?uc erary li 
goo,'~l  ta eemed to h an s a ve become a sort of mode 1 of  ge ntiemanlY 
ste a nd exemplary propriety. 
rters g in t he safetY of hiS New York bachelor 
qua Sit tin 
rk lit moving kindlY amo ng the 1eading lights of NeW 
1 , and 
a0c t ?d erary and art is tic soci etY' Tuc1terman successfullY 
?tore vocate, in print, for t he Good and t he 13eaut1ful 
b as ad 
e h1,,. eat "mul t 1tude. " He spolte al waY s of t he finer' 
t h the gr 
ro er ' the bet t er t hi ngs, in a smooth, clean, and verY 
D cner 0 
ace ?tY1e' a d f commonplace 
?Dta n i n terms of the best ievels 
?~ nee, I ti to the 
ot1on n a literary age , dominated bY devo on 
r or h1 a1 and t he fem i nine it would have been most diffiC ult 
m t , 
Da Bou t hav e failed. . nged Tucker111an 
?d ' as t he domi nators oft he age cna ' 
'Dp8 8 om t h . ture of hi? 
.ti ?a1 fr e picture. The contemporaTY na 
Pre ' the r d rds of hiS 
acnin ente, ah ther broad and superficial ostfa nth a?  influence of 
d 
is sudden death and t he eri
23 2 
his s oci al p er sonali t y, all combined to rel egate hi s published 
wor ks t o t he dim twil i ght of t he almo st forgot ten a nd ea sily 
f or gettable past . It i s rat ner pa r adoxical that Tucker man
1 s 
efforts in l i tera tu re (the only servi ce wherein he f el t t hat 
he mi ght act ual l y attain the Beautiful), for all his s t r i ving 
and sa crificia l determi nation, did not discernibly achi eve the 
hi gh i nspi r a t i on whi ch he unequivocably preached, and whic h he 
so ug ht i n his own work and in t he work of others . But, 
Perhap s, as a critic, this was highly proper . Perhaps Tucker-
man, r ec ogni zing his own limitati ons in t he creati on of the 
I Beau t iful, yet sought to se r ve her t hr ough lat erall y making 
I more Wi despread her activity and influ ence . If so , in his time , Tuck erma n was succes s f ul; bu t t he future rel entlessly 
l f o r go t him. 
I 
I 
I 
I 
233 
NOTES TO CHAPTER VI 
1. Tuckerman's younger contemporary, William Dean 
Howells , must have recognized this when he wrote that "outside 
or Cambridge and Godkin, it appears to me that our literary 
revi ew-writing world is only one vast Tuckerman .... 11 
uot ed in Van Wyck Brooks, New England: Indian Summer , 
lS65-1915, (New York , 1940), p . 118 n. 
2 . Isabel, or Sicily, A Pilgrimage, (Philadelphia , 
lS39). Other editions (London, 1839; London, 1844; New York, 
1S52; 1856) contain no changes . The f act that Isabel went 
through four editions certainly indicates its contemporary 
Popularity. 
3. These appear in The Italian Sketch Book, (Boston 
lS35), 2nd ed. revised, (Boston, 1839), and 3rd ed. revised ' 
and enlarged, (New York, 1g48). Here also, the fact that 
The Italian Sketch Book went through three editions would 
indicate that it was popular reading. 
4. Poems, (Boston, 1851); and A Sheaf of Verse Bound 
for the Fair, (New York, 1864). Tuckerman also scattered his 
verses through most of his published works. 
5. Rambles and Reveries, (New York, 1841), about half 
of which is taken from The Italian Sketch Book; Thoughts on 
!he Poets, (New York, 1846; with later editions in 1 48, 1851 
1863), contains the parts of Rambles and Reveries not taken ' 
from The Italian Sketch Book, with additions; Artist-Life: 
Qr Sketches of American Painters, (New York, 1847; [ 2nd ed., 
1849]); Characteristics of Literature, Illustrated by the 
Genius of Distinguished Men, (Philadelphia, 1849); The 
Qptimist: A Series of Essays, (New York, 1850); Character-
istics of Literature, Illustrated by the Genius of Distinguished 
Writers, (Philadelphia, 1851); Mental Portraits; or Studies of 
~haracter, (London, 1g53); Essays, Biorraphical and Critical: 
or Studies of Character, (Boston, 1857, contains all of 
Mental Portraits, revised and enlarged; The Criterion; or the 
Test of Talk about .Familiar Things, (New York, 1866); The 
Collector, Essa~s ?.. , (London, 1868), a London reprint of 
The Criterion; aga Papers about Paris, (New York, 1867); 
~elections from the Writin s of Henr Theodore Tuckerman, (n.p., 
n.d., for private circulation ; Book of the Artists, New 
York, 1868) contains all of Artist-Life and parts of various 
other works. 
6. "The form in which these descriptions and though ts 
suggested by a tour in Sicily are presented, was adopted f or 
1the e .,Purpose 234 
d??e t tolm oobsvt t imopfo sasvioblied int  g that egotistical to.n e from which it 
Eu/lls a ate the nee O escape in a formal Journal, ae well 
?uc~Pe, and ctrcumst essitY of dwelling upon those unim11p ortant 
erman ' therefo ances which are common to every tour in 
n? dIsabel re, too familiar to be interesting. 
~ , P? B. 
;;~?? 
~l1tvam e  J: ..  Vn  Gentleman 
I s ne and American 
Er ev~
8 
t~er~teor ' , July, 1 39 , dgar A. Poe msY have 
? Burto n this case, as he was "co-editor" with 
1 1 n at this time. 
Arn _ Boo.!, IXX, ( JulY, 11139), 47 ?  
8 . Go dey's Lady's 
' 9p . 531. lmot Griswold, The Prose Writers of ~t'~il"a"' ? Ru fus Wi 
P/ el ather A Maggie Verver, tn Europe with her wealthY, 
'ltlstta ?_b0d '1eedr l/otfl.  eyJ, amined s~'m 8  Verver, might essilY stand for Tuckerman' s 
c ltan ck Otle urope with her wealthY, widowed father, 
~l~i u n t v arts t ~ ? Magg 1e' s marriage to Prince Amerigo, the 8ta1 df ttorio rat, might be compared to Isabel's inarriage to 
4~0 ?rtca fferenO~  the Sicilian aristocrat? Jlowever, there are 
?her 1gov ni  (Bost o e)' of course. Tuckerman' s Vittorio is almo ft th h howev n in his moralitY and high principle; James s 
la ?re ttorto er? is a member of that decadent aristocracy ~le d10y) 1 a no kn condemns and ha? abandoned- And, of course, 1n  Vt tt owledge of a Charlotte Stant ( th? Romantic dark 
,hare o> fas >fr ~rt o, s 11f e. Yet' 1t should be remembered that 
? ile r age t ten in 1539 when Tuckerman was but twenty-si$ 
~?~o~~tt~eT -h.~t_n G~o ida a t the v~ry begtnn1ng of hiS 11terarY career, a~nn d Bowl appeared tn 1904, when James wa1 in hi? 
