ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: Nomadic Memorial: Dynamic Landscapes of Commemoration for the Civilian Public Service Name of degree candidate: Matthew Joseph Sickle Degree and year: Master of Landscape Architecture, 2012 Thesis directed by: Sonja Duempelmann, Dr. -Ing, Assistant Professsor, Department of Plant Science and Landscape Architecture This design-research thesis suggests the creation of a memorial commemorating the Civilian Public Service (CPS), a World War II era program of alternative service for conscientious objectors. Through an exploration of memorial culture, the thesis seeks to distinguish the commemoration of nonviolence from the commemoration of war and to propose a memorial that inspires its visitors to consider nonviolence and conscientious objection as positive aspects of American culture. To accomplish these goals, a memorial composed of modular commemorative elements was designed. Rearranging this kit of parts in combination with a new group of locally appropriate trees, the memorial will relocate to a different American city each year and return to Washington, D.C. every four years. With the growth of a new grove of trees and its donation to the neighborhood the memorial inhabits, the latter will draw attention to the history and the variety of services performed by the CPS. NOMADIC MEMORIAL: DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES OF COMMEMORATION FOR THE CIVILIAN PUBLIC SERVICE By Matthew Joseph Sickle Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Landscape Architecture 2012 Advisory Committee: Assistant Professor Sonja Duempelmann, Dr. -Ing. Committee Chair Assistant Professor Victoria Chanse, Ph.D. Associate Professor Jack Sullivan, FASLA. ? Copyright by Matthew Joseph Sickle 2012 DEDICATION for Alyssa Mae for endless hours of editing and support and for CPS workers Laban Peachey, Harold Lehman, & Herman Ropp Thank you for your service. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Sonja Duempelmann, Jack Sullivan, and Victoria Chanse for their insight and support as committee members and for pushing me to pursue an unconventional topic with an unconventional design response. I would like to thank Joe Sickle for introducing me to seasonal and ephemeral landscapes and for his consultation regarding the logistics of growing nursery tree stock in portable containers. I would also like to thank Miriam Mumaw for connecting me with former CPS workers Laban Peachey, Harold Lehman, & Herman Ropp. The conversations I had with these men shaped every aspect of my approach to the finished design and of my view of the Civilian Public Service. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication.............................................................................................................. ii Acknowledgements............................................................................................... iii List of Figures...................................................................................................... vii Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................ 2 1.1 The Importance of Washington?s Memorial Landscape............................ 2 1.2 Diversifying the Memorial Landscape....................................................... 3 1.3 Design Constraint in Washington, D.C. ? Commemorative Works Act...........5 1.4 The Civilian Public Service...........................................................................6 Chapter 2: Memorials........................................................................................... 8 2.1 An American Passion............................................................................... 8 2.2 Purpose/Function .....................................................................................9 2.2.1 Collective Memory......................................................................10 2.2.2 Secular Spirituality.....................................................................12 2.3 The Power of Memorials..............................................................13 2.3.1 Propaganda...............................................................................14 2.3.2 Neglected topics.......................................................................14 2.3.3 Irrelevance................................................................................15 2.3.4 Reconciliation............................................................................16 2.3.5 Cultural Change........................................................................17 2.3.6 Real Estate Development..........................................................17 2.4 Development of Form and Theme...........................................................18 2.4.1 Heroic Memorials ? Objects in the Landscape..........................18 2.4.2 Democratization ........................................................................19 2.4.3 Monuments as experiential space ........................................... 20 2.4.4 Minimalism-Postmodern Commemoration................................ 21 2.4.5 Ephemeral Memorials................................................................ 22 iv Chapter 3: Precedent Studies ........................................................................... 25 3.1 Emotional power through text, chronology, and form............................. 26 Maya Lin, Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Washington D.C. 3.2 Commemorating forgotten history........................................................... 33 Horst Hoheisel, Aschrottbrunnen, Kassel 3.3 Memorializing Peacekeeping.................................................................. 38 Harman, Henriquez & Oberlander, Reconciliation, Ottawa, Canada 3.4 Choreographing history........................................................................... 46 Lawrence Halprin, FDR Memorial, Washington D.C. 3.5 Landscape as Object.............................................................................. 53 Brian Tolle, Irish Hunger Memorial, New York, New York 3.6 Memorializing the Unaestheticizable ..................................................... 60 Peter Eisenman, Denkmal f?r die ermordeten Juden Europas, Berlin 3.7 Ephemerality, Subversion, and Politics ................................................. 68 Street Art 3.8 Obama & OBEY Giant............................................................................ 68 The Street Art of Shepard Fairey Chapter 4: CPS History & Selection.................................................................. 79 v Chapter 5: Design - Nomadic Memorial ............................................................ 86 5.1 Design strategy and process................................................................... 86 5.1.1 Travelling Memorial................................................................... 86 5.1.2 Memorial Grove: Commemoration through Service................... 88 5.1.3 Modular Memorial...................................................................... 89 5.2 Memorial Management......................................................................... 105 5.3 Locating the Monument......................................................................... 107 5.3.1 National location selection process......................................... 107 5.3.2 Local site selection process applied to Washington, D.C. ..... 112 5.3.3 Flagship: 1400 Maryland Ave NE ......................................... 122 5.3.4 Local Outreach & Service: 2241 MLK, Jr. Ave SE.................. 123 5.4 Flagship Site Design - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE.................................... 124 5.4.1 Site Condition......................................................................... 124 5.4.2 Analysis & Layout.................................................................... 126 5.4.3 Site Program............................................................................ 128 5.5 Satellite Site Design - 2241 Martin Luther King, Jr. Ave SE................. 137 5.5.1 Site Condition ........................................................................ 137 5.5.2 Analysis & Layout .................................................................. 139 5.5.3 Site Program .......................................................................... 141 Chapter 6: Summary ..................................................................................... 149 Appendix: CPS Member Interviews: .............................................................. 151 Thoughts & Emotions regarding their service Laban Peachey............................................................................ 152 Harold Lehman............................................................................ 157 Herman Ropp.............................................................................. 163 Bibliography ......................................................................................................169 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Narrative in Washington?s Commemorative Landscape [Sickle] Figure 2 Gathering in Washington?s Commemorative Landscape [Sickle] Figure 3 Decorum in Washington?s Commemorative Landscape [Sickle] Figure 4 Jackson Memorial [Sickle] Figure 5 Lincoln Memorial [Sickle] Figure 6 Grant Memorial [Sickle] Figure 7 Washington, D.C. WWI Memorial [Sickle] Figure 8 Vietnam Veterans Memorial [Sickle] Figure 9 Memorial Alterations [Sickle] Figure 10 Memorial Alterations [Sickle] Figure 11 FDR Memorial [Sickle] Figure 12 FDR Memorial [Sickle] Figure 13 Children examining text at the FDR Memorial [Sickle] Figure 14 Irish Hunger Memorial [Sickle] Figure 15 Text Strata in the Irish Hunger Memorial [Sickle] Figure 16 Denkmal f?r ermordeten Juden Europas [Sickle] Figure 17 Shepard Fairey Street Art - May, 2011- Chicago, IL [Sickle] Figure 18 Tree-Planter Audio-Bench [Sickle] Figure 19 Tree-Planter Bench [Sickle] Figure 20 Mounded Earth Tree Planter [Sickle] Figure 21 Accessible Planter Bench [Sickle] Figure 22 Asphalt Tree Planting [Sickle] Figure 23 Text on Compostable Pots [Sickle] Figure 24 Transformable Pavilion [Sickle] Figure 25 Pavilion into Theater [Sickle] Figure 26 Abandoned Gas Station [Sickle] Figure 27 Mural on Existing Walls [Sickle] vii Figure 28 Stencil Text on Ground [Sickle] Figure 29 Text in Fence [Sickle] Figure 30 Text on Moveable Pavers [Sickle] Figure 31 Sidewalk Chalk [Sickle] Figure 32 Ice Sculpture [Sickle] Figure 33 Base Module [Sickle] Figure 34 Tree Planter Module Configuration [Sickle] Figure 35 Seedling & Vegetable Planter Module Configurations [Sickle] Figure 36 Ephemeral Fountain Module Configuration [Sickle] Figure 37 Storage Bench and Beacon Module Configurations [Sickle] Figure 38 Three Dimensional Lawn Modules [Sickle] Figure 39 Pictoglyphs commemorating CPS work [Sickle] Figure 40 Combined Audio / Info Shelter Module [Sickle] Figure 41 Separate Audio / Info Shelter Modules [Sickle] Figure 42 Memorial Management Diagram [Sickle] Figure 43 CPS Camp Sites [Sickle] Figure 44 Major US Cities & proximity to CPS Camp Sites [Sickle] Figure 45 Selected Memorial Cities & proximity to CPS Camp Sites [Sickle] Figure 46 Memorial Movement: First Cycle [Sickle] Figure 47 Memorial Movement: First Cycle [Sickle] Figure 48 Memorial Movement: Third Cycle [Sickle] Figure 49 Site Selection: Proximity to Transit [Sickle] Figure 50 Site Selection: Proximity to BID/Revitalization District [Sickle] Figure 51 Site Selection: Proximity to Public Housing [Sickle] Figure 52 Site Selection: Proximity to Mental Healthcare Facilities [Sickle] Figure 53 Priority Areas [Sickle] Figure 54 Priority Lots [Sickle] Figure 55 Monuments and Museums Master Plan Framework [Sickle] viii Figure 56 Selected Sites [Sickle] Figure 57 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle using Bing Imagery from ArcGIS] Figure 58 2241 MLK, Jr Ave. NE [Sickle using Bing Imagery from ArcGIS] Figure 59 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] Figure 60 Site Conditions - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] Figure 61 Site Conditions - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] Figure 62 Grid Overlay - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] Figure 63 Masses & Voids - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] Figure 64 400 Maryland Ave. NE - Site Design [Sickle] Figure 65 1400 Maryland Ave. NE - Elevation Along MD Avenue NE [Sickle] Figure 66 1400 Maryland Ave. NE - Seasonal Performance Diagrams [Sickle] Figure 67 1400 Maryland Ave. NE - Summer Movie Night [Sickle] Figure 68 1400 Maryland Ave. NE - Fall Afternoon [Sickle] Figure 69 1400 Maryland Ave. NE - Grove Distribution [Sickle] Figure 70 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE [Sickle] Figure 71 Site Conditions - 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE [Sickle] Figure 72 Salvation Army Building & Big K [Sickle] Figure 73 Walker Whitman Health Clinic [Sickle] Figure 74 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE - Grid Overlay [Sickle] Figure 75 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE - Orientation Lines [Sickle] Figure 76 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue SE - Site Design [Sickle] Figure 77 2241 MLK Jr. Ave SE - Section Orthogonal to MLK Ave [Sickle] Figure 78 2241 MLK Jr. Ave SE - Seasonal Performance Diagrams [Sickle] Figure 79 2241 MLK Jr. Avenue SE - Spring Morning [Sickle] Figure 80 2241 MLK Jr. Avenue SE -Summer Afternoon [Sickle] Figure 81 2241MLK Jr. Avenue SE - Grove Distribution [Sickle] 1 ?We must face the truth that people have not been horrified by war to a sufficient extent to force them to go to any extent rather than have another war?War will exist until the distant day when the conscientious objector enjoys the same reputation and prestige as the warrior does today.? ? John F. Kennedy; Letter to a former World War II shipmate, 1945 2 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 The Importance of Washington?s Memorial Landscape The monumental landscape of Washington, D.C. serves as America?s principal physical expression of its national ideals.1 Designed by Pierre L?Enfant in 1791 and refined in 1901 by the McMillan Commission, the city?s network of focal points and vistas work together to form a didactic landscape that communicates the principles of American identity.2 Over 25 million visitors annually3 visit the heart of this landscape, the National Mall, to view its monuments, experience the sacred spaces around them, and participate in various rituals of citizenship, an activity that has been described by Architectural Historian Kirk Savage, as a pilgrimage expressing an American civil religion.4 More than a static landscape designed to conjure memories of selected events in American History, the monumental landscape of Washington is a dynamic stage for the American people act out their civic ideals.5 From the WWI Bonus Army of 1932, to Martin Luther King?s 1963 March on Washington, to Glenn Beck?s 2010 Restoring Honor rally, the Mall has been seen as an important place for citizens to exercise their first amendment rights in a national discussion about America?s character.6 1 Savage, Monument Wars, 10. 2 NCPC & US CFA, Monumental Core Framework Plan,1. 3 NCPC & US CFA,, Monumental Core Framework Plan,10. 4 Savage, Monument Wars, 3. 5 NCPC & US CFA,, Monumental Core Framework Plan, 1. 6 Savage, Monument Wars, 3. 3 1.2 Diversifying the Memorial Landscape The most recent decade has been one of costly military conflict for the United States. According to Brown University?s Eisenhower Study Group, over 8,000 US service members7 and approximately 138,000 Iraqi and Afghani civilians8 have died as a direct result of America?s post-9/11 wars and, in addition to the lives lost, the United States federal government is estimated to have spent $3.2 ? 4 trillion in these conflicts.9 At the end of this decade, having failed to achieve quick victory in the continuing Iraq and Afghanistan wars, Americans dedicated an entirely different sort of memorial on the mall. The Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial, located just a few hundred yards away, represents a dramatic shift away from memorials to war and to wartime presidents. Instead, it honors an American who spoke out against war to promote peace.10 Inscribed in the memorial are King?s words: ?I oppose the war in Vietnam because I love America. I speak out against it not in anger but with anxiety and sorrow in my heart, and above all with a passionate desire to see our beloved country stand as a moral example of the world.? Perhaps the MLK memorial marks the beginning of an era in which Washington?s monumental landscape will be diversified. 7 Catherine Lutz, US and Coalition Casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan, report (Watson Institute, Brown University, June 6, 2011), 1. 8 Neta C. Crawford, Assessing the Human Toll of the Post-9/11 Wars: The Dead and Wounded in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan, 2001-2011 Wars, report (June 13, 2011), 18. 9 Brown University and Watson Institute, ?Economic Cost Summary | Costs of War,? Home | Costs of War, accessed February 06, 2012, http://costsofwar.org/article/economic-cost-summary. 10 Hari Sreenivasan, writer, ?MLK Memorial Emerges From Stone on National Mall, After Decades of Planning,? in NewsHour, PBS, August 26, 2011, accessed February 6, 2012, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/remember/july- dec11/mlkmemorial_08-26.html. 4 As the establishment of the Martin Luther King, Jr. memorial has shown, Americans are now willing to commemorate their history with memorials that, in part, speak out against the country?s participation in international conflict. Just ten months before the dedication of the Martin Luther King memorial, another change in the way America shapes the commemorative landscape of Washington began. In December 2010, NCPC hosted ?Beyond Granite: Global Approaches to Public Art and Placemaking,? a panel discussion aimed at exploring the potential for temporary commemorative works in Washington to recognize issues and events that might not otherwise fit within the confines of the traditional process for creating new memorials.11 In February 2012, NCPC began the Beyond Granite competition with the goal of encouraging further exploration of alternative and temporary forms of commemoration in the nation?s capital.12 Following the example of the World Trade Center Tribute in Light and London?s Fourth Plinth program in Trafalgar Square, the contest seeks to recognize issues and events that might not otherwise fit within the confines of the traditional process for creating new memorials through temporary commemoration. By so doing, they hope to alleviate pressure on the land set aside for permanent memorial sites, and create opportunities for artists to experiment with new and dynamic designs and materials.13 This thesis seeks to contribute to this discussion by proposing the commemoration of positive, nonviolent action?the Civilian Public Service?as an important part of American culture. 11 ?Beyond Granite Design Competition,? National Capital Planning Commission, accessed February 06, 2012, http://www.ncpc.gov/beyondgranite/background.html. 12 ?Beyond Granite Design Competition,? National Capital Planning Commission, accessed February 06, 2012, http://www.ncpc.gov/beyondgranite/background.html. 13 ?Beyond Granite Design Competition.? National Capital Planning Commission. Accessed February 06, 2012. http://www.ncpc.gov/beyondgranite/background.html 5 1.3 Design Constraint in Washington, D.C. ? Commemorative Works Act A number of constraints exist within Washington, D.C. when seeking to establish a new monument or memorial. The Commemorative Works Act (CWA) was enacted in 1986 to ensure the appropriate design, construction and location of commemorative works administered by the National Park Service in the District of Columbia.14 One of the stipulations of the CWA is that commemorative works are to be ??designed to perpetuate in a permanent manner the memory of an individual, group, event or other significant element of American history??15 Therefore, more abstract concepts such as ?peace? or ?nonviolence? do not fit within the accepted legal parameters for commemoration in one of Washington?s national monuments. While this can seem an obstacle, the restriction also provides an opportunity. To commemorate peace or non-violence, therefore, a particular person, group or event needs to be selected. The CWA stipulates that works commemorating events, individuals, or groups ?may not be authorized until after the 25th anniversary of the event, death of the individual, or death of the last surviving member of the group.? 16 Military- themed memorials are unique in that they may be authorized sooner, having to wait only 10 years after the end of the conflict. Therefore, while commemorating the contributions of groups such as the American recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize was considered, because their numbers continue to grow, they do not 14 ?United States Code: Title 40,CHAPTER 89?NATIONAL CAPITAL MEMORIALS AND COMMEMORATIVE WORKS | LII / Legal Information Institute.? LII | LII / Legal Information Institute. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. http://www.law. cornell.edu/uscode/40/usc_sup_01_40_08_II_10_D_20_89.html. 15 ?United States Code: Title 40,CHAPTER 89?NATIONAL CAPITAL MEMORIALS AND COMMEMORATIVE WORKS | LII / Legal Information Institute.? LII | LII / Legal Information Institute. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. http://www.law. cornell.edu/uscode/40/usc_sup_01_40_08_II_10_D_20_89.html. 16 ?United States Code: Title 40,CHAPTER 89?NATIONAL CAPITAL MEMORIALS AND COMMEMORATIVE WORKS | LII / Legal Information Institute.? LII | LII / Legal Information Institute. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. http://www.law. cornell.edu/uscode/40/usc_sup_01_40_08_II_10_D_20_89.html. 6 adhere to the stipulations of the CWA. Their contributions to world peace are also very different and range from establishing the League of Nations (Woodrow Wilson), to campaigning against nuclear weapons testing (Linus Pauling), and to Al Gore?s efforts to disseminate knowledge about man-made climate change. This could make the process of commemorating them within a single, cohesive work difficult. Individual recipients of this group were also considered, but several Nobel Prize winners already have other memorials dedicated to them, or their contribution to world peace is less well known when considered against their broader contributions to history. 1.4 The Civilian Public Service In contrast to the Nobel Peace Prize winners, the Civilian Public Service (CPS) is both able to meet the requirements of the CWA, and provides a historic example of Americans acting for peace. CPS, a program developed at the onset of WWII through the cooperation of the federal government and the Mennonite, Quaker, and Brethren churches, provided conscientious objectors the opportunity to do work of national importance under civilian direction rather than go to war. 17 Nearly 12,000 men, and many women, chose to participate in CPS as a witness against war and for peace. During the six years of the program, CPS workers fought forest fires, worked in mental institutions, planted trees, did dairy testing and served as subjects for medical experiments in more than 150 camps scattered throughout the United States.18 17 The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 06, 2012, http:// civilianpublicservice.org/. 18 The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 06, 2012, http:// civilianpublicservice.org/. 7 This government program represents a unique event in American history. Through the cooperation of the peace churches and the selective service, conscientious objectors were able to make positive contributions to society and reject war in a way that develops the American identity. Their unique application of the First Amendment to the Constitution, which forbids the government from prohibiting the free exercise of their religion, set a precedent for future conscientious objectors to be able to offer service to their country in wartime, while refusing military participation. A memorial to the Civilian Public Service could provide a positive example of nonviolence that could inspire future generations of Americans to exercise their rights in the way that the CPS members did. At the same time, it could emphasize the importance of world peace and of avoiding military conflict in the first place. By introducing the public to the CPS and acknowledging its historical significance, the last few living participants in this program might finally be honored for their contribution to the American story and for the example they set for the American conscientious objectors during the Korean and Vietnam wars, whose alternative service has followed in the program?s footsteps. 8 CHAPTER 2: MEMORIALS 2.1 An American Passion Americans? drive to establish memorials commemorating their history, particularly within the monumental landscape of Washington, D.C., has been vigorous since the city?s foundation.19 Though the forms and subjects of Washington?s commemorative works have developed significantly over the last two centuries, the desire to enshrine the memories of history there has remained constant. Since 1900, an average of one new memorial has been dedicated in the nation?s capital every year.20 With proposals underway for memorials to Dwight D. Eisenhower, American Veterans Disabled for Life, and the Victims of the Ukrainian Man-made Famine,21 to be built near the National Mall, the trend seems poised to continue. Along with the increasing number of memorials being built, public debate about their character is also on the rise.22 Just four months after its dedication, a paraphrased quote on the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial is set to be changed as the result of public outcry.23 Changes have also been forced on the FDR Memorial and the Vietnam Veteran?s Memorial. Currently, the debate over the 19 Harris Dimitropoulos, ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Places: Design Observer 21, no. 1 (May 2009): 52, accessed February 21, 2012, http://places.designobserver.com/media/pdf/The_Character__1163.pdf. 20 U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, Monumental Core Framework Plan, report, January 25, 2010, 10, http://www. cfa.gov/news/20100125.html. 21 National Capital Planning Commission, ?Memorials and Museums Master Plan,? Memorials & Museums Master Plan, accessed February 21, 2012, http://www.ncpc.gov/ncpc/Main(T2)/Planning(Tr2)/2MPlan.html. 22 Kieran Long, ?The Monument in the Age of Political Correctness,? Landscape Architecture, February 2008, 140. 23 Letter from MLK Mem. Foundation. http://www.mlkmemorial.org/atf/cf/%7B624b8035-378f-481f-b214- 60491e4c3cf2%7D/STATEMENT%20OF%20HEJ%20ON%20PROPOSED%20STONE%20OF%20HOPE%20 CHANGES%202.11.12.PDF 9 character of Frank Gehry?s design for the Eisenhower Memorial has some critics calling for an entirely new design24 and threatens to delay the project indefinitely.25 2.2 Purpose/Function In his essay ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Harris Dimitropoulos defines memorials as representational works that stand as a testimony to the collective importance of an event, person, or circumstance. In their most successful forms, he says, memorials have continuing value, linking the past to the present and future.26 This duty, the projection of the values of the past and present into the future, has traditionally been coupled with the expectation that monuments are to be permanent features in the landscape.27 Through the establishment of permanent memorials, monument builders often seek to contain and control the memory by establishing a ?final? and ?official? account of the work?s subject,28 encapsulating the critical elements of its history into a single, built work.29 Therefore, whether the overt purpose of a memorial is to celebrate victory, honor the dead or atone for the misdeeds of the past, a common function of all memorials is to portray the past in the way that shapes their audiences? views of the present and the future.30 24 Associated Press, ?Va Congressman Asks Panel to Reject Design for Eisenhower Memorial, Noting Family Objections,? Washington Post, February 10, 2012, http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/congress/va-congressman- asks-panel-to-reject-design-for-eisenhower-memorial-noting-family-objections/2012/02/10/gIQAQehW4Q_story.html. 25 Karissa Rosenfeld, ?Krier Speaks out against Gehry?s Eisenhower Memorial Design,? Arch Daily, February 17, 2012, http://www.archdaily.com/209217/krier-speaks-out-against-gehry%E2%80%99s-eisenhower-memorial- design/. 26 Harris Dimitropoulos, ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Places: Design Observer 21, no. 1 (May 2009): 52, accessed February 21, 2012, http://places.designobserver.com/media/pdf/The_Character__1163.pdf. 27 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 21. 28 Public Memory. Directed by Amy Gerber. Performed by Kenneth Foote, Edward T. Linenthal and James Loewen. New York: Cinema Guild, 2003. VHS. 29 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 21. 30 US Institute of Peace, The Urge to Remember: The Role of Memorials in Social Reconstruction and Transitional Justice, report, January 2007, 1, http://www.usip.org/publications/urge-remember-role-memorials-social- reconstruction-and-transitional-justice. 10 2.2.1 Collective Memory Figure 1: Narrative in Washington?s Commemorative Landscape [Sickle] In his book, ?Monument Wars,? Dr. Kirk Savage, explains that monuments typically dilute the complexities and context of historical persons and events. This, he believes, is often necessary to condense their subject?s meaning into a clear narrative, frozen for all time.31 In Washington, the cumulative effect of presenting scores of national memorials together is to provide visitors with an ?essential? history of America, meant to form a cohesive narrative of national identity. ?Everywhere else politics and change rule the day,? Savage writes, ?but in the midst of this heroic landscape the nation?s high purpose seems to remain constant.?32 Because this landscape is recognized as an important expression of American culture, it is necessary to understand the narrative it establishes. As part of its ongoing ?Washington as Commemoration? study, the National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) currently identifies nearly half of the monuments that populate the District of Columbia and its environs as having a military theme. This is more than double the next most prevalent theme, which is ?statesmanship.?33 Within the area defined by the 1986 Commemorative 31 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 10. 32 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 10. 33 ?Washington as Commemoration,? accessed May 6, 2012, http://www.ncpc.gov/Video/Commemoration.html. 11 Works Act as Washington?s ?Monumental Core? approximately two-thirds of all memorials are related to military conflict.34 Dr. Kenneth Foote, professor of Landscape History at UC Boulder believes that memorials function as mirrors that reflect the social attitudes of those who build them.35 More significant than what they express about their subjects, he says, memorials express the fears, hopes, convictions, ideals and nostalgia of those who make them. 36 That is, memorials represent the will of those in power when they are built, and often express the government?s viewpoints and ideologies, positively framing its role in history. The construction of the World War II memorial in 2004 when the United States declared war on Iraq and Afghanistan can be considered as a case in point. The first new monument on the Mall?s east-west axis since its clearing seventy years earlier contrasts very strikingly with its neighbor, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial.37 Quiet, somber, and contemplative, the Vietnam Wall avoided judgment on the war, commemorating only the lives lost. The World War II memorial, on the other hand, carries numerous inscriptions lauding the righteous victory and military dominance of the United States.38 34 ?Memorials in Washington, DC,? accessed May 6, 2012, http://www.ncpc.gov/memorials/. 35 Public Memory, dir. Amy Gerber, (New York: Cinema Guild, 2003), VHS. 36 Public Memory, dir. Amy Gerber, (New York: Cinema Guild, 2003), VHS. 37 Savage, Monument Wars, 7. 38 Savage, Monument Wars, 300. 12 2.2.2 Secular Spirituality Figure 2: Gathering in Washington?s Commemorative Landscape [Sickle] By using words and images from the past to project this mythology into the future and through the rituals that surround them, monuments are set apart from everyday experience and elevated to the status of sacred spaces.39 Despite their secular origins, the grouping of ?sacred? works of national commemoration on the Mall has turned this site into the destination of something not unlike a national pilgrimage. With over 25 million visitors each year, the National Mall attracts a crowd over ten times greater than the annual Muslim Hajj.40 As in religious holy sites, part of the secular-spiritual experience of visitors to the Mall?s monuments is that they submit to a particular decorum.41 Signs atop the Jefferson Memorial?s stairs, at which point one enters the ?temple,? request that visitors ?Please respect the Memorial and help preserve the atmosphere of calm, tranquility and reverence.? They go on to explain, somewhat ironically, that at the memorial to the author of the Declaration of Independence ?No demonstrations are allowed.? Likewise, signs surrounding the Vietnam Veterans 39 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 3, 6-7. 40 2011, 4:22PM GMT 03 Nov. ?2.5 Million Pilgrims Prepare for Hajj.? The Telegraph, April 22, 2003. http://www. telegraph.co.uk/news/religion/8867627/2.5-million-pilgrims-prepare-for-hajj.html. 41 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 6. 13 Memorial and the Korean War Memorial request that visitors ?Honor those who served? by abstaining from walking on the grass. Figure 3: Decorum in Washington?s Commemorative Landscape [Sickle] 2.3 The Power of Memorials Harris Dimitropoulos, author of ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? believes that memorials are inherently narcissistic in nature.42 Because of this, he points out, there are several dangers that affect their design, interpretation and longevity. With a tendency to reflect the positive aspects of the identities of individuals and of nations, he writes, memorials often act ?as if we coincided with our best possible self-fantasy. Memorials cannot tell us that we are weak, made mistakes, lost opportunities, or were wrong. If they do, they violate our primal narcissistic impulse, and we experience injury or insult.?43 Through monuments, societies typically represent themselves positively 42 Harris Dimitropoulos, ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Places: Design Observer 21, no. 1 (May 2009): 53, accessed February 21, 2012, http://places.designobserver.com/media/pdf/The_Character__1163.pdf. 43 Harris Dimitropoulos, ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Places: Design Observer 21, no. 1 (May 2009): 52, accessed February 21, 2012, http://places.designobserver.com/media/pdf/The_Character__1163.pdf. 14 as part of a national master narrative that explains who the society that built them was and why they are that way.44 Often, these monuments remember selectively. Sometimes they misrepresent history. Sometimes they do it on purpose.45 2.3.1 Propaganda According to the documentary ?Public Memory?, memorials often tell us more about those who make them than they do about their subjects, exposing their creators? fears, hopes, convictions and ideals.46 As direct reflections of the will of those in power when they are built, memorials have the potential to be used as forms of propaganda.47 Vamik Volkan, professor emeritus of the University of Virginia explains that, though memorials have the potential to serve as positive rallying points and motivators of national morality, they can also be used to rally societies around messages of hatred, victimization and nationalism and to motivate them to seek retribution.48 2.3.2 Neglected topics Related to memorial?s potential for use as propaganda, is their ability to neglect the facets of history deemed undesirable to their builders. Rather than preserving the complexity of the issues that they commemorate, the cultures that build memorials typically omit their subjects? negative aspects, in a sense, 44 Harris Dimitropoulos, ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Places: Design Observer 21, no. 1 (May 2009): 53, accessed February 21, 2012, http://places.designobserver.com/media/pdf/The_Character__1163.pdf. 45 Public Memory. Directed by Amy Gerber. Performed by Kenneth Foote, Edward T. Linenthal and James Loewen. New York: Cinema Guild, 2003. VHS. 46 Public Memory. Directed by Amy Gerber. Performed by Kenneth Foote, Edward T. Linenthal and James Loewen. New York: Cinema Guild, 2003. VHS. 47 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 15. 48 US Institute of Peace, The Urge to Remember: The Role of Memorials in Social Reconstruction and Transitional Justice, report, January 2007, 4, http://www.usip.org/publications/urge-remember-role-memorials-social- reconstruction-and-transitional-justice. 15 permanently committing them to forgetfulness.49 In this regard, the documentary ?Public Memory? by Amy Gerber calls attention to the monumental landscape of Washington?s preference for commemorating the positive aspects of American history while neglecting its negative past. There is, Gerber reminds us, no memorial to Slavery or to the displacement of the Native Americans on the National Mall. 50 2.3.3 Irrelevance Another pitfall affecting memorials is their potential to lose their relevance as they age. Because societies? memories do not remain fixed, as monuments do, and impressions of history change over time, understanding the long-term impact of memorials as they are being built is difficult.51 Both in the case of ?top-down? memorials initiated by governments and ?grass-roots? memorial construction efforts, designers must ask themselves how long the message of what they propose will retain its relevance. 52 Even the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, lauded by Kirk Savage as one of the greatest national memorials, is beginning to show signs that its ability to speak to a broad spectrum of its visitors is fading. Recognizing this, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund has proposed the establishment of an interpretive museum near the memorial that will include in its commemoration the deaths of 49 Harris Dimitropoulos, ?The Character of Contemporary Memorials,? Places: Design Observer 21, no. 1 (May 2009): 54, accessed February 21, 2012, http://places.designobserver.com/media/pdf/The_Character__1163.pdf. 50 Public Memory. Directed by Amy Gerber. Performed by Kenneth Foote, Edward T. Linenthal and James Loewen. New York: Cinema Guild, 2003. VHS. 51 US Institute of Peace, The Urge to Remember: The Role of Memorials in Social Reconstruction and Transitional Justice, report, January 2007, 16, http://www.usip.org/publications/urge-remember-role-memorials-social- reconstruction-and-transitional-justice. 52 US Institute of Peace, The Urge to Remember: The Role of Memorials in Social Reconstruction and Transitional Justice, report, January 2007, 15, http://www.usip.org/publications/urge-remember-role-memorials-social- reconstruction-and-transitional-justice. 16 soldiers in more recent wars.53 Despite these pitfalls, memorials also have the potential to have positive impacts on the societies for which they are built. 2.3.4 Reconciliation In its report entitled ?The Urge to Remember,? a task-force from the US Institute of Peace (USIP) describes the positive potential of memorials in societies coming out of conflict. Memorials, they claim, can act as a point of origin for social healing and reconciliation by encouraging the survivors of conflicts to explore their contested memories of the past and to engage in cultural exchange.54 This exchange can sometimes be inspired by bringing buried or forgotten histories into public conversation.55 In this way, memorials can serve simultaneous commemorative, reconciliatory, and educational functions. The Clayton Jackson McGhie memorial in Duluth, Minnesota is an example of such a memorial. By revealing the history of the lynching of three young black men at the place where it was built, the memorial?s sponsors hoped to initiate a healing process in the community, centered around a dialogue about race relations in the community.56 Where painful histories such as this are being considered, the USIP recommends, it is critical to the design?s integrity that history is handled in an even-handed method, and focused on truth telling and education to welcome all 53 The Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund, ?The Education Center at the Wall,? Www.buildthecenter.org, accessed February 21, 2012, http://www.buildthecenter.org/. 54 US Institute of Peace, The Urge to Remember: The Role of Memorials in Social Reconstruction and Transitional Justice, report, January 2007, 1, http://www.usip.org/publications/urge-remember-role-memorials-social- reconstruction-and-transitional-justice. 55 Public Memory. Directed by Amy Gerber. Performed by Kenneth Foote, Edward T. Linenthal and James Loewen. New York: Cinema Guild, 2003. VHS. 56 Public Memory. Directed by Amy Gerber. Performed by Kenneth Foote, Edward T. Linenthal and James Loewen. New York: Cinema Guild, 2003. VHS. 17 members of the society, both perpetrators and victims into a dialogue about the past.57 2.3.5 Cultural Change Because of their ability to encapsulate social memory and ideals and because of their function as potential agents of reconciliation, certain memorials have the ability to inspire change in national history itself.58 The importance of the Lincoln memorial, for example, has grown and changed in the century since its construction began. Now, more than a temple built in honor of an American leader, the memorial is also remembered as the site of Marion Anderson?s 1939 Easter Sunday concert and Martin Luther King Jr.?s 1963 ?I have a dream? speech. For both of these events, the memorial to Lincoln, emancipator of the slaves, was chosen as the appropriate background for statements meant to impact America?s views on race. 2.3.6 Real Estate Development Another important aspect of memorials is their potential to have a positive economic impact in the communities that surround them. Designed to guide and promote the speedy growth of Washington, D.C., the monuments in each circle and square of L?Enfant?s plan were meant to lend prestige to their various locations, scattered widely throughout the city.59 By doing so, each was intended to serve as a hub for new development in the infant capital. 57 US Institute of Peace, The Urge to Remember: The Role of Memorials in Social Reconstruction and Transitional Justice, report, January 2007, 9, http://www.usip.org/publications/urge-remember-role-memorials-social- reconstruction-and-transitional-justice. 58 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 11. 59 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 32. 18 Recognizing the value in this strategy, the National Capital Planning Commission?s Monumental Core Framework Plan (MCFP) was developed in 2009. The plan calls for the simultaneous establishment of both monuments and mixed use developments in areas of the district away from the National Mall.60 Citing the L?Enfant Plan, the writers of the MCFP seek to develop Washington?s monumental landscape as an interconnected system of public spaces that promotes the interaction of citizens and government. By doing so, they aim to increase the city?s attractiveness as a destination for people to live, work, and visit.61 2.4 Development of Form and Theme As Washington, D.C.?s monumental landscape has evolved, so too have the forms and the subjects of the monuments that Americans build to commemorate their history. 2.4.1 Heroic Memorials ? Objects in the Landscape At the beginning of their history in the United States, national monument?s traditional form was as an object in the landscape, a focal point at which the achievements of a heroic leader are celebrated. Typical of this paradigm in memorial design, the first memorial built in Washington, D.C. was an equestrian statue of Andrew Jackson, elevated on a plinth in the landscape, in the commemoration of a war hero. Built in 1853 on axis with the White House in Lafayette Park, the memorial is inscribed with the words ?Our federal union must be preserved? and surrounded by cannons. Similarly, L?Enfant?s original 60 U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, Monumental Core Framework Plan, report, January 25, 2010, 2, http://www. cfa.gov/news/20100125.html. 61 U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, Monumental Core Framework Plan, report, January 25, 2010, 8, http://www. cfa.gov/news/20100125.html. 19 conception of the Washington monument was not an Egyptian obelisk, but an equestrian statue of Washington as a general, riding a horse, wearing a laurel wreath, and mounted on a pedestal decorated with illustrations of his military victories.62 Figure 4 Jackson Memorial Figure 5 Lincoln Memorial Figure 6 Grant Memorial [Sickle] [Sickle] [Sickle] 2.4.2 Democratization Over time, American?s views of their nation and themselves have changed along with their sense of taste. So have their preferred forms of commemoration on the National Mall. An international trend that began the democratization of memorial subjects worldwide was sparked by the creation of soldier?s memorials at the end of World War I. The Mall?s first memorial to include the names of individual soldiers was built in 1931 to commemorate the District of Columbia?s fallen soldiers of the Great War. 63 62 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 34. 63 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 239. 20 Figure 7 Washington, D.C. WWI Memorial [Sickle] After the establishment of this memorial and similar ones around the world, the commemoration of individual military heroes and political leaders began to decline and gave way to memorials for groups of soldiers or other non- military individuals.64 2.4.3 Monuments as experiential space Along with traditional heroic themes, literal, figural sculptures as memorials went into decline as well. In their place, landscape monuments that could guide their visitors through a commemorative experience began to be the preferred form of commemoration in the United States. In this new design paradigm, the memorial establishes narrative through procession in space the landscape.65 On the National Mall, this trend was encouraged by the former members of the McMillan Commission who preferred monuments functioned as spatial ensembles rather than independent objects.66 64 Richard Sommer, ?Time Incorporated: The Romantic Life of the Modern Monument,?Harvard Design Magazine, Fall 1999, 40. 65 Carla Corbin, ?The Presence Of Landscape In Contemporary Memorials,? Journal of Landscape Architecture 3, no. 1 (April 2004): 39. 66 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 19. 21 2.4.4 Minimalism-Postmodern Commemoration In the last several decades, trends in the design of national monuments and memorials have continued to shift, beginning with Maya Lin?s design for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Savage attributes its establishment on the Mall to the beginning of a wave of postmodern, minimalist memorials. Freed from traditional religious and patriotic symbolism, the minimalist memorials became the preferred form of commemoration in an increasingly pluralistic United States at the beginning of the 1980s.67 Though they are still being built around the world, minimalist postmodern memorial landscapes now receive criticism for being illegible as the result of the stripping away of defining ornament or symbolism. Without these, their critics argue, they cannot have lasting power to communicate history and instead are capable only of evoking a general sense of loss and absence.68 In the last decade, the 9/11 memorial in New York City, the Jewish Museum in Berlin, and the Princess Diana Memorial in London, have all drawn criticism for their opaque minimalism. Without handbooks explaining their design, Savage asserts, their messages may be hidden to all but their designers.69 In addition to their minimalism, their lack of reference to faith and spirituality has come into question. Heidi Szrom, ASLA, in her essay ?In search of flexible memorials? asks, ?Even in the secular West, shouldn?t a successful memorial at least acknowledge the transcendent power of faith that allows so many to deal with their loss??70 67 Kieran Long, ?The Monument in the Age of Political Correctness,? Landscape Architecture, February 2008, 139. 