~~recognized mature artist? Se? !lenrtYh ames, 
tbnta1 ames ; (New York' 1904) ? Francis Otto M,,t iesse~, 
?~e ~s an 0 /1e  Ma or Ph~se, (N~W York, 1944), PP? gi-l~his 
n t his cellent analysis of James' s emplOY"'ent of 
0
ln gr ? I novel. Ct1o  nr' 1d 0>fing Babel Archer 1s a thinking, comprehend i ng, Efueroe l;  g 11 
a na1 e~t in' t!tvtng Isabel OtleY? Both girls ~::/~nd ed~o~-
1\q~~on, lnl ickgrou~d equa11 tY of the 1r Amer ioan0  ~~;ral connoisseurs, 
0
'\\cka nd /nt  e le ? Bo th even tuallY .,,.rrY ~h tr prospective 
lea ?rm betn ment tn their ,,ttractton to e knowledg?? 
eqq t tan all~ an admtratton for their cultthu ral tor100 or at 
el'tn a11 t~ be ho~" his Is,,bel to be equal >11 n;ort /: natural 
a~ a8n' or se ~ ora bly a cc ep ted as possess 1ng a .,,.rriag?' Tucl!:-c0~ the ~"iden t 1 t 1v  1 t y and perceP t ton; in h?~a ines, s Isabel, !a iide ther h Y8 ?  sees no future conflict??1  of her misplaced 
'llr ?mo~ce tn ~ , must come to a real iza t on. her ,narriage 
"1>1 ol>ea d ( >,h nedr background and cape.bill t 01es' has assimil"ted 
r1tu~ ar1 ~' though an e$patr1ate Ameri !~~ns to bring 
grow~hcra tic culture) becomesltnbe l grows onlY 1n her 
8
1 to her. Tuokerman's sa e 
235 
ex erience of seeing and handling physical relics of a cultural 
past. Alth ough Tuckerman does see cultural differences, he 
does not allow Isabel Otley to fully realize the implications 
in her future life with Vi ttorio. See Henry James, The 
Portrait of a Ladt, (London, 1881); Ma.tthiessen, HenryJames, 
The Major Phase, pp. 152-186), discusses The Portrait of a 
Lady in terms of this theme and its later reincarnation in 
The Golden Bowl . It is most doubtful that Tuckerman's Isabel 
suggested this theme to James. James was thirty years younger 
than Tuckerman , and, although James may have read Isabel 
(last edition, 1856, James was thirteen years old), he makes 
no mention of it. It is more than likely that James's use of 
t his theme stems from his own observations as an American in 
Europe over many years. 
12 . See Chapter V of this paper. 
13. William Dean Howells, thirty years later, also 
successfully adapted the travel formula to fiction in his 
early novel Their Wedding Journey, (Boston, 1872); however, 
Howells' novel is concerned not with the European scene, but 
with a tour of New England and Canada; and the gentle "real-
ism" which Howells thus began to achieve is only faintly 
indicated in Tuckerman's incidental descr iptions of Sicilian 
poverty and moral hypocrisy. That Howells was not consciously 
influenced by Tuckerman 1 s use of travel experience to write 
Isabel, is apparent in Howells 1 s letter to his father in 
which he says: 11 If I succeed in this--and I believe I shall--
I see clear before me a path in literature which no one else 
has tried, and which I can make most distinctly my own. 11
 
uoted in Clara Marburg Kirk and Rudolf Kirk, William Dean 
Howells, Representative Selections ?.. , (New York, 1950), 
p. lxx; see pp. lxix-lxxi for discussion of Their Wedding 
Jour ney. Cr. Tuckerman ' s Isabel, pp . l~l-124, 173-1go, 
; et passim. 
I 
I 14. Yet, the mere fa ct that he wrote a fictional 
account placing Americans in a foreign environment and record-
I ing their reaction to it (especially in the caustic observations of Isabel's uncle Clifford Frazier, a thoroughly American 
utilitarian), ought to be recognized. Howells also does th i s 
I but much more skillfully than does Tuckerman (yet not so skili-fully as Henry James). However, Howells' Italian novels deal 
almost completely with American characters in Europe; his 
I novels are really America transplanted to an Italian background . Howells' Florida Vervain (A Foregone Conclusion, [ Boston, 
1S75J ), Lydia Blood ( The Lady of the Aroostook, ( Boston, 1S79] ) I and Imogen Graham (Indian Summer, CBoatQn, 1886] ), are not ' Romantic intuitional Beauty pilgrims, as is Tuckerman's Isabe l 
Otley; and their love affairs, though conducted on foreign soil I are with Americans like themselves. Howells, like Tuckerman ' large ly i gnores the problems inherent in a marriage between' 
I the two culturally different ways of life (except, perhaps, in 
I 
I 
t he uns 236 
lsuS1S tl o)r; , uHCcaocwpetseaslilfn u lE 1hco rhuarrtsdht 'i  Pl ~ f AEFlle ae rn fMu  lay hReewsp boyn shibe1r1 1A tuys  t ri(a Bn  t 
~on t rasts b ts , ike TuckermSn, ls more concerned wTt h t~s on, 
Juropean w ? w1en the new Ameri can att i tude and the old dy1 
ames Leslay o life. See Kirk and Kirk, PP? l xxviii- xci?9 5ng 
pp. 15l -l : Woodress, Jr., ggwells anII d Itali, (DurhamO 1' ) 
lnd ian s 7o1 ? and Will lam M. Gibson I s Introduction" t ' H i ' , ummer, Ever yman' ? Ll brarY ed. , (New York, 1951).owe l s 
a r ather Tuckerman, like both Howells and James reco niz 
; bea ut lf ?rclt i ngly inter esting situation in the piacinggof ed 
ucker manu J merican girl in a European environment. See 
, ohn Pendleton Kenned__.y, p. 279? 
15? Isabel, P? 11? 
d1spassi ? Isabel's love affair with Vittorio ls thoroughly 
;'[hen V1to6nate. It is confined entirely to "glances and tones n 
Calmly tri o doe s , at last, abruptly declare h imself, Isabel? 
decla reda ludlng to the object of her pilgrimage ?.. 
subject " at ? ?? she could not listen to a word on the 
the st ? thAnd no more 1s said either until the 1ast page of 
brief ory when Isabel and Vittorio are swiftly married in one 
sentence. 1J3abe,1, PP? 167, 229? 
17? Isabel, PP? 26-27? 
18. Isabel:, p. 17; also P? 4g, E,_ass~? 
Tucker 9? In justifyin~ Isabel'? inclination toward i dealism 
that ma1n says of her: PShe possessed that depth of sentiment 
the hear nest sympathY with what 1s deep in the experience of ' 
?? eart , and what is exalted 1n the aspirations of the soul. 
Phil~ She had not learned to repose upon a mere conventional 
creptsophy. The blighting brea th of artificial life had not 
truth like a frost over th? fair and flowerY domain of her 
tion ful spirit. Powers of no ordinary strength and captiva-
and were enshrined in an inner and holY light, which chastened 
SUbdrendered star-like the native brilliance of her mind, and 
Isabued to a deeper floW the earnest current of her feelings. " 
~' P? 17. See also PP? 69-70. 
fro m I 20. All the material on Frederick OtleY ha? been taken 
Cbapt sabel, PP? 11-16, ~? Cf. with information 1n 
er I of this paper? 
1n 21. See Isabel, PP? 130-131? Tuckerman'? mother di ed 
TuckS23 when Tu'ckermin was not yet ten years old? See Bayard 
1 erman, Notes on the Tuckerman Famil, P? 9? 
Tuck 22 . There must have been some friction between young 
bu erman and his father over hiS adamant aversion for the 
stness activities to which hiS father had devoted hiS entire 
237 
life. Undoubtedly, Tuckerman did not feel as close to his 
father becaus e of this, but felt that somehow his father 
believed tha t he had failed him. 11 A father's affection is 
generally more worldly. It is too often graduated by the 
degree of success with which his son may meet in the pursuit 
of wealth or fame. 11 (Isabel, p. 130.) Thus, Tuckerman felt 
that his father's love for him was somehow bound up in the 
ac tivitie s of the Practical world; and for Tuckerman, such 
a love was somehow impure, for love ought to be the door to 
the true relationship between souls; love was complete 
s ympathy and pure understanding; it could have no rela ti on-
ship to the materialistic jungle of hustling American 
competitive commercialism. It was this ideal love which 
Tuckerman felt that his mother had for him; it was this 
which he mourned as irreplaceable. 