68 Kieran Long, ?The Monument in the Age of Political Correctness,? Landscape Architecture, February 2008, 140. 69 Kieran Long, ?The Monument in the Age of Political Correctness,? Landscape Architecture, February 2008, 139. 70 Heidi Szrom, ?In Search of Flexible Memorials,? Landscape Architecture, April 1998, 144. 22 2.4.5 Ephemeral Memorials Possibly as a response to the minimalist silence of official commemorative works, a new type of memorial has emerged over the last twenty years. Seeking to produce emotional reactions in the audience, the recent surge in ephemeral and transportable forms of commemoration relies heavily on program and performance. Begun in 1987,71 the AIDS Memorial Quilt is a growing and personalized expression of the grief of those who have lost loved ones to the AIDS epidemic in the United States. Made out of 3?x6? quilted panels created by the families and friends of AIDS victims, the quilt began travelling the country, visiting the National Mall several times starting in the 1980?s. To date, over 14 million people have visited the Quilt at thousands of displays worldwide. 72 Similarly, ?Bus Stop? a proposal for Berlin?s Holocaust Memorial by Renata Stih and Frieder Schnock creates drama by travelling throughout Germany to draw attention to its subject. In their proposal, a series of buses carrying tourists to sites significant to the holocaust, conspicuous to those that see them along their routes, would serve as a reminder of that part of German history.73 A pair of travelling memorials currently exist in the United States. Named ?The ?Travelling Wall? and ?The Wall that Heals,? these scaled-down versions of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial seek to make Maya Lin?s design for the national mall more symbolically accessible to Americans unable to visit 71 The NAMES Project Foundation, ?The AIDS Memorial Quilt,? About, accessed February 21, 2012, http:// www.aidsquilt.org/about/the-aids-memorial-quilt. 72 The NAMES Project Foundation, ?The AIDS Memorial Quilt,? About, accessed February 21, 2012, http:// www.aidsquilt.org/about/the-aids-memorial-quilt. 73 Richard Sommer, ?Time Incorporated: The Romantic Life of the Modern Monument,?Harvard Design Magazine, Fall 1999, 40. 23 Washington, D.C.74 Since the mid-1980?s, these veteran-supported exhibits have made their way around the United States, stopping in any community willing to sponsor their portable memorials ?aluminum or Plexiglas replicas? displaying the same 58,000-plus names that are engraved in the memorial on the Mall, and often surrounded by commemorative flags, military insignia, and elements commemorating more recent wars.75 In her essay ?In Search of Flexible Memorials,? Heidi Szrom, ASLA, celebrates both the AIDS Quilt and the travelling Vietnam walls along with the ad hoc and ephemeral memorials that are spontaneously created at the sites of tragedies, such as the crash of Flight 93, as some of the most touching and effective.76 ?Permanence as manifested in granite memorials,? she writes, ?doesn?t guarantee respect, awe, or lasting impact.?77 More recently, the ephemeral memorial has been adopted as a form of war protest. Between 2004 and 2007, The American Friends Service Committee (one of three groups that created and sponsored the Civilian Public Service) travelled the country with a simple memorial entitled ?Eyes Wide Open.? Made of pairs of boots, spaced evenly in a grid across parks and public spaces, each represented a soldier killed in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Recognizing the potential of ephemeral memorials at the conclusion of his book, ?Monument Wars?, Kirk Savage acknowledges and promotes such experiments in commemoration as appropriate for Washington?s monumental landscape. ?Shifting the ground [of the mall?s memorial landscape] from the 74 Heidi Szrom, ?In Search of Flexible Memorials,? Landscape Architecture, April 1998, 142. 75 Heidi Szrom, ?In Search of Flexible Memorials,? Landscape Architecture, April 1998, 144. 76 Heidi Szrom, ?In Search of Flexible Memorials,? Landscape Architecture, April 1998, 143. 77 Heidi Szrom, ?In Search of Flexible Memorials,? Landscape Architecture, April 1998, 144. 24 permanent to the ephemeral,? he writes, ?would alter the system dramatically.? 78 By accommodating and encouraging temporary forms of commemoration on the National Mall, he suggests, no project could last long enough to become obsolete and designers would be freer to embrace controversial topics, without worrying that politics would scuttle their ideas. Increasing the trend of democratization on the mall and developing it, ?the sacred center would become less sacred. Coalitions and perspectives that are never represented in the memorial landscape would emerge experimentally? it would be a living landscape, diverse and open to change.? 79 78 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 312. 79 Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 312. 25 CHAPTER 3: PRECEDENT STUDIES In the interest of understanding contemporary issues affecting memorial design and public art, this thesis investigates the following six memorials and one street artist?s major works: Maya Lin, Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Washington D.C. Horst Hoheisel, Aschrottbrunnen, Kassel Harman, Henriquez & Oberlander, Reconciliation, Ottawa, Canada Lawrence Halprin, FDR Memorial, Washington D.C. Brian Tolle, Irish Hunger Memorial, New York, New York Peter Eisenman, Denkmal f?r die ermordeten Juden Europas, Berlin Shepard Fairey, Obey GIANT & The Obama ?Progress? Poster Each of the memorial precedent studies, (and to a lesser extent, the street art study,) is structured similarly. The work?s location, history, and form are analyzed. If available, the designer?s stated memorial design philosophy and intent are described as well as any major challenges unique to the establishment of the particular memorial. Finally, each is discussed regarding the critical reaction it has generated; its contribution to contemporary memorial culture; and its potential relevance to design issues affecting the Civilian Public Service memorial. By understanding the issues of and the examples set by each of these prior works, the design of the CPS memorial will seek to develop a form that is both relevant and innovative. 26 3.1 Emotional power through text, chronology, and form Maya Lin, Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Washington D.C. Figure 8 Vietnam Veterans Memorial [Sickle] The Vietnam Veterans Memorial is dedicated to the service of the veterans of the Vietnam War. Though it is a war memorial, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial is an appropriate precedent to study in preparation of the CPS memorial because of its emotional power and its ground-breaking approach to memorial design through the use of chronology, text, and involvement of the landscape and procession. It is located on a three-acre site in Constitution Gardens on the National Mall, east of the Lincoln Memorial. Its design was one of 1421 entries in a national context authorized by congress and sponsored by the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund. Unanimously selected by the context jury on May 1, 1981, the winning design was the work of Maya Ying Lin of Athens, Ohio, a 21-year-old senior architecture student at Yale University.80 After design consultation between Lin and the memorial?s architect and contractors, the design and plans received 80 ?History.? Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund - Founders of The Wall. Accessed February 14, 2012. http:// www.vvmf.org/History. 27 final federal approval on March 11, 1982. Work on the memorial was completed in October, and dedicated on Nov. 13, 1982.81 The monument is composed of angled walls which descend toward their vertex and taper as they rise toward each end. The walls are each 246 feet 9 inches long and made of 37, 40? wide granite panels, the walls are 10 feet in height at their vertex. 82 Spread at a 125 degree angle83, the western wall points toward the Lincoln Memorial and the eastern wall toward the Washington Monument. Challenge The Vietnam Veterans Memorial known sometimes simply as ?The Wall?84 has been both praised and criticized for its stark simplicity and lack of overt symbolism. Since it was designed only six years after the end of the divisive Vietnam War, the political tension surrounding the war at the time led Congress to authorize a memorial that specifically avoided reference to the events and history surrounding the history of the war and that focused only on the lives and service of the men and women who died as a part of the hostilities. Design Philosophy and Process In her book ?Boundaries?, Maya Lin details her approach to monument design including the Vietnam Veterans Memorial at length. Lin writes that early 81 ?History.? Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund - Founders of The Wall. Accessed February 14, 2012. http:// www.vvmf.org/History. 82 The Wall-USA. ?The Vietnam Veterans Memorial.? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall Page. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://thewall-usa.com/information.asp. 83 ?A Veterans? Guide to Washington, D.C. - Congressional and Legislative Affairs.? U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://www.va.gov/oca/vetdc.asp. 84 Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund - Founders of The Wall. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://www.vvmf. org/. 28 in her work on the design, ?I needed to ask myself the question ?What is the purpose of a war memorial at the close of the twentieth century?? My question led me to a study of war memorials.?85 ?I made a conscious decision not to try to do any specific research on the Vietnam War and the political turmoil surrounding it. I felt that the politics and eclipsed the veterans, their service and their lives. I wanted to be able to create a memorial that everyone would be able to respond to, regardless of whether one thought our country should or should not have participated in the war.? 86 Along with her research, Lin began with a written statement of its purpose, which she finds helpful in shaping her approach before diving deep into research. In her design process, after an initial site visit, Lin attempted to dive into research without focusing too directly or self-consciously on the search for an idea of what form her work would take. 87 After finishing the research phase of a project, with all of her accumulated knowledge on a topic permeating her subconscious, Lin simply allows herself to react to her emotions and intuition about the site to shape her design. ?I cannot force a design.? Lin writes, ?I do not see this process as being under my conscious control. It is a process of percolation, with the form eventually finding its way to the surface.? 88 This mysterious part of the process does cause Lin some doubt, but she acknowledges that her final design is often very similar to her first initial reaction as she sculpts or draws it. In the case of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, she quickly sketched her idea after visiting the site and recalls that ?it almost seemed 85 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 3:05. 86 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 4:09. 87 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 3:09. 88 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 3:07. 29 too simple, too little?The image was so simple that anything added to it began to detract from it.? 89 Lin describes this visceral part of her design process as often being very brief when compared to the amount of time she pours into her research. ?It took longer, in fact, to write the statement that [she] felt was needed to accompany the required drawings than to design the memorial.? 90 Writing is a critical part of Lin?s process. Not only did it help her shape the work and describe the experience of viewing her memorial, but she credits her writing for convincing the competition jurors to select her design. 91 At just under 600 words, the description she wrote of the ?long, polished, black stone wall, emerging from and receding into the earth? is a moving explanation of the procession through the memorial, the monument?s use of material, text and chronology and how private grieving is possible in so public a space as the national mall. Form At the Vietnam Veterans Memorial as in many of her projects since, text is a crucial element in Lin?s designs. She sees it as the quickest route to understanding between her and her monument?s viewers and uses it to create a sense of intimacy in large spaces. ?My incorporation of text,? Lin writes, ?requires the viewer to read the work. This act of reading, which is inherently a private act, is made more intimate by my deliberate choice of a smaller-scaled text that one reads like a book, rather than a billboard. This creates a private reading in an otherwise public venue.? 92 89 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 4:11. 90 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 4:11. 91 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 4:12. 92 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 2:05. 30 The thematic use of time is critical to Lin?s storytelling at The Wall and elsewhere. On the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, instead of an alphabetical listing of the veterans which would produce long lines of common names such as ?John Smith? repeated, leaving families to wonder which John was theirs, ?The names are inscribed in the chronological order of their dates of casualty, showing the war as a series of individual human sacrifices and giving each name a special place in history.?93 For the material of The Wall, Lin ?chose black granite in order to make the surface reflective and peaceful.? 94 The mirrored finish of the wall provided an opportunity for visitors to see themselves reflected in the names of those they had lost and kept the space from feeling too tight by reflecting the landscape behind it. Impact and Criticism The memorial, while lauded by the design jury was not without its detractors. Lin described its form as ?black granite walls...gradually ascending toward ground level? whose descent both acted as a sound barrier and ?allowed for a sense of privacy, with the sunlight from the memorial?s southern exposure along with the grassy park surrounding and within its walls, contribute to the serenity of the area.? 95 In response to the blackness of the material and the descent of the path, though, along with the absence of human form, several veterans rejected the memorial design. In a documentary on the design of the memorial, Veteran Tom Carhart decried the memorial as ?Black, the universal color of sorrow and shame 93 ?Design.? Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund - Founders of The Wall. Accessed February 14, 2012. http:// www.vvmf.org/Design. 94 Lin, Maya Lin: Boundaries, 4:10. 95 ?Design.? Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund - Founders of The Wall. Accessed February 14, 2012. http:// www.vvmf.org/Design. 31 and degradation, in all races and all societies worldwide.?96 Carhart protested, ?I believe that the design?is pointedly insulting to the sacrifices made for their country by all Vietnam veterans. By this will we be remembered: a black gash of shame and sorrow, hacked into the national visage that is the Mall.?97 Through Carhart?s and others? criticisms of the memorial, eventually the design was altered to include figural sculptures of three soldiers and three women who served in the war as well, along with an American flag. Lin rejects these additions, likening them to ?putting a mustache on the Mona Lisa? 98 though they were eventually added in less disruptive positions than those originally proposed. In stark contrast to The Wall?s lack of political symbolism, the figures in these sculptures hold weapons and logos representing various branches of the armed services. Figure 9 Memorial Alterations [Sickle] Figure 10 Memorial Alterations [Sickle] 96 American Documentary, Inc. ?True Lives | Maya Lin: A Strong Clear Vision by Freida Lee Mock | a Presentation of American Documentary Inc. and National Educational Telecommunications Association.? American Documentary: True Lives. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://www.amdoc.org/projects/truelives/pg_maya.html. 97 ?The Vietnam Wall Controversy - Round 3 - Overview.? Digital Library | Lehigh University Library Services. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://digital.lib.lehigh.edu/trial/vietnam/r3. 98 PBS. ?POV - Maya Lin.? PBS: Public Broadcasting Service. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://www.pbs. org/pov/mayalin/film_description.php. 32 Even with its alterations, the memorial is widely held as being ?one of the most emotionally powerful monuments in the world.?99 In his book, ?Monument Wars? Kirk Savage praises Lin?s originality in creating a space where visitors could participate in the monument?s emotional life and relevance. He observes: ?Lin?s idea was rigorously antididactic: the visitors to the monument ? not the monument itself ? were supposed to create the moral understanding of the event. Seeing themselves reflected in the wall, mingled with the names and the scenery, would remind them that their own thoughts and reactions were as much the subject matter of the memorial as the soldiers being commemorated. In this respect, Lin?s design exceeded the competition instructions.?100 The interactions the monument inspires which have now become ritual.? taking rubbings of names, leaving personal notes and mementos ? Savage argues, have ?changed how we interact with public monuments and suddenly made them once again a living force, rather than a dying tradition.?101 He believes that ?taking the stance of the anti-monument, ironically, it gave the public monument a new sense of purpose. Above all, it revived the mall as a sacred center, oriented now around the processes of healing and reconciliation.?102 99 Parfit, Michael. ?35 Who Made a Difference: Maya Lin | Arts & Culture | Smithsonian Magazine.? History, Travel, Arts, Science, People, Places | Smithsonian Magazine. Accessed February 14, 2012. http://www. smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/lin.html. 100 Savage, Monument Wars, 273. 101 Savage, Monument Wars, 275-276. 102 Savage, Monument Wars, 276. 33 3.2 Commemorating forgotten history Horst Hoheisel, Aschrottbrunnen, Kassel The Aschrottbrunnen (Aschrott Fountain) in Kassel, Germany is a counter-memorial. Located in front of the city?s town hall, the counter-memorial commemorates both the gift of a fountain to the city by a Jewish businessman and that fountain?s destruction by Nazi activists. Designed by German artist Horst Hoheisel, the memorial is located on the site of the previous fountain and almost entirely within its original 30x30? footprint. The Aschrottbrunnen is an interesting precedent to consider in the development of the Civilian Public Service memorial because of the unique method Horst Hoheisel uses to memorialize a somewhat willfully forgotten history. By subverting the traditional elements and symbolism of monumental form, Hoheisel leads the Aschrottbrunnen?s visitors into a position to view themselves in direct relation to the history of the site.103 In 1908, Sigmund Aschrott, a Jewish entrepreneur, commissioned the city architect, Karol Roth, to design a fountain on the square in front of the City Hall. 104 The fountain, a narrow, neogothic pyramid of sandstone erected over a sandstone catchment area stood twelve meters tall.105 As Jews were increasingly discriminated against and persecuted, the Aschrottbrunnen was eventually condemned as ?Jew?s Fountain,? and on April 9, 1939, a group of Nazi activists tore it down. 106 In the remaining sandstone base that remained, the city planted 103 Loewy, Hanno. ?Identity and Empty Reflections about Horst Hoheisel?s Negative Memory and Yearning for Sacrifice.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/memorials/hoheisel/identity.html. 104 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 423. 105 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 423. 106 Loewy, Hanno. ?Identity and Empty Reflections about Horst Hoheisel?s Negative Memory and Yearning for Sacrifice.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 34 flowers where the fountain had been; and, in 1943, mockingly renamed the location ?Aschrott?s Grave.? 107 In the 1960?s, the town turned ?Aschrott?s Grave? back into a fountain, without the pyramid, but with little local memory of the history of the site.108 When asked what had happened to the original fountain, many locals replied that they believed it had been destroyed by English bombers during the war. 109 Seeking to respond to this fading local memory, Kassel?s Society for the Rescue of Historical Monuments proposed in 1984 that a new monument be built commemorating the site?s history, including Aschrott and his fountain. 110 Challenge As told by Ellen Handler Spitz, in her essay ?Loss as Vanished Form,? Hoheisel?s greatest initial challenge in designing the monument was that he had neither won nor entered the contest for its design. 111 Having seen the winning proposal, a column commemorating Aschrott and the Nazis together, in a single monument, Hoheisel was scandalized. He protested and eventually was granted the right to create his own memorial in the location. 112 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/memorials/hoheisel/identity.html. 107 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 423. 108 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 109 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 110 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 111 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 424. 112 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 424. 35 Design Philosophy For Hoheisel, simple reconstruction or replacement of that which was destroyed would be a decorative lie, betraying the fact of an irreparable violence and encouraging the public to forget what had happened. 113 His counter- monument, therefore, was designed as an allusion to the original, a ?negative form? forcing the spectator to confront the former?s absence.?114 In Hoheisel?s own words: ?I have designed the new fountain as a mirror image of the old one, sunk beneath the old place in order to rescue the history of this place as a wound and as an open question, to penetrate the consciousness of the Kassel citizens so that such things never happen again.? 115 About the Aschrottbrunnen and Hoheisel?s other holocaust-related memorials throughout Germany, James Young writes: ?Horst Hoheisel finds that the most important space of Holocaust memory has not been that in the ground or above it, but that space between the memorial and viewer, between viewers and their own memory?Rather than creating self-contained sites of memory, detached from our daily lives, Hoheisel forces both visitors and local citizens to look within themselves for memory, at their actions and motives for memory within these spaces.116 113 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 114 Meecham and Sheldon, Modern Art: A Critical Introduction, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2000), 92. 