23. 11 There is no greater consolation ??? than the 
consciousness that there is one being who loves him for his 
own sake; whos e devotion the changes of his fortunes will not 
influence ?.. who loves him individually and regards the 
circumstances, the wealth, the honors ?.? only as temporary 
means of his enjoyment--a graceful drapery which, if the rude 
blast of misfortune throws off, will but make her clasp him 
closer to her heart and more tenderly cherish him in her love." 
Isabel, p. 131. 
24. 11 If, from the precincts of their sainted home, 
'l'he ascended ones are suffered e'er to roam 
Then art thou round me;--winged with motherts love, 
Thy spirit leaves its blissful rest above, 
In the still watchings of a seraph's care, 
To guard thy son, and gently guide him there! 11 
From Henry Theodore Tuckerman, "My Mother's Memory, 11 The Boston 
Book. Being Specimens of Metropolitan Literature, Occasiona l and 
Periodical, p. 39. 
25. Tuckerman recognized this American trait of respect 
for womanhood, and acknowledged his earnest support of it . He 
also recognized its place in the stabilization of moral society 
(especially in the protection of women and their virtue) in 
a rapidly expanding nation such as America, where law and 
order and social controls were not always inforcea. (See Tuck-
erman, America, p. 23g.) That he recognized the force of these 
accepted social sanctions upon his own attitudes, however, is 
doubtful. 
26. 11 To a true man ? . ? woman is the leaven of exist-
ence. She confirms his noblest attributes ??.? Through her 
influence the spell of ambition is overcome, and the grasp of 
avarice loosened, the pure glow of childhood renewed, and 
every generous element insensibly fostered ?.?. if a woman 
had but a faint consciousness of her spiritual a gency, with a 
I 
I~.  
an ce ?? ?i  ns inctive wisdom would
 she turn to Heaven for uid-
npo.  gles. sE ? t (Tuckerman, Leaves, PP? 25-26? see also L g 
h ave a, gres sad y
11 s ? p ? 37?,  an d y sabe-l, P? 65 ? ) T' uckerman woeualdv es ' 
wer e 5more with Mrs. Oakes Smith when she said that women 
cha racte: prone to "receptlvitY of a subtle and intuitive 
Which is ? an element nearer to truth than reason. ? ? ? 11 
t han ar to say that women are naturally nearer the oracle 
( New Yo ek men; S) ee Mrs. Oakes Smith, ,!'Lomen a.nd her Needs 
r, lo51, p. 45, ?t passi]!l? ' 
7? See Tuckerman, !!eave~, P? 95, !l_t passim, 
2
a prett~ ? For example, Tuckerman spends all day watching boat. 25young Italian girl who is also aboard the Lake Como 
around e a~mits tha t in spite of all the beauty of nature 
girl f him I could not keep my eyes from that sweet peasant 
do= ive minutes together?" He states that he fiMllY settle 
admirias covertly as possible" to make "an occupation" of s 
or hom11 ng her. "She was seated on a 10w bench, Her dress was 
knobs e~y material, but very gay in colour, Enormous silver 
compl g earned amid the raven folds of her hair, ??? Her 
sun :xion was of that rich brown induced by exposure to the 
exp; er eyes lustrous, dark and soft, and her mouth sweetly 
thatessive.? Yet, Tucke~an tells himself and his reader 
expre e basis of his attraction to her is her "blandness of 
ts hs ion. See Tuckerman, !,eav eJ!, pP? 56-55, ]llS s im, 
11 
form Almost exactly according to the Romantic literary 
lady1f~a ~uckerman speaks of the strong attraction of the "dar k 
arde ? the raven tresses, the unconstrained vivacity or 
thesnt fancy, the fresh, spirited, wa~-hearted brunette ... . 
cane daughters of the South stir as no other of their sex 
thi~ ? ? ? in their very nature, an idea is conveyed of some-
Blog deeper, wilder, ri~er- ..? a feeling of destiny." 
Seenfes, incidentally, are associated with domestic happiness. 
eaves, pp. $3-39, ~ssi~? 
ard 29, "True love is content not 8Pture; and the most 
re ent and sensitive at last thirsts onlY for high and sweet 
aspose." (Tuckerman, Leaves, P? 127.) Tuckerman saw love 
th e channel of ? .-. huiiian association 11 requisite to enable 
e thspirII itual to conquer the mortal, ? . ? {Leave_!!, P? 27 .) 11 
ar us ? married love appears to be above sex; " h-apPY marriages 
pTh. e consummated only in the vestibule of the heart. (!!eaves , 
54 , et pass 1m. ) 
th 30. Tuckerman'? non-recognition of this maY be due to 
rie prudery whi~ reigned supreme during his age, and which 
amgidly denied anY public (or, indeed, private) recognition 
tong better people of the actualitY of sexual attraction and 
m:mptation. Tucker~an does tacitlY acknowledge that an "attach-
thnt may spring up in wild emotion," but he goes on to say 
fuat "when recognized .?. it becomes calm t hrough itS very 
e/ness." (See Tuckerman, ]&ave_.!!, P? 55.) More definite hOW-
er i s his positive stand a gainst a man's trifling wi t h a 
239 
woman ' s feelings merely for his own selfish satisfaction: 
"better live in ignorance of the sweets of conquest, and never 
know the pride of beauty, than feel the secret and keen remorse 
of trifling with the most god-like of things . 11 Again, the idea 
of womanhood and divinity cannot co-exist with the idea of 
womanhood and sex. (See Leaves, P? 26.) 
31. Less vague than most is Tuckerman 1 s description on 
PP ? 25-?.7 in Leaves. 
32. See Tuckerman, Leaves, pp. 21, 36-37. 
33. See Tuckerman, Leaves, pp. 23-29, 61, 111, for indi-
cations that Tuckerman indulged in some sort of passive love 
experience during his travels in Italy. Whether his fe elings 
were reciprocated is not known. The Freudian implications are, 
of course, that Tuckerman sought a mother image in all of his 
female companionships. There may be truth in this as his 
accoun ts of his early social relationships with women indicat e 
that he like the spirited girl who would banter him a bit but 
would yet kindly and gently accept his r ather boyish adorat i on. 
In Isabel, t hrough Vittorio, Tuckerman admits that he has 
sough t in female companionship the sympathy he lost with the 
death of hi s mother, and he states tha t he has "never been 
wholly motherless." (Isabel, 131.) A second implication might 
be t hat Tuckerman was afraid of marriage, and that his attrac-
tion to married women was safe, as they were beyond the pale 
of a potent i a l responsibility. 
34. See Ralph P. Boas, "The Romantic Lady, 11 Romanticism 
in America, ed., George Boas, (Baltimore, 1940), pp. 63-BS. 
35. Catherine Maria Sedgewick, The Linwoods: or Sixtl 
Years Since in America, (New York, 1$36). 
36. Nathaniel Hawthorne, The Marble Fawn, (Boston, 1g60). 
37. Isabel, as a heroine, though very unspecifically 
described, fits into the general pattern of such ladies. Beau-
t iful in II spirit ' II and "manner , 11 11 sensitive , 11 11 sincere , II she 
is a prosaic precursor of Lowell's 11 Irene 11 : 
Hers is a spirit deep, and crystal clear; 
Calmly beneath her earnest face it lies, 
Free without boldness, meek without fear, 
Quicker to look than speak its sympathies 
She hath a natural wise sincerity, 
A simple truthfulness, and these have lent her 
A dignity as moveless as the centre ??? 
For she unto herself hath builded high .?? 
Earth's noblest thing, a Woman perfected. 
24-o 
(S ee James Russell Lowell, The Poetical Works of J ames Russ
L elo lw  ell , (London, 1353) p. 3 . Compare Tuckerman 1 s Isabel, 
pp . 11, 17, et passim.~ If Tuckerman exceeds this standa
a rdll  , a t it is in the implication (never openly stated) that for
h  im woman re~resents the h i ghest express ion, by Nature, o
B f e ta hu e tiful. lSee Tuckerman, Leaves, pp . 26-27, 117-lle, et 
pass i m.) Much of Tuckerman' s abhorrence of nunneries ismos
l ti -kely in the idea of t he young girl (the Beautiful) inca
a rn cd e rar tee dv  ented from achieving a further growth and fulfillm
(I es na tb . el, pp . 114--113, 120-122, et pa s sim.) For Isabel , the
s  ight of a be ut iful young girl taking nun's vows"? .
h .e  r cv he 11 ilr ly e ds  oul ???? Henry J ames much more poignantly p
t or ra -yed this s Ame revulsion in Christopher Newman's horror
f  r au nds  tration at the idea of Clair de Cintre's becomin
T gh  e a  A nm une  ri ic na  n, (Boston, 1377). 
33. See Meade Minnigerode, The Fabulous For
1 t3 ie5 s0 ,,   1A 3 4P -0r -esentation of Priva te Life, (New York, 1924), e
p sp p. .  105-1
I 39; and Fred Lewis Pattee, The Feminine Fifties, (New York, 1940); other excellent studies of these yea
t rh s e ai nr d  I yield in popular reading mat erials are Edward DoB ur ga ln asc  i h, The Sentimental Years 1336-1860, (New York, 1934), 
I esp . pp . 99-155; and Herbert Ross Brown, The Seni tn im A enm te ar li  c Na o, ve1 l7  39-1360, (Durham, 194-o). 
39. Of all Tuckerman's tales and sketches, this
a  lo tn ae le  achieved individual publication. It appeared in 
in 18 4L -1o ,n  don, as The Sad Bird of the Adriatic, An Amer
i ict a nw  a Ts ala e ?p  art of The Romanticists and Novelists Librar~ ' 
ublished by J. Clements. Tuckerman, later, in 1848, include
i dt  complete and unchanged in the revised edition of The
S  k Ie tt ac lh i aB no  ok, along with most of his other sketches. 
4o. "The only being with whom she could claim nea
a r n ace ll i? -.? the mother whose love sustained her ???? 11 T
m uca kn eh r-ere again probably reverts t o his own personal loss in 
d the ea  th of his own mother. See "The Sad Bird of the Adr
T iahe ti cI "t  a il ni  an Sketch Book, (184e), pp. 3e3, 390, et passim. 
41. See Tuckerman, The Italian Sketch Book, ? ( 1348), 
for all of these tales with the exception of 11 The Secon
s dh  i Cp" o uw rth -ich is found in Isabel, np. 159-165. 
42. The Italian Sketch Book, (184S), PP? 359-367. 
43. The Italian Sketch Book, (184S), pp. 145-153. 
44. See, for example, Wash ington Irving, The Sketch 
Book of Geoffrey Crayon, Gent ?. ? . , pp. 11-12 , 2
O 1-3 23 6- ,S  7 5, 5 -2 54 92 , -250. f interest also is Howells' more vivi
r de  a al ni ds  tic retelling of some of the same incidents in It
h ai ls it ao nr  y that Tuckerman mentioned. See William Dean Howel
T lsu , scan Cities, (Boston, 13e6), p. 51-52;
T  h ce o mpare Tuckerman, Italian Sketch Book, (184-3), pp. 21-22. 
45. Irving, The Sketch Book, p. s4. 
46. Tuckerman, The Italian Sketch Book, p . 300. 
ac 47. Maria S. Cummins was a New England authoress who 
a hieved contemporary immortality at twenty-seven years of 
rge with the The Lamplighter, (Boston, 1854), a moralistic 
eligious blending of sentimentalism and melodrama which ' 
iwept the American nation (forty-thousand copies were sold 
9nits first eight weeks on the market). See Pattee 
PP? 110-115; Brown PP? 290-298, 322, et passim; and Branch 
P? 131. ' 
4$. Mrs. Caroline Lee Hentz was probably the best 
~ducated and most cultured of the female novelists and tale-
e lers of Tuckerman's time; nevertheless, she wrote in an 
ex1tremely moralizing, tear-provoking style which, although 
~ot s o bathetic and commonplace as that of Miss Cummins, or 
darah P. Willis (Fanny Fern), easily met the sentimental 
remands of an overly-emotional reading public. Mrs? Hentz's 
Airst "literary" work was a collection of sketches entitled 
_unt Patti's Scrap Ba_g, (Philadelphia, 1846). 
G 49. Mrs. Lippincott, under the pseudonym Grace 
Lreenwood, was most famous for her sentimental Greenwood 
~ eaves: A Collection of Sketches and Letters, \Boston, 9, 1 51. er 1ater work compares best with Tuckerman'S , . 
~? Grace Greenwood, Stories and Sketch?~? (New York, 1892); 
a so Pattee, PP? 276-232? 
50. That Tuckerman did not recognize this is further 
indicated by the type of literature published in the Boston 
iscellan of Literature and Fashion during 1843, the year in 
Which uckerman was its editor? he magazine contains typical 
tear-provoking, overly-emotionalized, melodramatic tales whi ch 
are very similar to the few tales and sketches written by 
Tuckerman himself (perhaps at this same time), See also 
Tuckerman, gharacter1st1Qe, (1s51), P? 25? 
51. Tuckerman, ?Love and Mystery, An Episode in 
Florentine History" in The Italian Sketch Boo]!:, PP? 275-288, 
Tuckerman notes brienYthat his story is ?rrom the Italian 
or Felici Romani." Romani (1788-1865) is most famous for the 
librettos of some of Bellini's operas ()!!_orma, La Sonnambula) . 
Tuckerman's acknowledgment of Romani as his source is per~a
8 ps 
an indication that the skill? here exibited may be Romani 
and not Tuckerman's. 
52. Tuckerman, 11 K1ttY Mayo,? !!>? Italian Sketq!J 
~ook, (134$), PP? 345-352? D 1a Cured," 
53, TUckerman, "Speculation, or yspeps 
!_he Italian Sketch Boo]!:, (1848), PP? 132-134. 
242 
' ( 4une' 1651 ' 5 7 ?  or New-York Monthl Ma azin
e' 
XXXVII 5J? Knickerbocker
(Bo ston 5ig51?f. Tuckerman, 'The Spirit of Poetry" 0 Po 
erman? a ' ~? ~PnPE?~ ~n1~-d3 , et passim and almo t ' ems, 6~amr.1e :po~~~ wI~h_N:tu"r~ an~ its ~bj:~~s fr~~ck-
1 e, P? 106? "T ? P? 3, Winter, P? 95; "Luna--an 
Pn  The Optimist o the Cypress," P? 137); and "Lyric Poetr " 
_relude {L d ? P? 107, ?t passiJ!!; with Wordsworth The Y, 
' on on, ll'l50), XIII, CIV. ' -
?s p. PP. 5fa_1 5c7. ? i;uckerman' "The Spirit of Poetry' ? Poem9s 
"('eaves, ? , ? yric Poetry,? !he Optimis_!, pp. 108-lO ! 
fondon,P~ 1~-39, with Coleridge, ~iof'aphia Literaria, ? 
_allads , XVII , and Wordsworth, Preface ? Ly__rical 
' n6d1 ed., (London, 1600). ' -~-~= 
2 
106 ?;7 ? Tuckerman, 'Lyric PoetrY," Ther 
Optimist 
p. 4.4 ? and Thomas Campbell, The Popula  Poet II E~saPPY? l05-
10' 6passimI.I  ? _s, 
7 
134; als5 ; er.Tuckerman, E.gelJ!!!, PP? 96, 107
1,1  124-125 
Pp. 7 _ ~6. Robert SoutheY, The Man of Letters, Essays,' 
1..1teraria ,?  LXeI Ia vI.e ?, PP? 155-156; with Coleridge, B__, .i;:o;;;g:..cr.a=-p::!:h.1i-~a~  
1 7
59? Tuckerman, ?Thomas Cam~ell, ~e Popular Poet" 
PP? 446-447? ' 
Pleasa 60. See Tuckerman'? review of Mr?? Sigourney'? 