115 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 116 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 36 Design Process With this philosophy in mind, of bringing the viewer into the site to remember and to witness the destruction of the previous fountain, Hoheisel decided to research the original monument?s form. Documenting the history of the vanished fountain with photographs and drawings from the original fountain?s design, Hoheisel salvaged its original foundation stones to make its perimeter, but chose not to build it again as a positive towering presence. 117 Form The current Aschrottbrunnen is nearly invisible from the surrounding area. Hoheisel reflected the original pyramid with a negative form of the original, plunging 12 meters deep into the earth. Hollowed and turned downwards, but of exactly the same form and dimensions as the original fountain, Aschrott?s pyramid has now become a funnel.118 Water still flows into the fountain, only now it plunges 12 meters below the street level into the negative space.119 From the surface, Hoheisel?s fountain appears flat and glass covered, but, as it is approached, visitors both hear and - through an iron grate and thick glass windows- 120 see the water that slowly fills narrow channels at their feet before cascading into the hollow space below.121 In a paraphrase of Hoheisel?s words, ?With the running water, our thoughts can be drawn into the depths of history, and there perhaps we will encounter feelings of loss, of a disturbed peace, and 117 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 424. 118 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 424. 119 ?Horst Hoheisel,? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota, 2009, accessed February 14, 2012, http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/memorials/hoheisel/fountain.html. 120 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 121 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 425. 37 of partially forgotten form.? 122 At the site, there is also now a bronze tablet with the original fountain?s image and an inscription detailing what had been there and why it was lost. 123 Impact and Criticism To Hoheisel, ?The sunken fountain is not the memorial at all?It is only history turned into a pedestal, an invitation to passersby who stand upon it to search for the memorial in their own heads.?124 Whether or not this is seen as a work of genius, depends on the critic. On a website chronicling the Aschrottbrunnen and other holocaust related memorials hosted by the University of Minnesota, Dr. Hanno Loewy, director of the Jewish Museum of Hohenems, Austria remarks, ?The negative form, however, is still viewed as problematic by most viewers, who would prefer something uplifting.? 125 However, Loewy does appreciate the way that Hoheisel?s fountain, through its negativity, serves to create a discourse among visitors, who engage in conversations about what the fountain is and what it means. 126 122 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 425. 123 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 124 Young, James E. ?Horst Hoheisel?s Counter Memory of the Holocaust.? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota. August 27, 2010. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/ memorials/hoheisel/. 125 ?Horst Hoheisel,? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota, 2009, accessed February 14, 2012, http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/memorials/hoheisel/fountain.html. 126 ?Horst Hoheisel,? Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies : University of Minnesota, 2009, accessed February 14, 2012, http://chgs.umn.edu/museum/memorials/hoheisel/fountain.html. 38 In her critique, Ellen Handler Spitz appreciates the way that, rather than offer proxy or sanctuary or closure, the Aschrottbrunnen ?attempts to reverse the effects of willed amnesia and to undo repression by eliciting the preconditions for memory and thus for warning.? 127 3.3 Memorializing Peacekeeping Harman, Henriquez & Oberlander, Reconciliation, Ottawa, Canada Reconciliation, the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa, is dedicated to the Canadian forces who have served on UN peacekeeping missions since the Second World War.128 It was designed by sculptor Jack K. Harman, architect Richard G Henriquez, and landscape architect Cornelia Hahn Oberlander. 129 The monument is located only two blocks away from Canada?s Parliament building between Canada?s National Gallery and the United States Embassy. It is slightly less than one acre in size. Honoring the blue-helmeted peacekeeping troops that Canada has provided for UN peacekeeping missions, the monument depicts three peacekeepers, two men and one woman made of bronze. The figures stand on two converging granite walls that are separated by a field of rubble that represents the debris of war. 130 To the east of the walls, the memorial features a paved, semicircular open space and to the north grows a grove of twelve oak 127 Ellen Handler Spitz, ?Loss as Vanished Form: On the Anti-Memorial Sculptures of Horst Hoheisel,? American Imago 62, no. 4 (2005): 425. 128 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 65, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 129 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 130 http://www.canadascapital.gc.ca/places-to-visit/public-art/reconciliation-peacekeeping-monument 39 trees planted in an ovular ring. The inscriptions carved into the monument?s stone, both in English and French, recount the history of the Canadian Peacekeeping forces. Announced in 1988 by the Canadian Department of National Defence, the competition to design the ?Peacekeepers Monument? was launched 1990. 131 After inviting five design teams from throughout Canada, the entrants were given four months to create and submit their design concepts.132 Work on site began in September 1991133 and it was unveiled to the public on October 8, 1992. 134 Significant to the timing of the call for the monument, in 1988 the United Nations Peacekeepers were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, marking forty years of peacekeeping operations around the world. By the time of this anniversary, this work had included the service of 110,000 Canadian soldiers.135 Also significant to the national importance of the monument was the fact that a Canadian statesman, Lester B. Pearson, had been the first to suggest the creation of the UN Chartered international Blue Helmet peacekeeping force?a concept that earned him a Nobel Peace Prize as well. 136 131 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 65, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 132 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 65, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 133 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 65, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 134 ?Reconciliation: The Peacekeeping Monument | Canada?s Capital Region.? Discover Ottawa & Gatineau | Canada?s Capital Region. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.canadascapital.gc.ca/places-to-visit/public-art/ reconciliation-peacekeeping-monument. 135 ?Reconciliation: The Peacekeeping Monument | Canada?s Capital Region.? Discover Ottawa & Gatineau | Canada?s Capital Region. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.canadascapital.gc.ca/places-to-visit/public-art/ reconciliation-peacekeeping-monument. 136 Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 208. Accessed March 06, 2010. 40 Challenge In receiving the call to design the memorial, two significant and interrelated challenges faced the design teams: First, the rules governing the design of the Peacekeeper?s Memorial were programmatically and artistically restrictive. 137 These guidelines required that the monument?s symbolism be made intelligible to a majority of its visitors by including ?literal images and words? so that ?past and present members of the peacekeeping forces, as well as the general public, are able to understand and identify with [its] underlying ideals and values?.138 The monument?s design was required to accommodate use as a public and ceremonial place for social interaction and formal events.139 Finally, the design contest required adherence to a predetermined program and message: ?The intent of the Monument is to recognize and celebrate through artistic, inspirational and tangible form Canada?s past and present peacekeeping role in the world. In that sense it will represent a fundamental Canadian value: no missionary zeal to impose our way of life on others but an acceptance of the responsibility to assist them in determining their own futures by ensuring a non-violent climate in which to do so. The Monument will appeal to those who seek a literal message and to those who are receptive to a more symbolic statement.? 140 Beyond these descriptions, Paul Gough, Dean of Art, Media and Design at the University of West England, points out that the monument designers faced a more basic and potentially overwhelming challenge: How does one, in the post-modern world, monumentalize a concept like peace? In his paper 137 Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 210. Accessed March 06, 2010. 138 Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 210. Accessed March 06, 2010. 139 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 140 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 41 ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memorialization: Reflections on the shifting status of the Peacekeeping Memorial in Ottawa? Gough writes: ?Although a monument to peacekeeping, the conceptualizing of the monument was not completely dissociated from the problems inherent in monumentalizing peace itself. How can the ideals of peace be expressed figuratively, or as part of an urban scheme that specifies intelligibility as the leading aesthetic criteria? If the ?Peacekeeping Monument? is intended as a monument to the pacifying role of unarmed soldiers, how could the invited design teams devise an architectural format and a figurative form that would project the idea of consent, impartiality, and ?conflict control??? 141 Form Abandoning the neoclassical style typical of twentieth century war memorials including the nearby National War Memorial, 142 Reconciliation takes on a distinctly nontraditional form. The monument presents a variety of elements, which can appear to have been strewn about somewhat haphazardly. Its central feature is a corridor of concrete and steel debris inside two solid granite walls upon which are mounted a trio of bronze cast figures. 143 In between these two walls lies a pattern of floor tiles representing the UN designated buffer zone dividing the Mediterranean island of Cyprus, where the Peacekeeping troops worked to cease an ongoing conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots.144 141 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 142 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 71, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 143 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 144 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 42 Into the granite exteriors of these walls have been carved several quotations important to the history of Canada?s involvement in UN Peacekeeping missions and a sequence of 48 locations where Canadians have served in a peacekeeping role. Blank space, left in anticipation of 30 more inscriptions, remains. 145 On the north side of the monument, 12 oak trees arranged around an ovoid mound represent the ten provinces and the two territories from which Canadian peacekeeping forces are drawn. 146 In an effort to translate this collection of symbols, a plaque is provided to explain the monument?s content and character. It reads: ?Members of Canada?s Armed Forces, represented by three figures, stand at the meeting place of two walls of destruction. Vigilant, impartial, they oversee the reconciliation of those in conflict. Behind them lies the debris of war. Ahead lies the promise of peace; a grove, symbol of life. 147? Impact and Criticism As the first monument of its kind, Reconciliation has received an array of criticisms aimed mostly at its unintelligible form and the lack of cohesion of its many elements. Paul Gough, in a separate essay entitled ?Invicta pax? Monuments, Memorials and peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa? communicates his frustration with the monument: ?Reconciliation neither satisfies as a polemic against war, nor as a declaration 145 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 70, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 146 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 70, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 147 Paul Gough, ?Peacekeeping, Peace, Memory: Reflections on the Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa,? Canadian Military History 11, no. 03 (Summer 2002): 69, accessed January 27, 2012, http://scholars.wlu.ca/ cmh/vol11/iss3/2/. 43 of peace. As monumental sculpture, it is neither metonymic, nor interrogative; it does not evoke shared memory nor does it pose many awkward questions. Unlike most ?war? memorials it makes no attempt at closure or the resolution of private or public suffering.? 148 Saddled with the complicated role of finding the appropriate monumental language for peace and the uniqueness of their subject, Gough wonders if the monument?s designers were overwhelmed. ?The monument,? he writes ?was freighted with a complex amalgam of themes?world peace, disarmament, reconciliation, intervention, arbitration, unarmed heroism? few of which it was ever intended to serve.? 149 While he does appreciate the monument?s recording of the historic involvements of Canada?s troops, Gough seems disappointed that the memorial?s only means of maintaining its relevance is through the 30 blank spaces on it?s wall that presuppose a future peacekeeping role for Canadian troops. 150 Ultimately, he concludes that, ?Despite its constant evocation as a symbol of peaceful intervention and its regular use as a dignified and ceremonial space, Reconciliation is little more than a memorandum in stone to a distinctive phase of Canadian military history.? 151 Robert Sibley, senior writer for the Ottawa Citizen seems to agree with Gough?s disappointment. In his 2009 article, ?In search of Canada?s warrior spirit? Sibley struggles to appreciate the ?obscure memorials and geometric forms? that reflect the soldiers? sacrifice.152 Sibley writes that he is ?uncertain whether it succeeds in balancing the figurative (those three soldiers) and the abstract 148 ?Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 221. Accessed March 06, 2010. 149 ?Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 221. Accessed March 06, 2010. 150 ?Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 221. Accessed March 06, 2010. 151 ?Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 221. Accessed March 06, 2010. 152 Robert Sibley, ?In Search of Canada?s Warrior Spirit: Heroic Monuments, Obscure Memorials and Geometric Forms Reflect a Nation?s Sacrifice,? The Ottawa Citizen, August 04, 2009, accessed October 16, 2011, http://www. ottawacitizen.com/news/search+Canada+warrior+spirit/1858807/story.html. 44 (those shattered walls) to achieve its symbolic purpose.? Ultimately, he seems to view the monument as the inevitable outcome of a contest collaboratively administered by Canada?s Department of National Defence and its National Capital Commission explaining that ?The latter didn?t want anything too warlike, while the former was not going to have its soldiers portrayed as glorified babysitters.? 153 Interestingly, some of the monument?s most recent critics seem to prefer to remain anonymous. In a news brief entitled ?Vandals deface national Peacekeeping Monument? released by the CBC in April 2008, it was reported that the monument had been defaced with graffiti, apparently targeting Canada?s role in Afghanistan. On the granite face of the memorial, a picture in the brief shows ?an anarchist symbol and the words ?dead Afghan civilians? and ?no more? spray- painted in black.? 154 Because of Canada?s involvement in US-led international conflicts since 1991 when Canadian troops became part of the International Coalition against Iraq, the continuing relevance of Reconciliation has come into question. 155 Both Gough and the graffiti artists have used the monument as a rallying point, to call attention to Canada?s departure from a previously respected peacekeeping stance. Perhaps the blank space left behind by Harman, Henriquez, and Oberlander was critical to maintaining the monument?s relevance after all. 153 Robert Sibley, ?In Search of Canada?s Warrior Spirit: Heroic Monuments, Obscure Memorials and Geometric Forms Reflect a Nation?s Sacrifice,? The Ottawa Citizen, August 04, 2009, accessed October 16, 2011, http://www. ottawacitizen.com/news/search+Canada+warrior+spirit/1858807/story.html. 154 ?Vandals Deface National Peacekeeping Monument - Ottawa - CBC News.? CBC.ca - Canadian News Sports Entertainment Kids Docs Radio TV. April 04, 2008. Accessed October 11, 2011. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ ottawa/story/2008/04/04/ot-monument-080404.html. 155 Gough, P. ?? Invicta Pax ? Monuments, Memorials and Peace: An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.? International Journal of Heritage Studies 8, no. 3 (2002): 209. Accessed March 06, 2010. 45 Selection as Precedent Reconciliation is a relevant precedent monument to study in preparation for the design of the Civilian Public Service memorial because it is the world?s first monument dedicated to honoring soldiers for peacekeeping action.156 The designers of the Canadian Peacekeeping Memorial are amongst the few throughout history who have been tasked with developing a monumental language to celebrate actions that worked against war. Located on a site of national prominence and visible from the Parliament building and US Embassy, Reconciliation is an unavoidable piece of Canada?s monumental expression of its ideals. In selecting a location for and the physical language of the Civilian Public Service memorial, Reconciliation will be an important example to consider. As one of the only monuments in the world honoring positive action against war in a nation?s capital, it comes closer than any other to being a thematic precedent. 156 ?Reconciliation: The Peacekeeping Monument | Canada?s Capital Region.? Discover Ottawa & Gatineau | Canada?s Capital Region. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.canadascapital.gc.ca/places-to-visit/public-art/ reconciliation-peacekeeping-monument. 46 3.4 Choreographing History Lawrence Halprin, FDR Memorial, Washington D.C. Figure 11 FDR Memorial [Sickle] The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, designed by landscape architect Lawrence Halprin, is a memorial dedicated to the 32nd president and the accomplishments and history of the twelve years of his presidency. It is located along the southwest shore of the Tidal Basin in West Potomac Park, Part of the National Mall. The 7.5 acre memorial honors President Roosevelt in a landscape of four outdoor rooms with granite walls, statuary, inscriptions, waterfalls and thousands of plants, shrubs, and trees along the famous cherry tree walk on the Tidal Basin. The memorial?s four outdoor gallery rooms offer visitors a historical narrative of the years 1933 to 1945, each symbolizing one of FDR?s four terms in office.157 Although land was set aside for the memorial in 1959, it was not until after several design competitions, that in 1978, Halprin?s memorial design received final approval from the FDR Memorial Commission of Fine Arts. 158 It took almost another twenty years, till May 2, 1997 to see the memorial completed and 157 ?FDR Memorial Dedication,? Welcome To The White House, accessed February 12, 2012, http://clinton2. nara.gov/WH/New/html/fdr.html. 158 ?FDR Memorial Dedication,? Welcome To The White House, accessed February 12, 2012, http://clinton2. nara.gov/WH/New/html/fdr.html. 47 dedicated by President Bill Clinton. The FDR memorial is an appropriate precedent study in the design of the CPS memorial, because in a way not explored by any other monument in Washington, D.C., Halprin Guides the viewer on an interactive tour of history, staged in landscape. It is also a good example to study because Halprin kept and wrote such a detailed description of his process for designing the memorial, complete with working diagrams to explain how his ideas developed into the built work, how he collaborated with sculptors whose works give the memorial much of its emotional power, and how he anticipated the movement of visitors through the design. Design Philosophy and Process Halprin believed that ?memorials are archetypal. They speak of life?s meanings, of value systems held in common, of significant challenges and events in the history of a tribe or nation. Memorials speak to us over the ages. They transmit universal truths and experience; they pass the torch of meaning from one generation to the next.? 159 Early on, he felt that continuing the ?classical motif? in presidential monument building was not appropriate for a memorial to a modern president. Halprin wrote, ?It would not represent the challenge of a new world in the making. I therefore began to look for a form that was more emotional and more expressive; a form that would express universally shared human experiences with the informality and complexity of modern life.? 160 Like Maya Lin, before beginning her design for the Vietnam Veterans memorial, Halprin found it necessary to contemplate the purpose for a presidential memorial in modern times. ?All cultures from primitive times to 159 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 6. 160 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 5. 48 the present have celebrated their gods, their heroes, and their major events though memorials.? He wrote, ?Some cultures have cast their monuments in the physical form of the megaliths such as Stonehenge in England or of classical temples such as the Acropolis and Delphi in Greece. Each civilization has expressed much of its own character through the forms in which it cast its great monuments.?161 Beginning with a clean slate in regard to form then, Halprin described the design process as an ?exercise in three-dimensional imagination? in which he, as designer must simultaneously anticipate the monument?s form from the site scale down to the smallest detail as well as the emotional connection that viewers of the monument will experience it through all of their senses.162 He ?decided that only a slow-paced, personal experience which would take place over sufficient time could transmit the importance of this era to future generations.? To create this experience, Halprin designed a meandering, linear memorial using form, material, text and sculpture to tell the story of FDR?s presidency. Form Through early site visits, Halprin observed the possibility of disturbing adjacent land uses. Baseball fields immediately next to the site, and National Airport across the Potomac River with their everyday noises made up what he referred to as ?profane? space which he needed to separate from the ?sacred space? of the Tidal Basin and the memorial. To accomplish this separation, Halprin chose to use a long wall to define the sacred space and separate it from the profane, as a way of breaking up space within the memorial and guiding its visitors? path. 163 161 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 6. 162 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 2. 163 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 9. 49 Figure 12 FDR Memorial [Sickle] In order to draw the viewer along the historical timeline, it was logical to Halprin that the monument should be divided into four rooms, one for each term of FDR?s presidency. ?The long processional and its defining wall were therefore segmented into four outdoor rooms. Each room would be devoted to one of FDR?s terms in office and would tell the story of what happened to the country and the world during that period. The number four began to set a basic rhythm in and around the memorial ? four presidential memorials, four terms in office, four outdoor rooms.? 164 Though built after the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the FDR memorial?s design predates it by several years. At the time, ?the idea of a processional design reaching outward in the landscape was a surprising innovation and one which had not yet been attempted.? 165 By March 1976, the basic scheme for Memorial?s architecture had been established, but its text and imagery still needed to be integrated into the greater plan. 166 It was at this point that Halprin enlisted the help of sculptors 164 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 10. 165 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 11. 166 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 20. 50 Leonard Baskin, Neil Estern, Robert Graham, Tom Hardy, and George Segal to develop the narrative of the monument. 167 With them, Halprin and the designers discussed their personal memories of FDR, his affect on their lives and the historically important moments and events of his presidency. 168 ?We pinned [an image bank] on the walls and discussed them, hoping to find mutual agreements as to which images we might want to use. We considered sculptural clusters, we developed themes, and we produced a general storyboard for the Memorial.? 169 ?It became clear to us,? Halprin wrote, ?That the sculptures which depicted only FDR could not carry the vitality of what happened during those years. The drama of the times required references to the events and the people who were affected by them.? 170 His collaboration with the sculptors led to depictions of the breadlines from the depression, and instead of FDR speaking into a microphone for one of his ?fireside chats,? it was decided that a sculpture of a man listening to the chat would be more emotionally powerful. To select the text that would be carved into the memorial, Halprin ?turned to Dr. William Luchtenburg, a renowned FDR scholar, for discussions about FDR?s most important achievements and about the quotations that would best express them? 171 and worked with master stone-carver John Benson to select a letterform that properly reflected the modernity of FDR?s presidency. 167 ?FDR Memorial Dedication,? Welcome To The White House, accessed February 12, 2012, http://clinton2. nara.gov/WH/New/html/fdr.html. 168 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 25. 169 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 25. 170 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 25. 171 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 31. 51 Water, also, is a key feature of the FDR Memorial?s design. ?The water in the Memorial speaks about life?s basic issues ? water represents nature, health, power, and agricultural plenty?Water brings animation to urban centers through sound, light reflections, and cooling spray.? 172 Halprin used this element in his four rooms and along the path of the memorial to create in each, a single statement that signified the term. In the first room, a single large drop signifying the crash of the economy that led to the Great Depression; in the second room, a cascading stair representing one of the Tennessee Valley Authority dam-building projects that FDR used to bring the country out of depression; in the third term, a chaotic grouping of waterfalls representing the destruction of World War II, a still pool representing FDR?s funeral procession, and finally, a grand waterfall symbolizing the exuberance of the end of war and of national recovery. Impact and Criticism Halprin saw the memorial as an opportunity to create an ?experiential history lesson that people could grasp on their own as they walked through it.?173 In a recent visit to many of the memorials on the National Mall including all of the other presidential memorials and several of the more prominent war memorials, the FDR memorial was the only one at which I observed adults using the memorial as an opportunity to teach the children that were with them about the history behind the memorial. 172 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 33. 173 Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, 7. 52 Figure 13 Children examining text at the FDR Memorial [Sickle] Selection as Precedent The FDR Memorial is an appropriate precedent to study in preparation for designing a memorial to the CPS because it exhibits a unique combination of two things; the teaching of America?s national history and Lawrence Halprin?s ability to choreograph the visitor?s experience of the landscape. Designed before the Vietnam Veteran?s Memorial, Halprin?s design was one of the earliest of a truly modern landscape memorial. In it, he directs the visitor?s experience through the FDR Memorial in an easy-to-follow and enticing four-part historical narrative. As the history of the CPS is not widely known, the FDR Memorial?s example will be important to consider when developing methods to communicate the story of the program and in drawing its visitors into a deeper curiosity about the program. 53 3.5 Landscape as Object Brian Tolle, Irish Hunger Memorial, New York, New York Figure 14 Irish Hunger Memorial [Sickle] The Irish Hunger Memorial is a unique precedent to consider in the design of the Civilian Public Service memorial because it commemorates a non-military event in history while introducing three new accomplishments into the field of memorial design. First, in a reversal of more traditional memorial form, an object in the landscape, in the Irish Hunger Memorial a landscape itself becomes the object. Second, the Irish Hunger Memorial commemorates an event that occurred over one hundred and fifty years before it was built and attempts to make it relevant in the post-modern world. And third, the monument contains text whose content is not selected by the designer and that can be changed over time. This creates a level of flexibility and adaptability of the memorial aimed at preserving its relevance into the future. The Irish Hunger Memorial is dedicated to victims of the Great Irish Famine of 1845-1852. It is located in Battery Park City in Manhattan, N.Y., two blocks west of the World Trade Center, overlooking the Hudson River with a view out to the Statue of Liberty. The memorial was the winning entry of a design contest organized by the Battery Park City Authority in 2000. Out of the one hundred fifty applicants, five finalists received $10,000 grants to create 54 models and detailed plans for the memorial.?174 The design that was selected was the work of local New York artist Brian Tolle with the assistance of Jurgen Riehm and David Piscuskas of the firm 1100 Architect and landscape architect Gail Wittwer.175 Ground-breaking for the memorial took place in 2001 and it was officially opened to the public on July 9, 2002.176 The 96? x 170? memorial, an Irish landscape consisting of a stone cottage, fallow potato fields and native Irish turf and flora, rises above its half-acre site on a plinth of limestone and clear bands of text.177 The landscape contains stones from each of Ireland?s 32 counties. The text, which combines the history of the Great Famine with contemporary reports on world hunger, is cast as shadow onto illuminated frosted glass panels.178 Design Philosophy In approaching the memorial design project, Tolle was concerned about preserving his creation?s relevance from the beginning. In an interview with BOMB magazine, he explained: ?The mission was to create a memorial to the Irish Famine, and use it as a catalyst to address issues of world hunger.?179 The idea that the memorial would address issues beyond its direct historic inspiration would help him to overcome what he saw as a challenge in memorial design in general, the static nature of memorial?s existence. Tolle framed the problem this way: ?The tradition of the monument is something that is unchanging, unyielding, that continues to persevere as the 174 Ebony, David. ?An Irish Lament.? Art in America 05 (May 2003): 55. Accessed November 01, 2011. JSTOR. 175 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 176 Ebony, David. ?An Irish Lament.? Art in America 05 (May 2003): 55. Accessed November 01, 2011. JSTOR. 177 ?Parks & Playgrounds.? Battery Park City Parks Conservancy. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www. bpcparks.org/bpcp/parks/parks.php. 178 ?Parks & Playgrounds.? Battery Park City Parks Conservancy. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www. bpcparks.org/bpcp/parks/parks.php. 179 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 55 world changes around it?eventually people just forget about it because attitudes change, the event was so long ago that it?s just a block of stone in the park.?180 So, instead of creating an unchanging object to be looked at from without and placed in the landscape, Tolle set out to create an interactive and dynamic memorial that he described as ?a popular place, a place that provides information and a space for contemplation.?181 Design Process Comparing the task of memorial design to his more typical work in creating contemporary sculptures, Tolle says: ??When someone invites you to make a monument, it?s a very different situation. It is about us, now but it?s always also about them, then.? 182 Just as Lawrence Halprin began the design of the FDR memorial and as Maya Lin began the design of each of her memorials, Tolle?s approach to designing the Irish Hunger Memorial began with seeking a deep and accurate understanding of his subject.183 As part of his research, Tolle enlisted historian Maureen O?Rourke-Murphy and Irish cultural liaison Adrian P. Flannelly to guide the work?s historical accuracy in its various references to the Great Famine.?184 He also travelled to Ireland during the competition phase of the project where he was able to establish an emotional connection with the topic. Tolle recalls being struck by ?the power of absence? in abandoned villages, and by the layers of geological history in the cliffs along the Irish Sea.185 His research 180 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 181 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 182 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 183 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 184 Ebony, David. ?An Irish Lament.? Art in America 05 (May 2003): 55. Accessed November 01, 2011. JSTOR. 185 Cynthia Davidson, ?The Artist Brian Tolle, with 1100 Architect, Gives a Twist to Known and Nostalgic Elements in the Design for the IRISH HUNGER MEMORIAL in Lower Manhattan,? Architectural Record 191, no. 7 (July 56 also led to the final name of the memorial. Instead of referring to his work as the memorial to the ?Great Famine,? Tolle relies on the Irish description of the period. ?Hunger is the Irish term for it,? he explains, ?the Great Hunger.?186 While in Ireland, Tolle also studied existing memorials dedicated to the Famine. ?There are a number of these memorials to the famine and they are almost always bronze, and they almost always represent an emaciated woman and child.? 187 Form Wanting to avoid a repetition of the existing memorials and in an effort to make the memorial speak about issues broader than the history of the famine, Tolle created a memorial without human figures which would have anchored it to a particular place and time. Instead, ?the memorial features two distinct yet interrelated elements. Raised above street level, a large, sloping concrete platform with a scalloped edge is covered with earth, vegetation, and fragments of stone structures, including walls and a roofless cottage,? writes critic David Ebony. Instead of ?emaciated? human figures, Tolle used the power of the absence of people in the abandoned towns of Ireland to shape the monument. Through this, the monument?s subject becomes the land itself.188 Subtle symbolism inspired by Tolle?s historic research permeates the memorial. Even the size of the monument refers to its underlying history. Above its plinth of limestone and glass, the area of the landscape with its potato rows and pasture is one quarter-acre. ?This is significant,? Tolle explains, because at 2003), accessed October 16, 2011, JSTOR. 186 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 187 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 188 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 57 the time of the famine ?the English instituted a poor tax in Ireland which made landlords responsible for the tax of tenants occupying land less than a quarter- acre. This led to the evictions of the poorest tenant farmers.?189 The abandoned and roofless cottage featured in the landscape, also refers to this history of desperation and flight. ?In order to qualify for ?relief, they had to be destitute, which meant that they had to surrender everything, including their farms.? Tolle learned, ?People literally tore the roofs off their own houses to demonstrate that they had nothing. And they had to give up the other thing that had sustained their life ? their land.? 190 Though Tolle knew that the empty land was critical to telling the story of the Great Hunger, he also thought that, ?The piece wouldn?t be believable as a landscape,? Tolle noted, ?It had to become a sculptural object.? 191 For this reason, and to allow the memorial to transcend the story of the famine, he lifted it off of the ground. This created an effect that W. Kaizen of BOMB magazine described as ?a displaced quarter-acre of the Irish countryside, cantilevered out over the sidewalk ? a combination of postmodern monument and landscape.? 192 Beneath the transplanted Irish landscape, the memorial?s base relates it to the present through architectural and functional postmodernism. 193 Its walls are made of layers of narrow, horizontal strips of polished Kilkenny limestone imported from Ireland,194 writes David Ebony, a critic for Art in America magazine. 189 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 190 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 191 Cynthia Davidson, ?The Artist Brian Tolle, with 1100 Architect, Gives a Twist to Known and Nostalgic Elements in the Design for the IRISH HUNGER MEMORIAL in Lower Manhattan,? Architectural Record 191, no. 7 (July 2003), accessed October 16, 2011, JSTOR. 192 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 193 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 194 Ebony, David. ?An Irish Lament.? Art in America 05 (May 2003): 55. Accessed November 01, 2011. JSTOR. 58 ?These strips alternate with long, backlit bands of thick glass several inches high. Lines of blocky text mounted on thin bands of Plexiglas, which are inserted behind each glass slat, can be changed or removed.? 195 ?By creating these strata,? Tolle says, ?we provided 8,000 linear feet of space for text. The text is inscribed in glass, sandwiched between layers of stone. That amount of space allows for multiple interpretations, experiences, descriptions of the events as they unfolded??196 Here, more of Tolle?s subtle symbolism is at work. The artist?s interest in the layered, geological history of Ireland is referenced, as well as his admiration of Irish poetry. The linear format of the words are Tolle?s method of avoiding ?blocks of didactic text?Whenever we think of Ireland,? he says, ?we think of lyricism, Joyce?s lyricism?It didn?t seem appropriate for the text to be expressed in a block form that was definitive and authoritative.?197 Figure 15 Text Strata in the Irish Hunger Memorial [Sickle] 195 Ebony, David. ?An Irish Lament.? Art in America 05 (May 2003): 56. Accessed November 01, 2011. JSTOR. 196 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 197 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 59 Truly cementing the memorial?s postmodern status, Tolle has released the responsibility of choosing its text. ?My role is to organize what is said, to present it- not to say it,? he says. ?There is an executive committee and an Irish historian who will provide the text.?198 Both this abdication of his authority as a designer and the living character of its surface are attempts at keeping it dynamic and relevant. Tolle knows to expect that the monument will change. ?We?re going to have to adjust to the conditions as the environment, as the culture, as the population comes into it.?199 Impact and Criticism By creating a monument of which Tolle releases his control over parts of its story, he creates the opportunity for interaction and continued interest designed into its form. Tolle explains that a key to this continued development is the fact that ?It?s?updateable in the sense that we can talk about hunger as it appears in different places in the world.?200 Contemplating the monument?s interesting potential for relevance, in a critique for the Architectural Record, Cynthia Davidson remarks ?As apartment towers continue to rise above the landfill of Battery Park City, bringing prosperity to [the] waterfront?a memorial to hunger seems incongruous at best.? She asks, ?What is this thing, so out of place, yet uncannily so perfectly out of place?? 201 198 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 199 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 200 Kaizen, William R. ?Brian Tolle.? BOMB Magazine. Summer 2001. Accessed February 12, 2012. http:// bombsite.com/issues/76/articles/2400. 201 Cynthia Davidson, ?The Artist Brian Tolle, with 1100 Architect, Gives a Twist to Known and Nostalgic Elements in the Design for the IRISH HUNGER MEMORIAL in Lower Manhattan,? Architectural Record 191, no. 7 (July 2003), accessed October 16, 2011, JSTOR. 60 The interesting juxtapositions created by the monument are the basis for its success. Tolle?s monument is landscape on architecture; Ireland in New York; hunger amidst prosperity. Imaginative and evocative in the harmony between the landscape and its geometrically abstract base, 202 the Irish Hunger Memorial has entered a place inhabited by the prosperous and begins a discussion about global hunger, a problem that might otherwise escape their daily consideration. 3.6 Memorializing the Unaestheticizable Peter Eisenman, Denkmal f?r die ermordeten Juden Europas, Berlin Figure 16 Denkmal f?r ermordeten Juden Europas [Sickle] The Denkmal f?r die ermordeten Juden Europas (Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe) is a memorial dedicated to the Jewish victims of the holocaust in Europe. It is located immediately east of and adjacent to the Tiergarten in Berlin, Germany, two blocks south of the German Reichstag (parliament building) and one block south of the Brandenburg Gate. The winning entry of an international competition, the memorial was designed by American 202 Ebony, David. ?An Irish Lament.? Art in America 05 (May 2003): 55. Accessed November 01, 2011. JSTOR. 61 architect Peter Eisenman in 1997203 and chosen as winner in the spring of 1998. The Monument was officially opened to the public by the president of the German Bundestag (Parliament) on May 10, 2005.204 The memorial is arranged in a grid formation consisting of a 5-acre field of 2,711 smooth, concrete, stelae (and the pathways formed by the voids in between them)205 that disintegrates at its edges. The stelae are the same width as the paths between them, (95cm.) all of equal length, (238cm.) and some of them are slightly tilted. 206 Shorter at the edges of the site, the stelae rise toward the center as the ground falls away, towering over visitors walking in the paths between them. Emphasizing the height of the central stelae, the paths descend to a depth of 2.4 meters below street level in the center of the memorial. 207 In keeping with the regularity of the rest of the design, the paths are paved with a grid of concrete cobblestones. No text, signs, or sculptures are present at the memorial to assist in its interpretation. Challenge The regularity and starkness of the stelae are Eisenman?s response to the unique challenge created by the subject of the design: how to give shape to the memorialization of the unthinkable.208 In a speech in 2005, Eisenman recalled the dilemma. ?The National Socialist Party of 1930s Germany clearly aestheticized politics. How, then, is it possible to aestheticize their crime against humanity if to aestheticize means in some way to transcend the ordinary through 203 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 6. 204 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 1. 205 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 10. 206 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 207 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 208 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 62 some form of beauty??209?Everyone wondered whether it was even possible to find the right form, let alone an appropriate design,? recalls Hanno Rauterberg, German architectural critic and co-author of Eisenman Architects? book Holocaust Memorial Berlin. ?Some?felt that any aesthetic treatment of the Holocaust would merely serve to make it more palatable; others?believed Germany was trying to lay the issue to rest by burying its towering guilt under a towering work of art.? 210 Design Philosophy With this dilemma in mind, one of Eisenman?s earliest tasks was to understand the memorial?s purpose. In his opinion, the memorial was not meant to be one of self-flagellation on behalf of the German people, of retelling the history of the Holocaust, or of ritual.211 Eisenman ?wanted this memorial to be a Mahnmal not a Denkmal, a warning more than a remembrance.?212 It was his goal that the monument ?should stand as a warning against the reason and rationality that is the hallmark of the 20th century, against the efficiency of machines and production and capital gone awry. [The] field looks like a field of reason, all lined up, but when reason becomes obsessive, chaos ensues.? 213 Eisenman?s other objective for the monument, one which relied on his own experience, was ?to touch not only the Jewish survivor families, but most importantly, the Germans. [He] wanted in some way to begin to normalize the German relationship with the past, if such is a thing is possible, to bring it into everyday life?Without that,? he believed ?there can never be an integrated 209 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 210 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 211 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 212 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 11. 213 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 11. 63 Jewish community in Berlin or Germany.?214 Already having some experience in the country, Eisenman found the German people to be overly conciliatory regarding the holocaust. ?Every time I am in Germany I feel different not because I am an architect or an American but because I am a Jewish architect. I do not feel like a Jewish architect in the United States? he said.215 Through the memorial, he sought to create a design that would ?normalize the condition of being a Jew in the world.? 216 Design Process While Eisenman does not explain the process by which he arrived at the field of stelae, he has spoken and written in depth how his goals for the memorial are realized in its form. In keeping with his goal not to aestheticize the Holocaust, Eisenman recalls: ?I wanted visitors to have an experience almost impossible to associate; I wanted them to go to an alien place and relate to it just by being there. I wanted it to be as unassimilatable, as un-nameable, unspeakable and unthinkable as the Holocaust itself.?217 Eisenman was also careful to avoid giving the memorial any suggestion of path, progression, or program. He states, ?I wanted it to be an open memorial, to be part of the city, and not to bear names or inscriptions that tell you what it is and proscribe how to use it. I did not want any figures that would portray feelings of the past other than an experience in the present.?218 214 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 3. 215 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 2. 216 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 9. 217 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 11. 218 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 4. 