_1scel~t Memories of Pleasant Land (Boston, 1642), in Boston 
any of iterature and a!!!J1J1!!? III, ll643), 92. 
E_elic ~l- See Tuckerman' s 1.11 troductorY "Es say'' to Poems bj[ 
p. xiia emans, ed?, Rufus W. Griswold, {Philadelphia-;- 1S46) 
Tucke1r ' ef passiJ!!? (ThiS essay appeared the same year in ' 
man a Thou hts on the Poets, PP? 362-372.) 
62. K_oem,J!, P? 65? 
63. Poem,J!, PP? 135-136. 
tow 64. Tuckerman'? ideal woman conception comes close 
ana ~;dsworth's (see Wordsworth, "She was a Phantom of Delight' 
Rom a Highland Girl" 194in10 E, rPnPe?s t 2B26e,r nb2a2u6m),. 
~
ll"fio~nticism, [New York,  Bernbaum states: 
O 
soctdsworth's ideal woman was not a social butterfly, or a 
cam al leader, or a masterful clubwoman, or a political 
1ncpa1gner, or a clinging vine, or a useless angel; but an 
senarnat1on of spiritualitY, benignitY, sympathY, home-bred 
( Be e, foresight, and pat i ence--womanlY rather than feminine . " 
Oi e Ernest Bernbaum Guide Throu h the R mantic Movement, 8 
ew York, 1949), p_'97.) Tuckerman onlY added to this th? 
symbolization of the Beautiful. (See Tuckerman 's "Essay," 
Poems by Felicia Hemans, p. vi, et passim.) 
65. Tuckerman, "Newport Beach, 11 Poems, P? 49. 
66. Tuckerman, "Love and Fame," Poems, PP? 44-46. 
67. Basing his argument upon the good Romantic 
premise that there is "something higher than intellect," 
and that 11 a noble and true soul is greater and more delight-
ful than mere reason ???? "; and stating the popular 
philosophy of his day that women were the guardians and 
sources of sensibility delicacy tenderness, and reverence 
(and all the other fin~r virtuesj, Tuckerman concluded that 
women were admirably suited by Nature for achieving poetic 
expression. 
Their sphere is as large and high, and infi~Jtely more 
delicate and deep than that of man ???? U'lornan's 
influence') freely and purely exerted ??? is at once 
recognized and loved. Man delights to meet woman in 
the field of letters ???? There also she is his better 
angel. With exquisite satisfaction he learns at her 
feet the lessons of mental refinement and moral sensi-
bility. From her teachings he catches a grace and 
sentiment unwritten by his own sex. Especially in poetry, 
beams, with starlight beauty, the light of her soul. 
There he reads the records of a woman's heart. He hears 
from her own lips how the charms of nature and the 
mysteries of life have wrought in her bosom. 
Tuckerman had no complaint a gainst females in literature; in 
fact, he reverenced them, and, at least in poetry, looked to 
them for guidance and example. (See Tuckerman, "Essay," in 
Poems by Felicia Hemans, p. v-xii.) Little wonder that Tuck-
erman was popular with the largely feminine reading public I 
68. Tuckerman, 11 Sleep, 11 Poems, p. 150. 
69. Tuckerman, "Sonnet, XXVIII, 11 Poems, p. 174. 
70. Tuckerman, "The Spirit of Poetry," Poems, p. 25. 
71. Tuckerman praises Campbell because 11 he constantly 
impersonates insensible objects ???? the intensity of the 
feeling personifies the object described, and gives human 
attributes to inanimate things, exactly as in the artless 
language of infancy and the oratory of an uncivilized people. 
Such is the instinct of nature; it is what separates verse 
from prose, the diction of fancy and emotion from that of 
affairs and science." (Essays, pp. 451-452.) Tuckerman, thus 
again follows the tendencies of his age, and ignores Rusk1n1 8 ' 
condemnation of such theory and practice. (See John Ruskin on 
244 
1
Vo
th l e pa 
5
II t eh t ic fallacy" in Modern Painters, [ New York, ~6 ] 
? III, Part IV, Chapter XII.) 
72. Poems, pp. 92-93? 
73. oems, PP? 114-116. 
known 74. When Tuckerman refers to facts not generally 
Tuck , he al ways includes an explanatory footnote. (See 
Verser~an, Poems, pp. 29-30, 66, 66, 117; and A Sheaf of 8 
i be ound for the Fai,::, PP. 9, 21, 35, 36, 42-45. ) Thi 
Pletui another indication of his interest in being 
8 com-ev i e Y understood by his reader; perhaps, also, it shows 
pubfienc e of Tuckerman I s efforts toward instructing the 
c taste. 
patt 75. Tuckerman did varY his rhyme schemes and rhythm 
erns occasiornillY, but almost always his meter was iambic . 
76. 11 Tuckerman I s "Love and Fame, E,>em~, p. 46, 
77. Tucke 11r  man I s "Newport Beach, Poems, p. 47. 
pp 76, Griswold, The Poets and Poetry of America, 
f ? 500-501. Griswold Chides Tuckerman for using materials 
crom other writers to create his own poetrY, but Griswold ' s 
ase is tenuous, to saY the least . 
x 79. Knickerbocker or New-Y
II ~II' ( June;- 1851) ' 51i' ? ~er ~ ork MonthlY Ma azine , echoes Kni ckerbO cker I s: 
anoems, by HenrY T. Tuckerman, is distinguished for the sweet 
Jod graceful fancies , the fluent aptness of expression, the 
t yous sympathy with nature, and the refined delicacy of 
taste by which most of the writings of the author are charac-
a erized. The vein of tranquil reflection which pervades them, 
nd the chastened utterance of feeling which vails CsicJ 
fat her than embodies strong emotion ?I?? will recommend them 
I the congenial reader. 11 See Harper s lli'w MonthlY Magazine , 
O 
I, (May, 1351), 353 . -
~o. _!:9em_?,, PP? 121+-125 , 
31 . Poems, P? 171. ~
! Sheaf~' PP? 27-30 . 
32 . 
33 , -P-oems, P ? 50 . ...-
Po ems bY Felicia Hema ns, P? 69 , 
34. 
Poems by Felicia Hemans, P? 132. 
f6S65 ..  Compare ' f or instance' Tu~k~Orm) an, nsdu'f.rhtealFYun;ral 
Crawford, 11 (~? PP? 3?- " 
O , f a ' 
1 11 
H(Ay mSn he11 af(  p of Ve rse , PP ? 5-13 ) , witll Mrs. Hemans Catlledral 
Wish ' " ( poems by Fe 11c la Hemans' PP? $9-93) and "The L t 
"To ~ Lak oews by Felic la Hemans' PP? 192-194) ; or Tucke~::ian' s 
of a Guar~i. an l ~ pSirheita,f  Ii of([ Voeemrss eb' yP PF?e l2i2c-ia2  3H) 'e maannds , Hpepm. an2s6' 4"-S2o6n5g).  
the schs7. The term is used by Gordon Haight in describing 
emplo ool of nineteenth century poets who made a pract ice of 
commo~ing ext r aordinary 
s ai n d often cliche'words to describe Mrs. ever yday sights and objects. (See Gordon s. Haight, 
19 ourne The Sweet Sin er of Hartford, ( New Haven 
as w' np . -91- Tuckerman ns not, nowever, as "gemm;" 
ma3n 0 as Mr s . Sigourney. It is of interest though, that Tucker-
Irr'ciS4~r1t1cizing Mrs- Sigourney's work (Boston Miscellany 
Hem~ ,!I, 92), suggested that she strive to imitate Mrs. ' 
counns more closely land thiS in the preII sence o
11 
f charges and 
Spec i; rchar ge s that Mrs. 8 igourneY was the Amer 1 can Hem1 ans ) ? 
hack ically, Tuckerman found fault with Mrs- Sigourney s 
icalneyed themes, prosaic, commonplace atmosphere, her mechan-
abb yl e, and her awkward use of words in rhymes and 
in revstiations; but he concluded that her work was "conceived 
to: good spirit-" Paradoxically, Tuckerman ns himself guilty, 
Mr les s er extent, of most of these same faults, as was also 
s. Hemans. 
se gg. "Sentiment' to Tuck?man, was not the "vapid 
ltntlmenta lism too often demonstrnted in the world"; rnther, 
ln Was the great norm of subjective feeling which was present 
n all s ouls and which alone was a common, but elevated, human 
aorm. Obviously Tuokerman's sentimentalism in his own liter-
/Y Work was not' considered bY him to be of the ?vapid" 11 
~T~r lety. See Tuckerman, Leaves, PP? S-9, 12, 3o, ~t passim; Italian Sketch Book, ~. P? 265; "Th~ Critic, Hazlitt, 
~raoteristics, (1551--Y, P? 217, ~; The Scholar, 
k Akenside,~ ? \16491, P? 232. 