64 Form The desire to create an ?open? and ?alien? experience was translated by Eisenman into a design that departs from many of the traditional expectations of a memorial. The design has ?no sense of occasion, no discernable aim, no entrance, no exit. It does not lend itself to state ceremony or wreath-laying. There is literally no room for such gestures. [The stelae] are too close together, too densely grouped, for that. They do not follow the logic of ceremony or the economy of focused attention.?219 By avoiding text, symbol, and other traditional monumental ornamentation, Eisenman claims that the monument is able to create the sense of ?dual time.? He explains this to mean that the memorial?s visitor is able to simultaneously focus on their experience of the present and their remembrance of the past while they inhabit the space.220 Instead of overt symbolism, minimal variations in its rigid pattern are used to shape the visitors? experience. ?The pillars?tip at odd angles randomly within the field.? 221 Eisenman uses this disruption of the pattern to create ?a sense of unease, that all is not straight in the world.?222 The slope of the site is also crucial to the experience of the memorial. Eisenman states that, in his design for the site, ?The topography of the land is uneven and undulating; it is deliberately difficult to walk on.?223 Rauterberg, his co-author, comments, ?Even though it is all paved to near sterile perfection,? 219 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 220 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 221 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 10. 222 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 10. 223 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 10. 65 those drawn into the space soon be ?lurching as though on a choppy sea, unable to hold fast to one another, for the passageways are too narrow.? 224 Unlike the Vietnam Veteran?s Memorial, the minimalism of the Memorial the Murdered Jews of Europe?s design was spared from public and governmental edits. This fortunate circumstance leaves intact the abstraction of Eisenman?s post-modern memorial. The starkness of the space was designed to raise questions. ?What is it all about? Why are these concrete blocks standing here?? Rauterberg asks. ?We wander around them, bewildered, trying to draw some meaning from them. But nothing takes hold on these massive plinths, no image, no notion. They are so smooth, so finely crafted, that no meaning adheres to them.?225 ?What has been created here is not a landscape of remembrance, but a landscape of experience.? 226 He continues, ?The orthogonal grid gives us a sense of security and makes us feel insecure. We are suffocated by its spaciousness, confused by its clarity.? 227 Impact and Criticism In his 2005 lecture at the Leo Baeck Institute, Eisenman remembers, ?When I was invited in 1997 to participate in the competition to design a memorial, I was skeptical because?I thought anything that one would do, would be kitsch and the worst thing would be to do a kitsch Holocaust memorial. I was afraid of this, and I did not think I could do it.? While the monument has drawn both ample praise and criticism in its brief history, the assertion that it is ?kitsch? is not typically one of them. 224 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 225 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 226 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 227 Rauterberg, Binet, and Wassmann, Holocaust Memorial Berlin. 66 Regarding his goal of ?normalizing the condition of Jewishness in the world,? the memorial falls somewhat flat. Eisenman argues that the memorial has made progress on this front, stating that he knows that ?many American Jews who would not go to Germany before now, because of the Memorial, plan to go to Berlin?If Germans can get over the Holocaust in the sense of acknowledging it so publicly and yet moving on, then American Jews can get over the fact that Germany was the nation of the perpetrators.?228 It is not clear that this can mean a global, or even the German ?normalization of Jewishness,? though. Eisenman also stated that the memorial?s objective was to serve as a place of warning more than it was to be a place of remembrance. Unfortunately, it is possible that neither has occurred. Children play freely in the memorial, jumping from stele to stele, apparently unmoved to be leaping about this cautionary landscape dedicated to the memory of the Holocaust. Furthermore, Eisenman himself claims as a mark of its success that ?the average German has accepted the everyday quality of something so horrific that they now call a friend and say, meet me for lunch at the Holocaust memorial.? 229 These uses, which seem to disprove the notion that the design serves as either Denkmal or Mahnmal, show that monumental minimalism can easily become monumental silence. By avoiding text and any form that might be recognizable to the visitor, the monument fails to remember or to warn and becomes merely an interesting geometric abstraction. 228 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 9. 229 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 4. 67 Selection as Precedent The Denkmal f?r die ermordeten Juden Europas is an appropriate precedent to study in preparation for the design of the CPS memorial because of its innovative form, the recentness of its creation, and the prominent location that it inhabits. In the Denkmal, Eisenman experiments with a new way of involving the visitor in the monumental landscape; he draws them in and creates a sense of discomfort, without a clear narrative or path to follow. This is a significant departure from the clear linear progressions of the FDR memorial and the Vietnam Veteran?s Wall. Though the Denkmal abandons any attempt at the literal representation of history, which is normally a logical goal for a memorial, Eisenman claims that his design is meant to serve more as a warning, a message to future generations about reason become madness. While Eisenman?s topic has a well known history compared to the Civilian Public Service, his forward-thinking approach will be important to consider in designing a monument with the potential to maintain its relevance. Further, Eisenman was impressed with the prominence and scale of the location given for the Denkmal.230 That a government would give such a prime piece of real estate to the creation of a monumental landscape of penance and regret is an example that should impact American thinking about the character of our own major memorials. The Denkmal f?r die ermordeten Juden Europas sets aside triumphalism and develops Berlin?s, and therefore Germany?s vision of itself and its history. Perhaps the CPS memorial could tap into this potential, to broaden and mature the monumental character that defines Washington, D.C. 230 Peter Eisenman, ?Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe,? Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture, vol. 49 (New York: Leo Baeck Institute, 2005), 3. 68 3.7 Ephemerality, Subversion, and Politics Street Art Although neither memorials nor landscapes, the work of street artists Shepard Fairey and Banksy is often monumental in its scale and visibility. Their art, often illegally produced on the walls of buildings, is meant to be viewed in the public realm. Frequently political in message, Fairey and Banksy are experts at the subversion of traditional political symbols and icons. Because so much of their work is ephemeral, either painted-over or washed-off of the buildings and billboards they use, it must constantly be remade, reinvented, and it needs to be current. In order to keep original work visible to the public, they must constantly create. Thus, with topics including corporate corruption, militarization, war, and the Israeli blockade of Palestine, the artists are able to remain a part of an ongoing artistic conversation. Through photography and the internet?s ability to disseminate images of their work before it is destroyed, these artists have established a worldwide voice and their ideas are kept alive well beyond the original works. 3.8 Obama & OBEY Giant The Street Art of Shepard Fairey Through persistence, repetition, and a unique sense of style, Shepard Fairey has become probably the most politically influential artist in America. As a precedent for the CPS memorial, Fairey?s work will be important to consider for its winning combination of carefully selected written text, paired with iconic images. 69 Figure 17 Shepard Fairey Street Art - May, 2011- Chicago, IL In 1989, as a student at the Rhode Island School of Design, Shepard Fairey began his iconic OBEY Giant campaign which spread virally around the world in what he dubbed ?an experiment in phenomenology?. 231 Beginning with a simple, ominous black-and-white picture of Andre the Giant, Fairey repeated the image many times and, within just a few years, it appeared as stickers, posters, and stencils on walls, poles, and utility boxes along the eastern seaboard.232 Though originally only intended as a stunt to impress his friends, the stickers gained in popularity and distribution, eventually showing up in cities around the world. 233 The repeated images, developed into infinite variations on the theme, commonly carry the message ?Andre the Giant has a posse? or simply ?Obey.? 231 John Del Signore, ?Shepard Fairey, Street Artist: Gothamist,? Gothamist: New York City News, Food, Arts & Events, June 21, 2007, accessed February 12, 2012, http://gothamist.com/2007/06/21/interview_shepa.php. 232 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 233 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 70 Nearly all of Fairey?s art now relies on the successful combination of ominous image with mysterious text. Transcending the ?Obey? paradigm, Fairey?s most widely known works today are the ?Progress? and ?Hope? posters featuring portraits of presidential candidate Barack Obama that were created during the 2008 presidential campaign. Referred to as a ?Cultural Phenomenon? by Huffington Post writer Ben Arnon in a 2008 interview with Fairey, the posters were distributed anonymously at first. This was an attempt to avoid saddling the Obama campaign with Shepard?s self-described image as a ?the fringe, street- artist, radical type.?234 Over time, these and Fairey?s other images have migrated back and forth between the street and the gallery, elevating Fairey?s status from ?graffiti artist?, to ?pop-art icon.? But the original themes of ?Obey? and Andre the Giant are the basis for the success of both his gallery art shows and his popular ?OBEY Giant? brand.235 ?Today,? explains Liam O?Donoghue in Mother Jones magazine, ?[The artist?s] Obey Giant company (motto: ?Manufacturing Quality Dissent Since 1989?) churns out posters, clothing, and limited-edition skateboards; his Studio Number One specializes in corporate branding.?236 Art and Politics In describing his approach to creating his mysterious signature icon, Fairey explains, ?My hope was that in questioning what Obey Giant was about, the viewer would then begin to question all the images they were confronted with.?237 In 1989, when Fairey began the Obey Giant campaign, he explains 234 Arnon, Ben. ?How the Obama ?Hope? Poster Reached a Tipping Point and Became a Cultural Phenomenon: An Interview With the Artist Shepard Fairey.? The Huffington Post. October 03, 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ben-arnon/how-the-obama-hope-poster_b_133874.html. 235 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 236 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 237 Heller, Steven. ?AIGA | Interview with Shepard Fairey: Still Obeying After All These Years.? AIGA. June 4, 2004. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.aiga.org/interview-with-shepard-fairey-still-obeying-after-all-these-year/. 71 that he did not see the project as political and was more concerned that it would be met with approval by his art-school friends.238 Though, looking back in a 2008 interview with Mother Jones magazine, Fairey acknowledges the inherent political nature of his preferred artistic form. ?Street art, of course, is political, because it?s illegal, so the very act of doing it is an act of defiance. 239 With the goal that his art should make people ?question everything,? Fairey saturates his work with iconic symbols of Americana ? particularly the flag, military weapons, and the Dollar bill ? altered and repeated until they become meaningless. ?A lot of times people just adhere to? this vague abstract American dream,? he says, ?a lot of times politicians use these hollow symbols as a way to get people to get behind ideas that normally they probably wouldn?t support if they were deconstructed.? 240 By repeating and subverting images that Fairey believes most Americans complacently accept, he hopes to get them to question the actions and ideals of America?s political, military, and corporate culture.241 ?I was really distressed by 9/11 ? as much as the next person,? he explains, ?but I think it created a climate of fear that was an easy way for Bush and Cheney and Rumsfeld to push through an agenda that ordinarily wouldn?t have gotten through.? 242 By reacting against this agenda through his art, Fairey sees his work as somewhat patriotic. In his view, instead of censoring his work to adhere to the national narrative immediately post 9/11, ?It was the time to speak out the most because I think 238 Heller, Steven. ?AIGA | Interview with Shepard Fairey: Still Obeying After All These Years.? AIGA. June 4, 2004. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.aiga.org/interview-with-shepard-fairey-still-obeying-after-all-these-year/. 239 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 240 John Del Signore, ?Shepard Fairey, Street Artist: Gothamist,? Gothamist: New York City News, Food, Arts & Events, June 21, 2007, accessed February 12, 2012, http://gothamist.com/2007/06/21/interview_shepa.php. 241 John Del Signore, ?Shepard Fairey, Street Artist: Gothamist,? Gothamist: New York City News, Food, Arts & Events, June 21, 2007, accessed February 12, 2012, http://gothamist.com/2007/06/21/interview_shepa.php. 242 John Del Signore, ?Shepard Fairey, Street Artist: Gothamist,? Gothamist: New York City News, Food, Arts & Events, June 21, 2007, accessed February 12, 2012, http://gothamist.com/2007/06/21/interview_shepa.php. 72 democracy and being a patriot is about trying to make the country the best it can possibly be.?243 It was with the beginning of the Bush administration, Fairey acknowledges, that his work became more overtly political. 244 Though his work has questioned obedience to authority from very early on, his exasperation at the public?s ignorance to issues concerning authority, consumption, and the use of public spaces has been growing.245 ?For the most part,? Fairey states, ?I think the merchants and the city governments don?t want the public to realize there can be other images coexisting with advertising. This is the exact example I?m trying to provide. Though, in a May 2008 interview with Mother Jones magazine, Fairey was quick to point out that he did not want to be perceived as having a specific political affiliation,246 it was that same year that he created and then later was recognized as the creator of the Obama ?PROGRESS? and ?HOPE? posters which were used and whose style was copied around the country during the election. Through this image Fairey has broadened his audience considerably, intertwining his image and Obama?s whether he wishes to be identified as ?politically affiliated? or not. Influences Describing his initial motivation in creating his unique and eye-catching images, Fairy says: ?I never set out to be a ground-breaking artist, in the sense of doing something that?s never been done before. I set out to make stuff that 243 John Del Signore, ?Shepard Fairey, Street Artist: Gothamist,? Gothamist: New York City News, Food, Arts & Events, June 21, 2007, accessed February 12, 2012, http://gothamist.com/2007/06/21/interview_shepa.php. 244 Heller, Steven. ?AIGA | Interview with Shepard Fairey: Still Obeying After All These Years.? AIGA. June 4, 2004. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.aiga.org/interview-with-shepard-fairey-still-obeying-after-all-these-year/. 245 Heller, Steven. ?AIGA | Interview with Shepard Fairey: Still Obeying After All These Years.? AIGA. June 4, 2004. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.aiga.org/interview-with-shepard-fairey-still-obeying-after-all-these-year/. 246 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 73 communicated quickly and effectively, playing off of advertising, pop art, and pop culture. I thought, ?If I?m going to put my work in the street, it really has to stand out from all the clutter.??247 Containing an amalgam of images, borrowed or reinterpreted from a variety of twentieth century artistic movements, Fairey credits much of his work?s unique, propagandist look to the artists whose work inspires him. ?Russian Constructivism grabbed my attention.? He says, Barbara Kruger?s work, Marlboro ads?you name it. 248 Writing in Fairey?s book MAYDAY which presents his work from a gallery show of the same name, Antonio D?Ambrosi, credits ?the French Letterists and Situationists? as influential to Fairey?s propagandist style. He continues, ?1970s punk stoked his awareness... He learned from history, embracing creative influences from Toulouse-Lautrec through Dada and Warhol to Winston Smith and Barbara Kruger. Fairey took it all in.?249 Impact and Criticism In his early days, Fairey recalls, ?The fact that a larger segment of the public would not only notice, but investigate, the unexplained appearance of the [Andre the Giant] stickers was something I had not contemplated.?250 Since that time, the attention that Fairey?s iconic, propagandist style has generated has not faded away. Even before the Obama ?Progress? image, Fairey?s work was a well known symbol of youthful defiance, made profitable through its conversion into his gallery shows and clothing brand. Though sometimes criticized for his work?s 247 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 248 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 249 Deitch, Fairey, and D?Ambrosio, Mayday, 33. 250 Heller, Steven. ?AIGA | Interview with Shepard Fairey: Still Obeying After All These Years.? AIGA. June 4, 2004. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://www.aiga.org/interview-with-shepard-fairey-still-obeying-after-all-these-year/. 74 repackaging and reinterpreting of twentieth century propaganda, his work has become an undeniable cultural force.251 With the ?Progress? image, though, Jeffery Dietch, one of Fairey?s co- authors in MAYDAY, identifies a new, more positive shift in the artist?s work. Dietch asserts, ?Fairey?exposed the political and cultural shift underway in America. His public art offered a visceral statement of hidden things that shaped our country?s collective consciousness.?252 Dietch is also, ?convinced that Shepard?s image helped Obama win the election,? an image which he refers to as ?the most powerful political poster in fifty years.?253 251 O?Donoghue, Liam. ?Interview: Shepard Fairey.? Mother Jones. March 2008. Accessed February 12, 2012. http://motherjones.com/politics/2008/03/interview-shepard-fairey. 252 Deitch, Fairey, and D?Ambrosio, Mayday, 33. 253 Deitch, Fairey, and D?Ambrosio, Mayday, 13. 75 CHAPTER 4: CPS HISTORY & SELECTION The Civilian Public Service (CPS) was a program developed at the beginning of World War II, which provided Conscientious Objectors (COs) the opportunity to do work of national importance under civilian direction rather than go to war. 254 Between the years of 1941 and 1947, nearly 12,000 young American men, and a few women, made the choice to serve their country by working in the program. 255 Prior to World War I, approaches to exempting COs from fighting while meeting military enlistment goals varied from state to state. In the Revolutionary and Civil war eras, one of the most common approaches was simply to allow men to pay a commutation fee or to hire a substitute to fight in their stead.256 The Selective Service Act of 1917, under which men were conscripted to fight in the First World War, disallowed drafted men to hire a substitute or pay a commutation fee as had been done during earlier wars. 257 It made some provision for conscientious objectors, exempting them from combat, but still required that they perform military service in the Medical, Quartermaster, or Engineering Corps 258 as noncombatants. For those who rejected all cooperation with military service, the only alternative was absolute noncooperation. This included refusal to register; refusal to appear for induction, or any of a series of actions whose end would be prosecution and imprisonment259 in federal military prisons including 254 The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 06, 2012, http:// civilianpublicservice.org/. 255 Ted Grimsrud, ?Why Civilian Public Service Is Important,? The Mennonite, June 19, 2007, section goes here, accessed February 11, 2012, http://www.themennonite.org/issues/10-12/articles/The_legacy_of_CPS. 256 ?Conscientious Objection | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/conscientious- objection. 257 ?World War I: The CO Problem | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/world-war-1. 258 ?World War I: The CO Problem | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/world-war-1. 259 Keim, The CPS Story, 10. 76 Leavenworth and Alcatraz. 260 In some cases, the imprisoned COs were harassed and hazed as a consequence of their objection.261 Following the war, the leaders of the Historic Peace Churches (Brethren, Mennonite, and Society of Friends) held a series of conferences together, seeking to avoid the problems of the Selective Service Act in future conflicts. These conferences sought to overcome isolation between these churches in an effort to help shape a cohesive, national approach to conscription for Conscientious Objectors.262 Working in cooperation, the leaders of the peace churches were able to attain two meetings with President Franklin D. Roosevelt; first in 1937 and again in 1940 after the war in Europe had already begun. 263 In their opening statement at the January 1940 meeting, accepting the near inevitability of war, they outline their goal as follows: ?If, in spite of all efforts to maintain neutrality, the tragic day should come when our beloved nation is drawn into war, we expect to continue our work for suffering humanity, and to increase its scope because of the greater need at home and abroad. Such service would permit those whose conscientious convictions forbid participation in war in any form to render constructive service to their country and to the world. We appear today chiefly to discuss with you plans to provide for this alternative service as it may relate to possible conscription.?264 Though Roosevelt did not personally appreciate the COs? position, remarking that the COs ought to be subject to ?military drilling,? the efforts of the 260 ?World War I: The CO Problem | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/world-war-1. 261 ?World War I: The CO Problem | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/world-war-1. 262 ?Interwar Peace Church Conferences | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/interwar- conferences. 263 ?Meeting with President Franklin Roosevelt | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/ meeting-president. 264 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 11. 77 peace churches? cooperation were somewhat successful. In September 1940 the Burke-Wadsworth Bill was passed. The first peacetime national conscription act in American history,265 it contained several elements key to protecting the rights of COs. Section 7(d) reads: ?Nothing contained in this Act shall be construed to require or compel any person to be subject to training or service in a combatant capacity in the land or naval forces who is found to be a member of any well recognized sect whose creed or principles forbid its members to participate in war in any for, if established under such regulations as the President may prescribe; but no such person shall be relieved from training or service in such capacity as the President may declare to be noncombatant.? 266 By the time it passed, the act also provided for an alternative program of service for those who rejected military service with the requirement that it be ?work of national importance.? After its passage, the Peace Churches and the Selective Service were able to negotiate a plan that satisfied President Roosevelt in early 1941 (Roosevelt rejected an earlier plan in late November 1940 that paid COs assigned to alternative service). 267 The president then issued an executive order placing the responsibility of defining, creating, and administering the work of national importance in the hands of the Director of Selective Service, thus creating the Civilian Public Service. 268 In a statement clarifying the order in 1942, Lt. Col. Franklin A. Mclean wrote: ?Realizing that many conscientious objectors are as strongly opposed to 265 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 266 Keim, e CPS Story, 18. 267 ?Work of National Importance | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/work-national- importance. 268 ?Work of National Importance | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins/work-national- importance. 78 engaging in what is commonly called defense work as to military service it is the policy of Selective service to choose projects as unrelated to the war effort as possible and to operate them through those agencies that are distinctly civilian in character.?269 The first of the CPS camps opened at Patapsco State Park near Baltimore, Md. on May 15, 1941, 7 months before the bombing of Pearl Harbor, and a camp in Grottoes, VA opened a week later. By the time the program ended in April 1947, nearly 12,000 CPS members had worked in 152 camps, units and projects. 270 The camps, whose locations and work projects were provided by the federal government, were funded entirely by the churches, predominantly the Brethren, the Mennonites, and the Quakers. The men who worked in the CPS camps were not paid for their work and did not receive worker?s compensation or care for dependents.?271 Many of the CPS camps were situated in the former locations of the New Deal?s Civilian Conservation Corps. In the CPS soil conservation camps, men dug ditches, planted trees, and built dams and irrigation systems. In the forestry units, assignees built and maintained firebreaks, roads, and trails.272 They also worked in hospitals and training schools, university labs, agricultural experiment stations and farms, and as government survey crews. 273 By 1942, the staffs of mental hospitals in the U.S. were decimated as their employees moved on to better paying jobs in the new war economy. 274 In 269 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 52. 270 Keim, The CPS Story, 33. 271 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 58. 272 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 273 Keim, The CPS Story, 40. 274 Keim, The CPS Story, 40. 79 response to this situation, more than 2,000 CPS men volunteered for and found work in 41 mental hospitals in 20 states. So desperate was the need for their work, the men of the MCC unit at Western State Hospital in Virginia, spent their first year there working seventy-five and eighty-four hours per week??275 There, and at the other mental hospitals, the work of the CPS attendants was to care for the health and safety of the patients, many of whom were bed patients who were both sickly and incontinent.276 For the COs, the work in mental health care facilities provided a unique opportunity to live out their nonviolent beliefs in places where the use of force and physical violence were often the norm. In his CPS memoir, ?Acts of Conscience,? Harry Van Dyck recalled, ?There were many stories of violent encounters with dangerous patients and of the bravado that attendants displayed in dealing with them... As pacifists, we felt compelled to renounce such tactics, and for the large part we were successful in avoiding the use of force.?277 A summary of the experiences of a Mennonite-led unit at Hudson River State Hospital recalls the CPS workers sense of duty in these situations: ?The work at mental hospitals and training schools challenged the pacifist beliefs of many COs. Men who believed that war was immoral would be likely to renounce the use of force or violence in their dealings with other human beings? For many COs, work at the institutions represented an important form of ?witness? in which they would alleviate human suffering and put their religious principles to the test.?278 In the spring of 1945, Eleanor Roosevelt heard of the work that 275 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 197. 276 Keim, The CPS Story, 59. 277 Dyck Harry R. Van, Exercise of Conscience: A WW II Objector Remembers(Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1990), 153. 278 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 216-217. 80 they had been doing at Hudson River State Hospital near her home.279 After visiting she reported, ?The superintendent of the hospital told me that they [the COs] had undoubtedly raised the standards of care for the patients, and they had been of tremendous help in disclosing practices which had existed there and about which he had never been able to get any real evidence.? 280 Beyond the simple resistance of violent treatment of the mental hospitals? patients, the CPS units worked to expose the cruel neglect and unsanitary conditions in which the patients were living. After completing his service with the CPS, Frank L. Wright Jr. published the book ?Out of Sight, Out of Mind,? a book based on the reports of CPS workers?? findings that exposed the problems of the mental healthcare system to the nation.281 At other locations, COs volunteered to be test subjects in scientific experiments. 282 In what became known as the ?Guinea Pig Units,? the effects of starvation, extreme climate, dehydration, and disease were studied on the men. 283 Researchers at Harvard Medical School used CPS men to search for inexpensive methods of controlling typhus. The men in this experiment were exposed to lice infested clothes and various dusts to kill the lice were tested on the clothing, yielding some positive results. 284 Men in hepatitis experiments at the University of Pennsylvania and Yale were inoculated with infected specimens of bodily fluids and some CPS workers were intentionally exposed to malarial mosquitoes while searching for an alternative cure to quinine. These tests did eventually lead to drugs superior to quinine in malaria treatment. 285 279 Alex Sareyan, The Turning Point, 93. 280 Alex Sareyan, The Turning Point, 93. 281 Alex Sareyan, The Turning Point, 20. 282 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 283 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 284 Keim, The CPS Story, 75. 285 Keim, The CPS Story, 76. 81 Nearly 300 of the ?guinea pigs? were also used in starvation and alternative diet testing to assist in planning for work by relief agencies after the war. 286 For the CPS workers, volunteering as a ?Human Guinea Pig? was an opportunity to prove that their conscientious objection was not cowardice.287 Niel Hartman, one of the human guinea pigs, explained, ?We were called yellow bellies and things like that. I wanted to prove that I wasn?t afraid to take risks if it did good. I would not take risks to kill people, but if it would save people?I was happy that I had the opportunity to show the world I was willing to take risks.?288 Another dangerous task undertaken by the men of the CPS was Smoke Jumping. Working for the forest service, crews of CPS workers parachuted into remote locations to put out fires. In a rare instance of positive publicity for the CPS, the January 25, 1943 article of time reported on the opening of the first camp: ?Conscientious objectors who want courageous, if noncombatant, wartime work learned last week that they might get it. In June, Selective Service will start giving some 60 conchies the stiff army and Marine parachute training course. The purpose, to fight forest fires.?289 More than 300 men volunteered for the assignment at this first camp when it was formed near Missoula, Montana in the summer of 1943. Other smoke jumper base camps were eventually established in Montana, Idaho, and Oregon. 290 In Florida, public health work by the COs contributed to the prevention of the spread of hookworm. There, the CPS was employed to build and distribute sanitary privies to halt the spread of the parasite?s larvae. This program installed 4,200 privies serving the poorest, typically black Floridians. 291 286 Keim, The CPS Story, 79. 287 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 85. 288 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 85. 289 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 55-56. 290 Keim, The CPS Story, 43. 291 Keim, The CPS Story, 74. 82 Though the membership of CPS was mostly male, a number of women served in CPS as well. CO girls, (COGs) as they came to be known, served as nurses, dieticians, and in mental hospitals as attendants. 292 In her 1997 book ?Women Against the Good War? Rachel Waltner Goosen records the history of these women?s service at length. ?As a group, they were well educated.? she writes. ?Nearly all of the nurses held graduate degrees from nursing schools and perhaps half of the dietitians had college-level training in home economics.?293 These women were often the wives or girlfriends of men who had been drafted into the program. Since no women were drafted during World War II, they served on a completely voluntary basis. At the end of the war, the attitude of the CPS workers toward the program was mixed. Many COs wanted assignments that would demonstrate their commitment to peace and that would also be of ?national importance.? Though the response to the detached projects , particularly the mental hospital units, tended to be much more positive,294 they viewed the soil conservation and forestry programs as little more than digging ditches and cleaning trails. 295 ?In its 1945 report on the CPS, the AFSC [Quaker Service Committee] was critical of the ?wasteful use of conscientious objectors,?? 296 writes Steven J. Taylor in his book ?Acts of Conscience? which chronicles the CPS workers service. The AFSC statement reads: ?We believe that the service of conscientious objectors has in many instances been wasted on projects of little immediate value, when it could have been better directed to meeting pressing public needs growing out 292 Goossen, Women against the Good War, 69. 293 Goossen, Women against the Good War, 70. 294 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 295 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 296 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 57-58. 83 of the war emergency and demanding the kind of training and skills which CPS men have to offer.?297 Many CPS men believed they were victims of involuntary servitude 298 and most complained about the lack of pay.299 This proved to be an increasing source of frustration for many of the men and their families as the men received no allotment for dependent care either, leaving many of their families in a difficult economic situation. 300 The CPS workers served over 8 million unpaid man-days of work for the country. 301 In contrast to the criticism, reflecting on the experience of the CPS, two of the program?s founding fathers, Orie. O. Miller and Ernest W. Lehman of the Mennonite Central Committee wrote in 1948: ?Civilian Public Service has been a new and unique experience for the Mennonite Church. Never before in the history of our church in America could young men participate during war time in a constructive, systematic program of alternative service, instead of entering the military forces or serving in prison. In the operation of this program, the church and government were related in a unique way. While the letter of the Selective Service Law was observed, the church had liberty in the administration of many aspects of the program. The situation also called forth a degree of mutual sharing and co-operation among the Mennonite groups and other denominations, which is without precedent. In this program not only the young men were affected, but also those members of the church who remained at home. It became clear to all that nonresistance is not an emergency technique in time of war, but must be a way of life at all times. Through C.P.S., the church entered an open door of witness and growth? Men who entered C.P.S. camp with a creative and truly constructive attitude were able to translate their compulsory service into a valuable experience, 297 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 57-58. 298 Keim, The CPS Story, 97. 299 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 109. 300 Nicholas A. Krehbiel, ?The Story Begins | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/story-begins. 301 Keim, The CPS Story, 40. 84 not only in terms of work they accomplished, but in personal spiritual development.? 302 After the war, Steven Taylor, writes ?Many COs, if not a majority, would later value their time in the CPS and regard it as having provided an opportunity to demonstrate the sincerity of their convictions, to perform meaningful service, and to grow spiritually or intellectually. A large number of former CPS men would attend regular camp or unit reunions well into the 1990s.? 303 302 Orie O. Miller and Ernest W. Lehman, Mennonite C.P.S. Directory (Scottdale, PA: Mennonite Publishing House, 1948), vii. 303 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 109. 85 ?The CO, by my theory, is best handled if no one hears of him.? General Lewis Hershey, Director of the Selective Service, in testimony before congress, 1943 304 304 Keim, The CPS Story, 32. 86 CHAPTER 5: DESIGN - NOMADIC MEMORIAL 5.1 Design strategy and process The primary goals of this thesis are to propose a monument capable of inspiring its visitors to consider nonviolent service as an alternative to violent conflict and to consider conscientious objection as an important part of American culture, worthy of commemoration. Along with these goals, it aims at rethinking contemporary memorial culture and the forms commonly attributed to it. In response to these goals and to the research of memorial culture and Civilian Public Service history, the final concept, Nomadic Memorial, emerged. 5.1.1 Travelling Memorial In the interest of making the memorial to the Civilian Public Service accessible to the largest number of Americans and of educating the public about the service of the CPS members, a memorial designed to travel to multiple cities throughout the United States is proposed. To explore the method by which this could be accomplished, two precedent projects were explored; The Wall that Heals and the Prinzessinnengarten. The Wall that Heals An investigation of The Wall that Heals, a modular, travelling, half-scale replica of the Vietnam Veterans? Memorial Wall (mentioned in the second chapter of this thesis) revealed a portable method of commemoration. While The Wall that Heals fails to adapt Maya Lin?s site-specific design of the Vietnam Veterans? Memorial to the parks and parking lots it visits, its ability to draw crowds of 87 visitors to reflect on conversation American military history makes it an important precedent for the Nomadic Memorial. As a memorial capable of temporarily inhabiting a site before moving on, The Wall that Heals also reveals a memorial typology that can avoid the restrictions of the Commemorative Works Act by being neither federally funded nor permanently located on federal land. Prinzessinnengarten The Prinzessinnengarten in Berlin, Germany, is a second and equally important precedent landscape for the Nomadic Memorial. Serving no commemorative function, it is a community garden and gathering space that can move from one vacant lot to another throughout the city. When the owner of the land on which the garden is arranged wishes to build on it or asks for the garden to leave, the vegetables planted in the Prinzessinnengarten?s modular crates and bags are loaded into carts and ceremoniously paraded to the next site where they continue to grow. Garden organizers intentionally locate the Prinzessinnengarten in financially challenged neighborhoods and invite community members to take part in the gardening along with them. In this way, the temporary garden serves as an exhibition of what might exist in these communities through cooperative work and initiates interactions between neighbors that might not otherwise meet. The garden provides a variety of shaded spaces for rest and conversation, sunny vegetable patches, an outdoor caf?, and community gathering spaces. Each of these present visitors with a variety of possible experiences each time they visit and encourage return visits to the garden as its program changes with the seasons. While this precedent landscape is not commemorative, its ability to move efficiently from site to site, serving and creating community is a desirable trait 88 for a memorial to the CPS. When combined with The Wall that Heals? portable strategy for commemoration, the key concepts of these two projects can work together to create a powerful and effective form of commemoration for the CPS members who travelled throughout the country, serving in hundreds of American communities. 5.1.2 Memorial Grove: Commemoration through Service Combining these aspects of the two precedent projects with the desire to leave a longer-term reminder of the CPS in communities that the memorial will visit, a memorial grove is proposed. Instead of vegetable gardening as is done in the Prinzessinnengarten, the Nomadic Memorial will grow and donate a grove of trees to the cities and neighborhoods that the memorial inhabits. In order to effectively use the memorial for this purpose, a one-year time frame is proposed for the memorial to inhabit each city it visits. Over the course of the grove?s visit to each site, the memorial?s volunteers will serve for a year in one city: preparing a vacant and derelict site in the winter; planting a grove of regionally-appropriate bare-root trees in spring; caring for them and watching them grow through the summer; and once they are sufficiently mature, planting them in the surrounding neighborhood in autumn. In this way, the site?s conclusion will be announced by the gradual disintegration of the memorial grove and the donation of the trees to the surrounding community. The trees, planted into vacant nearby street tree planters, will then become a longer-term commemoration, recalling the service of the CPS and permanently establishing a part of the Nomadic Memorial?s presence in the city. 89 5.1.3 Modular Memorial The Wall that Heals shows the potential for a memorial composed of portable elements to create unity in the experiences of visitors across time and space. Though the grove of the Nomadic Memorial will change each year, other site furnishings that shape and create space, facilitate the growing of the grove, communicate the history of the CPS, and provide shelter are required to make the memorial complete and to unify the experience of its visitors at each site. Conceptual Pictograms Commemorative elements including a bench that could provide shelter, an above-ground space for growing one of the grove?s trees, and audio recordings were explored along with seating into which the grove?s trees could be planted. Figure 18 Tree-Planter Audio-Bench [Sickle] 90 Seating elements that could provide planting space for the grove?s trees were considered. Figure 19 Tree-Planter Bench [Sickle] A method of planting trees that elevated their branches enough to walk under was explored in the ?mounded earth tree planter? pictogram. Figure 20 Mounded Earth Tree Planter [Sickle] 91 To invite users of all physical ability levels, an accessible planter bench was considered in which wheelchair-accessible garden could take place. Figure 21 Accessible Planter Bench [Sickle] Puncturing the existing asphalt of a site so that a tree and fresh soil might be inserted into a hard-surfaced site was explored. Figure 22 Asphalt Tree Planting [Sickle] 92 As an ephemeral commemorative element, the idea of growing flowers in compostable pots, carrying information about a particular CPS service member was investigated in a way that would allow them to connect with a specific service member?s story and record of service. Figure 23 Text on Compostable Pots [Sickle] 93 Large structural modules were also considered along with ways of engaging existing buildings on the vacant sites that the memorial will inhabit, including the creation of a pavilion that transforms into an outdoor movie screen. Figure 24 Transformable Pavilion [Sickle] Figure 25 Pavilion into Theater [Sickle] Abandoned gas-station pavilions were proposed for use as shelters. Figure 26 Abandoned Gas Station [Sickle] 94 Methods of inserting commemorative text into ephemeral sites were explored through pictograms as well. These methods included the stenciling of murals and text onto existing walls and ground surfaces. Figure 27 Mural on Existing Walls [Sickle] Figure 28 Stencil Text on Ground [Sickle] The creation of modular fencing, used both to control site access and to communicate, was explored as well and moveable pavers etched with commemorative text were also considered Figure 29 Text in Fence [Sickle] Figure 30 Text on Moveable Pavers [Sickle] 95 Sidewalk chalk drawings and ice sculptures made in preformed molds in colder cities were explored as well. Figure 31 Sidewalk Chalk[Sickle] Figure 32 Ice Sculpture [Sickle] Base Module As the pictograms were created, they revealed the potential for their broad variety of uses to create create a cluttered appearance. In the interest of designing the memorial?s commemorative elements in a way that would be both recognizable to visitors at multiple sites and useful for as many of the functions explored in the pictograms as possible, a single base module was designed. Figure 33 Base Module 96 Prioritizing the module?s ability to act as a planter for the grove of trees, it would also need to be affordable to create, simple to move from site to site, capable of carrying commemorative imagery. It was also desirable that the module be durable for travel, and reconfigurable to meet the unforeseeable needs of the future sites that the memorial would visit. Therefore, the proposed module is 3?wide, 3? long, and 18? tall. Made of 3? thick concrete, the base unit has several holes in the bottom for drainage among other uses. There are also holes on each corner of the top and bottom edges so that the units can be stacked and locked with durable plastic pins. Module Configurations Space-creating and commemorative structures made possible by reconfigurations of the base module include the following: Planting Modules Tree Planter Bench: This configuration was the primary focus of the module?s design. Providing room for roots within the container and bench seating above, the planter elevates a 10? tall tree?s canopy above the heads of most memorial visitors, allowing them to walk in between and underneath units spaced as close as 8? apart from center to center. 