11 
ct. "T N 11st Ma.nzoni, _Q_haracter,-
lst 9? Tuckerman,
0  he ave , 
~, (1g51), P? 25, ~? 
90. Tuckerman,~? PP? 63, 99-ioo, .?m1 upcha sssiJo!l]i? tude 
L p 20. Yet, too See Chapter III 
could 91 . Tuckerman, ~' ? , s audience? or put one out of touch with one 
this paper. 30 et na~? 
92. Tuckerman, ~c?o,~ aP?c t~' '~ (1S?49 ), P? 232; and 
Char 93? Tuckerman, )~9. e~t. na ~? 
--...:..:.::::. acte4r istiTc s, ( 1351 , 
B " ~saY,!i 
"TPh?e  Pion' e::e::r,..,:: .-,D---?a niel oone, ' 
p. 56 ? 9 . L uckerma.n, 120 et ua~? 
, and eave~, P? , ~ 
I 246 
95. Tuckerman, "The Landscape Painter, John Constable," 
Essays , p . 137, passim; and Leaves, p. 43. 
I 96. Tuckerman, Leaves, pp. 70, 140-141. 
l 97. Tuckerman, Leaves, p. 66. See also The Italian 
I Sketch Book, (1835), passim; Isabel, passim; and A Month in England , pas sim. 
98. The essay on Lamb appears in Characteristics, 
(1849); the es say on Hazlitt in Characteristics, (1851); 
materials on Scott are found in A Month in England, pp. 93-116, 
pas sim; the essay on Southey is in Mental Portraits, and in 
Essays; and essays on Coleridge, Wordsworth, Byron, Keats, 
Shelley, and Hunt are in Thoughts on the Poets. Tuckerman 
I does admit a few faults in his idols: Wordsworth is sometimes too mechanical; Byron, at times is morally unworthy of his art; Coleridge's prose is often disorganized and erratic; and 
Southey does not often enough attain the highest sentiment. 
Shelley, Keat s , Hunt, Scott, Lamb, and Hazlitt apparently had 
no faults worthy of Tuckerman 1 s mention. 
99. When Tuckerman was forced by reality to mention 
traits or proclivities which were not admirable to him, he 
always stoutly pointed out to his audience the values in not 
emulating such behavior. Thus, his essay on Lord Chesterfield 
(Essays, pp. 29-41) is one long revokation of Chesterfield's 
I principles as a 11 Man of the World." (The Chesterfield essay is the only essay in Tuckerman's great collection written 
I about an individual whom Tuckerman could not, in most respects admire.) ' 
100. The phrase is Tuckerman 1 s own, used in describing 
Southey's rhetoric. Tuckerman states that although such 
writing "does not warm nor stir the mind .?. " it is "correct, 
unaffected, and keeps the medium which good taste approves ? 
? ? ? 11 This is an apt description of much of Tuckerman 1 s own 
writing. Tuckerman, however, is here speaking of the creation 
of great literature, and the greater need for inspiration and 
nobility over mere mechanical, verbal skill. (And this is 
really but a literary application of Tuckerman's primary admon-
itions to artists and sculptors.) Tuckerman's own mechanics 
are ever faultless. There are exceptionally few mechanical 
errors in his actual writing, and these might easily be attrib-
utable to errors made by the printer. Tuckerman's prose moves 
I slowly, but very smoothly; there are no Jarring discords nor abrupt changes of mood or approach. Tuckerman must have spent long hours smoothing and polishing his papers prior to their 
' final publication. There are seldom any revisions in later republication. 
101. Tuckerman, Characteristics, (1g51), p. 17. 
102. Tuckerman, Leaves, p. 12, passim. 
103. Tuckerman, "Mazoni, 11 Ch
p a. r a1 c7 te. risT th icu ss, ,  i ( t 1 81 5s 1 )p , erhaps, that T
i g un cko er re ms a nt  h ae ls me o d ste  f ci oc nie sn isc ti ee ns t li yn   the pres
i en ns cp ei  r oa ft  i ao nn y  o er v, i deto n ch ei  m o, f  Justified emotion. 
104. Tuckerman, Characteristics, (1s51
e )t ,  p pa ps .s  im 22. 7 , 238, 
105. See Tuckerman , Leaves, pp. 2s -29. 
106. Tuckerman, Characteristics, (1s51), p. 227. 
107. "The Editor's Table," Bo
t su tr oe n  a Mnd is cF ea lls ah ni yo  n o, f I LII i, t er( a1 -s43), 42-4 1
e 3d .i  to Or ni ea  l o fm  e Tt uh co kd es r mf ao nr sa  chieving th
m isa  wte ar si  a tl os  . p ubIn li se hv  e hr iy s  i os ws nu  e published
s  h ui np d et rh  e Tr ue c ki es r ma at n 'sl  e ea dst i too rn -e major article
a  l bl y  l ha it me sr e la fp . pea (Tr hi en s ep  ublished collections .) 
108. The Boston Book, Being Spe
L ci it me er na st  u or fe  M, O etc rc oa ps oi lo in taa nl   and Periodical, 
T [eu dc .k ,e  r Hm ea nn rJ y,   T( hB eo odst oo rn e,   lS36). 
109. The Philadelphia Book: 
p oo r l Sit pa en ci mL ei nte s r oa ft  u Mre e t, r o~ -d., Henry Theodore Tuckerm
p ah rfi ]a , , (P13 h3 il6 a) d. el-
110. The Boston Book ?.? , pp. iv, viii. 
111. New England Magazine, 
T IXh ,i  s (Ocr ci tot bic er ,a  l 1s so 3 5c )o ,m  p 3l 0a 5in -3e 0d 6 .t  hat th
w ee  r be et to teo r  w ee sl tl a br le isp hre es de  n at ue td h oa rn sd   the ne
w wer ri  te anrs d , pen re hg al pe sc  te led s. s erH  owever, he fi
v no alu lm lye   cw oo nu cl ld u db ee d  g te hn ae t ra thll ey   accepted,
b  e aa su  t ii te  s d ia dn  d c of ne tw ae ir n  f "a mu ol rt es  " than many another volume of th
n ea  t su amre e . 
112 . American Ladies' Magazine,
T  h IXis ,  c (Jr ai nti uc a rycr , ow 1sed 36 h ) ap 6p 3i .l  y, "We think 
m ta hd ee   sw eli eth c tig oo no sd   ht aa vs et  e b, eea nn  d the book does credit to th
t eo   ci it ts y , E ad ni dto  r ?. ? ? 11 
113. Mass achusetts Quarterly Revi
4 e2 w7 ,.   IIR Ie , ga (Jr ud nle es , s, 1 8h 5o 0w ),e  ver, of other 
a fadd us l tst ,h  a tt h et  h ce rib to io ck   fi is n a" lw lyr  itten in a fresh and pleasing style. 11 
114. Atlantic Monthly, A Ma~a
A zr int e,  oan f d L P ito erli at ti uc rs e, ,  X SV ciI eI, n c( eM  ay, 136 )
t , in 6u 5e 1s .  b Ty h eo  b cl riq itu ie cl  y c os nt -ating '  that he
e  n mjo uy ste  d c ot nh fe e s" sl  a tz hy a mood11 
t he 
in which Tuc
d kee rs mu al nt  o "r gy o sm sia pt ste  r os f.  " ? ?T .u  ckerman's essay
i sn  f co or nm taa it nio  n "m f ur co hm  c hb ao ro mk is n, g"   and "Just 11 cu  s es ni oo un g hto cop mro mv ei nd t e a nth de  m d isw -ith unity and direction. Tuckerman?s 
I 
f 
books are "made for the days of unoccupied men and the half-
hour s of busy ones ??. ?" All of which indicates tha t there 
were t hose, even in Tuckerman's time, who recognized the 
J genera lit ie s and superficialities of his ba sic approa ch. 
I Th e Atlant ic sa ys of Tucker man's The Criterion: or the Test 
t of Ta l k about Familiar Things, that "the talk really tests nothing ,--not even the reader's patience." 
t 
115. uoted in Knickerbocker, or New-York Monthly 
' Magazine, XLIX, (March, 1?57), 302-303. 
116. Trema in McDowell William Cullen Bryant, Repre-
sentative Selections? .? , (New York, 1935), pp. xvii-xviii. 
See also Allan Nevins, The Evening Post: A Century of 
Journalism, (New York, 1922). 
117. Knickerbocker, or New-York Monthly Magazine, XLIX, 
302. This is the only contemporary statement available which 
implies any recognition of growth on Tuckerman 1 s part, and it 
most likely wa s a specious judgment; there are no indications 
in Tuckerman 1 s works that he grew in manner, matter, or 
philosophy over the years. As early as 1839 a perceptive 
critic in Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, V, (July, 1839) 60 
had very correctly said of Tuckerman: "Without much of ~rof~n-
dity, of originality, or vigor, he is more than usually pure 
in style and orthodox in sentiment." The fact that perceptive 
critics like this one, already in 1S39, assessed Tuckerman i n 
terms still applicable in hie last years, plus the fact that 
Tuckerman published and republished his work relatively unal-
tered through the years, certainly would controvert 
Knickerbocker's claim. 
118. Har~er's New Monthly Magazine, XIV, (February, 
1S57), pp. 406- 07. Quite in style with other reviews of 
Tuckerman 1 s work, Harper's devotes at least a third of its 
review to a praise of Tuckerman as a person. 
CONCLUSION 
Henry Theodore Tuckerman, as revealed in hiB 
e works, was, in many ways, a model of the mid-
publish d 
eenth century American. In hiB travel accounts, hie 
ninet 
and biographical echolarshiP, his social and 
historical 
political attitudes, hiB artistic and literarY criteria, 
revealed hie sincere allegiance to the Romantic Ideal-
is 
w ch dominated his daY? ThiB allegiance is shown in 
ism hi 
his belief in the fundamental goodness and inevitable 
ess of mankind; in hi? basic individualism, an almost 
Progr 
nscendental egocentrism, which mystically identified 
tra 
uman soul with God, and interpreted self-reliance in 
the h 
of intuitional supranatural apprehension; in his 
terms 
omization of hi? realities, separating the Ideal 
dich 0 t 
from the Practical, the intuitive from the reasonable, the 
commonplace from the beautiful, the here and now from the 
distant and the past; in his acceptance of Nature as the 
representation of the Ideal, and of the feminine as the 
symbol of the Beautiful; in hi? fealtY to emotion and 
?Ytnpathy ae the mystical keys to all human relationships; 
in his strict and didactic morality; and in hiS professed 
nationalism and proclamation of divine purpose and destinY 
he was oonservatiVe in hi? personal 
in Am er1ca. Yet, involved in reformism, in either outright 
~er usal to become 
249 --
250 
abolitionism or feminism; in his determined and maintained 
att itude of Brahmin aloofness from "the herd" and "the 
multitude"; in his willingness to submit himself to govern-
mental mandate, to support, at least nominally, what was 
legal and generally accepted; and in his overly-developed 
and almost unnatural reticence which prevented him from 
ever achieving that intense ego-exploration imperative with-
in the Romantic philosophy. 
His published works reveal him to have been pro-
foun dly influenced by three major factors in his private 
life: his mother's death, his Italian residence, and his 
deep aversion for the commercial life. Possibly, in his 
mother's death lie the seeds of his bachelorhood, his need 
for social (and, especially, feminine) acceptability, his 
adoration of the ideal woman, and, perhaps, his easy accept-
ance of the sentimental and the emotional. His Italian 
travels and residence introduced him to the artistic experi-
ence and instilled in him a determination to devote his life 
to the Beautiful and to the encouragement of its crea tion and 
a preciation. And his aversion to the common precepts and 
standards demanded by American commercialistic enterprise 
influenced this decision, and shaped his life philosophy in 
its declaration of an over-stressed materiality in Ameri can 
life, and a consequent under-development of the spiritual and 
the intellectual. 
With the exception of some of his better poems, Tuck-
erman1s travel accounts beet reveal his personal attitudes and 
251 
ld. 
d bis time a
nd his wor
gs towar ly
. 
feelin ad widely, b
ut not deep
man re
scholar, Tu
cker
e reflection
s 
As a 
lways appear
 to b
ost a
H1s 
lm
recorded pe
rceptions a
ter contemp
oraries. 
clusions of 
his grea
lel con ugh he often
 
or the paral and, altho
 bis theorie
s his own, 
nsidered r admitted t
o any 
But he co  he neve conclusion,
umented a t
hought or a
doc
r spiritual 
guidance. 
t 
intellectua
l debt o nstan
nificance is
 in his co
atest sig
Tuckerman's 
gre
nd thus, to 
enrich 
e the Beaut
iful, a
cep-
effort to p
opulariz th e U bli perb a d 
c 
en P
:ht a l ways t
 o ro
merican life
. He  soug on, to comb
at 
A
an aesthetic
 appreciati
crease Amer
ic
was ever the
 
tion, to in sm. He 
pation with 
commerciali
 preoccu tivation. H
is 
American nd cultural 
cul
 a
andizer for 
good taste
ag recorder of 
travels, 
Prop  As a 
I orks all evidence t
his. ve-
PUblished w uropean cult
ural achie
ppreciation 
for E
couraged an
 a as narrative
 and 
he en w
an and biog
rapher, he 
ori ligently 
ment. As a
 hist
 critic, he 
ever di
As a literar
y and art
ralistic. nd always sy
mpatbeti-
mo
 and the art
ist, a
I e writer  As a poet ncouraged the  audience.
nd interpret
ed to their
xplained a n proved sym
pa-
ca11y e although he 
ofte
t, s, 
author in b
is own righ s
d his age, he,
 neverthele
an
ntal demands
 of 
e
 the sentim en the publi
c 
thetic with trove to bro
ad
ys s
e of such la
pses, alwa
 as he perce
ived 
in Spit
utiful and th
e Cultural
ea
outlook tow
ard the B
 readily 
them to be. rt 
is
e appreciate
d his effo
c eath 
That his au
dien s d
ary populari
ty. But hi
ontempor
arent in his
 evident c
pp the broad st
andard and 
a , 
f his socia
l influence
and the end
 o
peal, and the swif
tly changing 
nt emporary nature o
f his ap
co
s fame ephemeral, 
interest, all com
bined to prove hi
bUblic 
scurity unworthy of
 his 
and t him 
to a modern ob
0 banish ccom-
d effort, and obvi
ous contemporary a
Sine ere intent an
an deserves to be r
emembered 
Henry Theodore Tuc
kerm
Plishment. cal scholarship, and
 
graphi
 o n 1 Y for his
 yet-standard bio
not d artists in Ameri
ca, but 
 historian of art 
an
his se rv1ce 
as a
 attitude, the cult
ured 
y thought and
als fo r his exemp
lar
0  standards of mi d -
1 ons of the lite
rary and artistic
rer1ect
nin e t eenth century A
merica. 
253 
SOURCES CONSULTED 
Tuckerman's Works 
~ and Contributions to Books
 
k, 1B64. 
Ameri ca and Her Comme
ntators. New Yor
erican Painters. New York
, 
I !rtist -Life: or Sketc
hes of Am
1847; 2d ed., New York,
 1$~9. 
rtists. New York, 1$67; 
2d ed., New York 
I ~ook the A
, 
882o.
f  
 Illustrated 
!he Character and Port
raits of Washington,
ortraits. New York, 1?5
9. 
with all the Prominent 
P
he Genius 
,haracteristics of Liter
ature, Illustrated by t
Q
_f Distingu ished Men. P
hiladelphia, 1849. 
Q
enius 
cteristics of Literature
p Illustrated b! the G
Qhara phia, 1 51 ? 
Qf Distinguished Writer
s. hiladel
s, 
or, Essays on Books, Ne
wspapers, Pictures , Inn
.'.?.he Collect ctors, Preachers. Londo
n 
~uthors, Doctors, Holid
ays, A ' 
1868. 
Talk about Familiar Thin
gs. 
!he Criterion? or the T
est of 
New York, 1~66. 
d. 
Poems by Felecia Hemans
, ed., Rufus W. Griswol
"Essay," 
Philadelphia, 1846. 
 and Writings of Colerid
ge," The Poems 
"Essay on the Life
ylor Coleridge. New Yor
k, 1$4$. 
Qf Samuel Ta
 or Studies of Characte
r . 
~ssays, Bio~raphical an
d Critical;
Boston, 1 57. 
s, Plays and Essays by O
liver 
m
"Introductory Essay," P
oe
Qoldsmith, M.B . ..? Bo
ston, 1854. 
mes of American Authors
. New York, 1B53. 
11 Irving," Ho
d L~ndon, 
bel, or Sicily, A Pilgri
mage. Philadelphia an
l,sa  ed., New York, 1$52, 
18}9; 2d ed., London, i~44; 
3d
4th ed., New York, 1$56
. 
r ev. , 
ian Sketch Book. Phila
delphia, 1g35; 2d ed., 
!he Ital rev., New York, lg4$. 
Philonolnhla. 1839; Jd 
ed., 
ancis M.
 D. LL. D. 
John W. 
Fr
York, 1 
1. 
on , 1853. New er. Lond
' a Dream
ea Ves f' 
t
 the Diar
y o
w York, 18
71. 
L
-==- ro
m
eton Kenn
edy. Ne
dl e 
 of' John P
en
 in the N
av of th
~Lire A Commodo
re
 of' Silas
 Talbot 0. 
Life s. ew Y
ork, l 5
Th8 
_nited 
tate
w York, 18
67. 
 about Pa
ris. Ne a Memoir 
~ Papers gh, Consisting
 of 
is Geni~s
. 
oratio Gre
enou h
 and Trib
utes to 
orial o
f H gs
~m s from hi
s Writin
ection 1?5.3. . Francis 
Jr 
~el ? 
lvew York,
 
racter of 
John W ' -
 and Cha
rial of 
the Life. on, 185.3. ~mo ork, 1?55 r. Lond~ew Y
udies of 
Characte
 St
l Portra
its; or
~a w York, 18
53. 
land. Ne
~nth 
in Eng
1550. 
mist. Ne
w York, 
~ Opti 1. 
ston, 1g5 g, 11 The Po
ems ot' 
- Bo tt Brownin~ Barre New York, 
1?50. 
th . 
oetry of 
Elizabe 2 vols
"The P tt Bro
wning. 
!11zabeth
 Barre
, 1$41. 
Reveries.
 Boston
d ue Si~nif
icance; 
&.mbles 
an es and Trus
 Latent C
a New York, 
l 61. 
ts . 
~ Rebellio
n: I riend Abr
oad wi th 
 a F rt Southe
y 
l,n Lette
rs to
cal Works 
of Robe  
The Poeti s. Bosto
n, 1864.
y II 
obert Sou
the
e Author.
 10 vol London, "R oir of th erican Tal
e. 
A Mem iatic, An Am
 of the A
dr
 an
. 
~ Sad Bi
rd
. re T
uckerm
1841 s of Henry 
Theodo
e Writing
lections
 from th
~ .  York, 18
64. 
n.p., n.d  New
nd for th
e Fair.
aw, A Gom
-
ear of V
erse Bou mas Budd 
Sh
L,Bh e," Th
o rk, 1$6$ ? 
merican L
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"A Sketch al of Eng
l
 ed., Bos
to
nu 2d
.Qlete Ma ton, 1846
; 
 the Poe
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.Th.oughts 
on
255 
Art icles 
This section is t'ar t'rom complete. I n his writings, 
and in the writings of others , there is m ntion of' articles 
trat have not as yet been found. 
"American Artists, Will iam Bradford, 11 Hours at Home : A 
Popular Monthly, Devot ed to Religious and Useful Litera-
ture , III (October, 1366 ), 514-519. 
"Art in America," Cosmopol itan Art Journal, III (December, 
1s5s) , 3-s. 
"The Editor's Table," Boston Miscellany of Literature and 
Fashion, III (1S43). 
"Giuseppe Garibaldi," North American Review, XCII (January, 
1861), 15-56. 
"The Graves at Newport, 11 Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 
XXXIX (August, 1S69), 372-3BS. 
"James A. Hillhouse, 11 New Englander, XVI (November, 1g5g), 
705-741. 
"James Fenimore Cooper," North American Review, LXXXIX 
(Oc tober , 1859), 28,9-31. 
"Lorenzo Dapont e, 11 Putnam's Magazine. Original Papers on 
Literature, Science, Art; and National Interes ts , New 
Series, II (November, 1$ $ ), 527-536. 
"Reminiscences of Fitz-Greene Halleck, 11 Lipnincott 's 
Ma azine of Literature Science and Education, 
ebruary, 1 , 20 -21. 
"Sardinia," North American Review, LXXXV (October, 1S57), 
330-368 . 
"Violations of Literary Property, The Federalist--Life and 
Character of John Jay, 11 Continental Monthly: Devoted to 
Literature and National Policy, VI (September, 1864), 
336-355. 
"Virginia," Continental Monthl: Devoted to Li t erature and 
National Policy, 90-702. 
"The Writings of T. Adolphus Trollope," Atlantic Monthly, A 
Magazine of L1teratureG Science, Art, a nd Politics, 
XX (October, 1S67), 47 -484. 
I 
Unpublished Correspondence 
Henry T. Tuckerman to William B. Fowle, Boston, March 25, 1835. 
to Richard H. Dana, Sr., New York, J anua ry 17, 1843 . 
I to Richard H. Dana , Sr., Boston, April 24, 1845. 
I 
I to Richard H. Dana, Sr ., Ne York, April 20 , 1851. 
I to Hamilton Fish, February 10, 1860 . 
I to Mr. Sprague, Nev.r York, June 9, 1864. 
I 
to George Bancroft, New York, November 15, 1864. 
I to Henry W. Bellows, New York, November 22, 1868 . 
to Henry W. Bellows, New York, November 28, 1868 . 
to George Bancroft , New York, February 12, 1869 . 
to Hon. David A. Wells, March 11, 1869 . 
-:, Library of Congress, Vashington, D.C. 
to Richard H. Dana, Jr., New York, October 2~-, 1870 . 
?~ther letters are at Massachusett s Historical Society 
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