97 Holes in the bottom of the container allow for the installation of 1? wide hollow steel stakes that hold the tree upright in the soil as it roots, protecting it from blowing over. They also allow the container?s soil to drain. A hole in the bench top provides room for the tree?s trunk while the bench protects soil in the container from compaction. Figure 34 Tree Planter Module Configuration [Sickle] Bench Seat Tree Stakes Bare-Root Tree Soil 98 Seedling Planter: Small, bonsai-inspired planting arrangements of seedlings that evoke the youth and numerousness of the CPS members are another planned arrangement for the module. Needing soil only in the top half of the container, the remainder of its volume will be filled with sand to anchor the planter and to provide drainage. Vegetable planter: Using the same soil and sand proportions as the seedling planter, the vegetable planter will allow the module to be used for edible gardening and teaching communities about the possibilities for urban gardening in small spaces. This gardening also commemorates the service of the CPS members who grew and canned food for the post-war relief effort. Tomato cages or bean poles can be inserted through the soil, into the sand below for extra stability. Figure 35 Seedling & Vegetable Planter Module Configurations [Sickle] Soil Seedlings Sand Soil Vegetables Sand 99 Hardscape Modules The simplicity of the base module?s form allows for it to be reconfigured in several ways that add depth to the story-telling ability of the Nomadic Memorial beyond its uses as a planter. Ephemeral Fountain: If the surface of the memorial sites is penetrable, a basin can be dug for a pump to sit beneath the fountain module in a bed of gravel lined with a flexible, waterproof, rubber membrane. Capturing site runoff, when water is available beneath it, the module will be filled from beneath, continuously overflowing its edges into the basin. When no water is available, a backflow preventer will contain the remaining water in the module and the pump will cease. The ephemeral fountain will encourage visitors to the memorial to reflect on the CPS members? service related to water and irrigation and also to participate in the care of the memorial grove by dipping a pail into the fountain?s water and watering one of the grove?s trees. Figure 36 Ephemeral Fountain Module Configuration [Sickle] Water Gravel Pump 100 Storage Bench: Using a bench top similar to the tree planter configuration, the module can be used for the storage of small tools and other memorial necessities. Drainage holes will be plugged underneath to protect the module?s contents from moisture and small animals. Figure 37 Storage Bench and Beacon Module Configurations [Sickle] Beacon: The most ambitious and visually prominent use of the base module is the beacon configuration, a 13.5? tall, internally lit tower. Four concrete base modules filled with sand and locked onto one another with pins for stability will form the base of this arrangement. Five clear, durable, acrylic modules, built to the same exterior dimensions as the base module will form Sand Lamp Acrylic Modules Bench Seat Storage 101 the tower?s beacon. A lantern inside the highest concrete module will light the beacon internally. The beacon will rise above the grove?s trees, announcing the commemoration of the CPS from a distance and attracting visitors to the memorial to investigate the unique structure. Three Dimensional Lawn Combining the base module?s usefulness as both a planter and bench, is the stackable, three dimensional lawn. Capable of being placed individually or stacked into a variety of forms including amphitheater seating, the three dimensional lawn will be able to shape space and guide movement in the memorial. It will also create a playful space, encouraging children to invent their own games while climbing the lawn, bringing them, and their parents, back to the temporary play space in their neighborhood that commemorates the CPS. Figure 38 Three Dimensional Lawn Modules [Sickle] Soil Turf Sand 102 Pictoglyphs Both the basic concrete and the acrylic modules that comprise most of the memorial?s site furniture and commemorative elements carry pictoglyphs that commemorate the service of the CPS. Impressed into the concrete through the module?s molding process, these icons are not accompanied by text. Through the omission of text, memorial visitors are given the option of investigating these images further. Intended to initiate conversations amongst visitors and between visitors and the site?s staff or to inspire them to research the CPS on their own, a sort of game is created by not explaining in text why each image is present on the modules. The icons will be equally legible to the literate and the illiterate, English and non-English speakers and perhaps even to the blind. All visitors must use their own preferred methods to uncover the meanings behind the pictoglyphs, forming a relationship between the visitor, the site and the subject matter to be commemorated. Twelve pictoglyphs commemorating specific elements of CPS service are suggested for the initial memorial. More will be designed as modules are replaced or added on future sites in future cities. Forms of CPS service that occurred near the various memorial cities will be the primary generators of these new pictoglyphs. 103 Figure 39 Pictoglyphs commemorating CPS work [Sickle] 104 Audio / Info Shelter One function that the base module is not well suited to perform is to provide shelter. From the earliest diagrams exploring needs for the site, shelter combined with an audio component were seen as desirable for the memorial?s site furniture. Giving the memorial the freedom to be situated on a site without existing shelter structures or buildings to inhabit, it will be important to provide memorial staff with a place to sit that is out of the weather and one that will fit into a variety of spaces, and that can be used to create space. To that end, the audio shelter/info shelter modules were designed. These two paired units are capable of being brought together to create a single, larger shelter structure, they can be separated to make smaller and more open outdoor seating spaces. Figure 40 Combined Audio / Info Shelter Module [Sickle] Acrylic Window Recycled Wood Siding Recycled Wood Bench Acrylic Window Steel Frame Corrugated Steel Roof 105 Within the shelters, benches hold sound equipment with which visitors will be able to play audio recordings of the CPS members? first-hand accounts of their service. One of the most powerful parts of the research for the memorial was interviewing individual CPS members about their service in the program. Being able to hear these first hand accounts will form a direct connection between visitors to the memorial and those that it commemorates. Figure 41 Separate Audio / Info Shelter Modules [Sickle] 5.2 Memorial Management The memorial will serve as a small community gathering space and park, open to the public and offering daily and weekly programs or events that engage its visitors. Because of this, it will need to be regularly staffed. The memorial will rely on the cooperation of the same groups that worked together to form and Audio Player in Bench 106 fund the CPS in the 1940?s. The Mennonite, Quaker, and Brethren churches? nonprofit service organizations along with the Center on Conscience and War (the contemporary incarnation of the NSBRO) will each provide a single board member to oversee the management, finances and staffing of the memorial. Each of these organizations already manage programs for year-long or longer volunteer service that place recent college graduates in locations in the United States or abroad. Service in these programs often combines acts of peaceful service with war-resistance or the promotion of conscientious objection. These organizations each already have structures in place to fund, and manage volunteer work forces, and the memorial is consistent with the missions of their existing projects. It is therefore proposed that each of these four organizations provide three volunteers each year for a total of twelve volunteers, to staff the memorial as it travels from city to city. Figure 42 Memorial Management Diagram [Sickle] Advisory Board Volunteers 107 5.3 Locating the Monument Beginning in Washington, D.C. the memorial will travel to three other US cities, each for one year in a different geographic region of the US, before returning to Washington to restart the cycle. To select other cities that the monument will visit, a methodology that uses ArcGIS was developed to plan the first twelve years of the memorial?s movement. 5.3.1 National location selection process To select cities for the memorial, it was determined that major cities within close proximity to the former CPS camps would be ideal locations. By visiting such cities, the memorial intends to reach the maximum number of Americans able to associate the service of the conscientious objectors with benefits to their own or nearby communities. 108 Proximity to former CPS camp sites To begin the selection process, the 152 CPS camps across the continental United States and Puerto Rico were mapped in ArcGIS along with thirty-mile perimeter halos. Figure 43 CPS Camp Sites [Sickle] - 30 Mile Radius - CPS Camp 109 Population Next, these proximity halos were left in place on the map and US cities with populations of over 300,000 people were highlighted. Cities of this size within a 30 mile radius of at least one of the former CPS camps were considered prime candidate sites. Figure 44 Major US Cities & proximity to CPS Camp Sites [Sickle] Region After reviewing the available cities that met these two minimum qualifications, memorial host cities were selected out of this larger group primarily for their geographic diversity. Locations whose climates and geography were likely to inspire different configurations of the memorial components which would need to grow different species of trees were considered ideal. This attempt to locate the memorial also included regional cultural differences and the variety - 30 Mile Camp Radius - US City, Pop. > 300,000 110 of services that CPS members performed in different regions across the country which were often regionally specific. Selected Cities: South: Tampa, Florida Mid Atlantic: Washington, D.C. & New York City Midwest: Detroit, Michigan; Chicago, Illinois; & Omaha, Nebraska Mountain West: Denver, Colorado West: Los Angeles & San Francisco, California; & Seattle, Washington Figure 45 Selected Memorial Cities & proximity to CPS Camp Sites [Sickle] - Selected City - 30 Mile Camp Radius 111 In order to locate the memorial in a different region each year, when possible, the first three cycles of the memorial?s movement were planned as follows: 1: Washington, D.C., Detroit, Seattle, Denver Figure 46 Memorial Movement: First Cycle [Sickle] 2: Washington, D.C., Omaha, Los Angeles, Tampa Figure 47 Memorial Movement: First Cycle [Sickle] Washington, DC Detroit, MI Denver, CO Seattle, WA Washington, DC Omaha, NE Los Angeles, CA Tampa, FL 112 3: Washington, D.C., New York, Chicago, San Francisco Figure 48 Memorial Movement: Third Cycle [Sickle] If, after the memorial?s first twelve years, the managing organizations determine that continued travel and existence is desirable, the same methodology for selecting national sites may be used. Returning to Washington, D.C. every fourth year to rejoin the memorial conversation of the nation?s capital, it will then continue to visit three other cities that are in close proximity to a former CPS camp. 5.3.2 Local site selection process applied to Washington, D.C. Within each city that the memorial visits, it will be necessary for local sites to be selected on which to assemble the Nomadic Memorial. For the purposes of this thesis, the methodology was applied only to Washington, D.C. but the same method can be sued in the cities that the memorial inhabits. Washington, DC New York, NYChicago, IL San Francisco, CA 113 Vacancy A vacant lot or multiple vacant lots whose total area is between one and two acres are considered ideal sites for the memorial. Always seeking to commemorate the CPS members? service in communities into which they entered as strangers, (the CPS members were not allowed to serve at a camp within 200 miles of their homes) the memorial will be assembled on vacant lots, which are detrimental to the urban neighborhoods that surround them. Partnering with the private owners of these lots, legal issues of commemorating a partially religious history on public property will be avoided. By assembling the memorial on each site only for one year, the project will also benefit site owners. By creating positive awareness and community interest in the sites, their value has the potential to increase to the ultimate financial benefit of its owner. In Washington, D.C., the Food Production and Urban Gardens Program Act of 1986 encourages private property owners of vacant lots to cooperate with community organizations to collaborate with community gardeners, allowing them to create temporary community garden spaces on their abandoned properties. By adapting this law to allow for the proposed commemorative use and the growing of a crop of trees, the property owners of selected sites would avoid the liability of having the memorials on their sites, and possibly earn a more favorable reputation within the surrounding community. 114 Proximity to desirable features/uses Using ArcGIS, proximity maps were created that identified areas surrounding ideal neighboring features for the CPS memorial. They are as follows: Figure 49 Site Selection: Proximity to Transit [Sickle] Transit Transit accessibility was one of two prime characteristics chosen as desirable for the memorial. Useable by both tourists and city residents as a means of reaching the memorial, it may also serve as a means of transit for the staff of volunteers if their housing is not able to be located within a walkable distance of the site. In cities without rail transit, major bus routes will be considered an acceptable substitute for rail transit proximity. - 1/2 Mile Radius - Metro Station - Streetcar - 1/4 Mile Radius 115 Figure 50 Site Selection: Proximity to BID/Revitalization District [Sickle] BID/Revitalization Districts Proximity to Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) & Revitalization zones is the second prime characteristic for memorial sites. Washington, D.C. offers several different versions of these economic improvement zones which also include Transit Oriented Development areas, and Retail Improvement Districts. What all of these types of districts have in common is a focus on initiating new development within their boundaries. - 1/2 Mile Radius - 1/4 Mile Radius - BID/Revitalization District 116 This yields two conditions that are desirable for the siting of the memorial. There will be ?buzz? about these areas which the memorial can tap into to attract visitors, and to which the memorial can contribute by inviting new visitors to the parts of town in which they are built. These areas are also ones where old buildings are being torn down, and lots often sit vacant for years. When this model is applied to other cities, similar development districts will be sought. If they do not have such districts, recent demolition sites will be sought. Figure 51 Site Selection: Proximity to Public Housing [Sickle] Public Housing Secondary to transit accessibility and revitalization district proximity, two other features were selected as ideal neighbors for the Nomadic Memorial. - 1/2 Mile Radius - Public Housing - 1/4 Mile Radius 117 Because CPS work was so often focused on serving impoverished communities, the memorial will seek proximity to public housing projects. These serve as an easily identifiable way of locating the memorial?s amenities and programming near communities experiencing financial need. By locating the memorial close to these areas, it can provide recreational opportunities and educational opportunities to their residents. Figure 52 Site Selection: Proximity to Mental Healthcare Facilities [Sickle] Mental Healthcare Proximity to mental healthcare facilities is the final secondary feature in the memorial?s site selection process. CPS workers did important work in shaping the modern US mental healthcare system. Calling attention to poor conditions and refusing to use violence as a way of controlling patients, their - 1/2 Mile Radius - Mental Healthcare Facility - 1/4 Mile Radius 118 work in mental institutions was one of the program?s most enduring legacies. Figure 53 Priority Areas [Sickle] Priority Areas Using scores of ?2? for areas walkable within ? mile of each desirable collocation feature and ?1? for areas in the city within ? mile of each feature, the ArcGIS feature ?raster calculator? was used to calculate ideal areas for memorial location across the entire city. Scores for proximity to transit and BID/ revitalization districts were weighted twice as heavily as the other two proximity features in this calculation. Areas with scores in the top 5% across the city comprise priority area 1. Scores in the next highest 5% comprise priority area 2. - Primary Priority Area - Secondary Priority Area 119 Figure 54 Priority Lots [Sickle] Priority Lots Using these priority areas, a visual scan was conducted using ArcGIS?s Bing aerial basemap to search for large vacant sites. Several potential sites were located. - Vacant Lots in Priority Areas 120 Figure 55 Monuments and Museums Master Plan Framework [Sickle] NCPC Memorials and Museums Master Plan After locating vacant sites within the priority areas, the NCPC?s Memorials and Museums Master Plan, identifying major and minor axes and the waterfront crescent as ideal for future memorial locations, were compared to the many selected potential sites. This comparison helped to narrow the site selection down to two final locations. 1400 Maryland Avenue NE and 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue SE. - Waterfront Crescent - Primary Monumental Corridor - Secondary Monumental Corridor 121 Figure 56 Selected Sites [Sickle] - Avenue 122 5.3.3 Flagship: 1400 Maryland Ave. NE Figure 57 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle using Bing Imagery from ArcGIS] 1400 Maryland Avenue NE was chosen as the flagship site for the memorial primarily for its proximity to the budding H Street entertainment district, its location on one of the original L?Enfant avenues which provides it with a direct view of the US Capitol Building, and its proximity to the proposed H Street streetcar line. By locating the memorial near these amenities, it will be able to offer day and evening activities with the security provided by high foot traffic near the highly-visible site. This site also offers a structure for the memorial to inhabit, an abandoned mechanic?s garage. 123 5.3.4 Local Outreach & Service: 2241 Martin Luther King, Jr. Ave SE Figure 58 2241 MLK, Jr Ave. NE [Sickle using Bing Imagery from ArcGIS] The second site selected for the memorial, 2241 Martin Luther King, Jr. Avenue SE. was chosen as a satellite site. It is an ideal location because of its proximity to Anacostia?s Metro Rail station and the neighboring Walker Whitman health clinic. Located on the opposite side of the Anacostia River from the first site and from most of Washington?s commemorative sites, this location will serve as a more locally-focused CPS outreach center, bringing awareness, education, and activity to an often neglected part of the capitol. 124 5.4 Flagship Site Design - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE Figure 59 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] 5.4.1 Site Condition The conditions of the 1400 Maryland Avenue site provide several opportunities for arranging the memorial components while engaging the existing architecture. Surrounded by residences along its northern and eastern sides, the site faces a drive-through restaurant with outdoor seating to the south, and is visible from the restaurant and entertainment district of H-Street to the north. 125 Residential Building High-Rise Apartments Maryland Avenue Figure 60 Site Conditions - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] An abandoned mechanics garage, surrounded by chain-link fence stands at the back of the site. The current ground surface is a patchwork of concrete and asphalt which is completely impervious. Empty tree planting strips surround the sidewalk that wraps the site. A vacant and visibly deteriorating church building and a garage flank the site immediately to the west. H-Street Entertainment District Occasional Homeless Encampment Figure 61 Site Conditions - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] 126 5.4.2 Analysis & Layout To organize the site using a methodology that can be followed on future sites, a few simple principles were used to organize its layout. Grid The first of these principles is the grid, spaced at 5? and oriented perpendicularly to the major street that fronts the site, Maryland Avenue The primary function of this grid as an organizing feature of the site is to create the correct spacing for the commemorative grove of trees. Spacing these at 5?o.c. will provide the young trees of the grove with enough sunlight and air circulation to maintain their health, while maintaining enough density in the group of them shape the spaces created by breaks in this grid. Figure 62 Grid Overlay - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] 127 The commemorative modules of the site are also arranged using the spacing of this grid as an organizing principle. Masses & Voids Within this grid, diagrams were drawn exploring areas in which opaque blocks of trees and voids between them would be desirable. The two key functions of these diagrams are to show the most important views into the site and the most important methods of accessing the site. Using this information, spaces are shaped to encourage and enhance these features while creating a variety of interesting and heterogeneous spaces on the site. Figure 63 Masses & Voids - 1400 Maryland Ave. NE [Sickle] 128 Controlling Views The most important view into the site is from Maryland Avenue looking northward toward the Garage Building which will be able to be adapted for memorial use. The primary route of access to the site, however, is the walking connection from the entertainment district on H Street. It is desirable to create an opportunity on this site for visitors to incorporate visits to the memorial into their enjoyment of the H Street district, as daily use of the site by locals will give life to the space and encourage their regular exploration of its theme. Creating Spaces Controlling views and guiding movement within the memorial by breaking the proposed gridded grove of trees presents opportunities to shape and create spaces within the site. The largest area created in this way, associated with the major view in from Maryland Avenue, will function as a flexible space suitable for outdoor activities. 5.4.3 Site Program In the masses formed by the gridded trees, the existing asphalt is torn away and a hole is dug for each tree. These holes are lined with a moisture- permeable root-control bag, filled with soil and a tree, and the entire surface area of the tree bed is then raked over with soft, permeable, recycled asphalt. 129 Use of Modules Commemorative base modules in their fountain, beacon, and seedling planter configurations are located in small contemplative rooms along the narrowest path of the site with views along this paths originating both from H Street and Maryland Ave. An amphitheater and playable space is created by groupings of the three dimensional lawn modules. This configuration faces eastward toward two, separately placed audio shelters. This orientation was selected as ideal for the amphitheater because, on summer evenings, a movie screen will be erected facing the seating space they provide. Movies such as ?All Quiet on the Western Front? or documentaries including ?The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It? will be a highly visible opportunity for the memorial staff to communicate about conscientious objection and the values of the CPS. Commemorative Text Because areas in between the gridded groupings of trees will leave the site?s existing hardscape asphalt and concrete surface in place, the use of stenciled text, first proposed in the early pictograms exploring ephemeral communication, will be employed via red spray-paint onto the ground surface. Using quotes that commemorate history of conscientious objection and the CPS, a new collection of these will be selected for sites each year, developing the memorial?s story over time. 130 Use of Existing Garage Structure One of the greatest opportunities on the Maryland Avenue site is the opportunity to use the existing, abandoned mechanics garage structure as an event space, gallery and caf?. By selling simple foods and coffee to visitors, they are encouraged to incorporate the site into their everyday lives, instead of reserving their visits to occasional commemorative pilgrimages. By returning to the site regularly, whether focused on the commemoration taking place there or not, the visitor will gain a comfort with the celebration of conscientious objection and alternative service exhibited on the site. Distribution of the Grove As the year concludes, and the trees mature and become ready for re- planting, they will begin to be distributed to street tree planters and vacant lots that surround the memorial in the neighboring blocks. By filling voids in the city?s street tree infrastructure, the memorial will continue to commemorate the work of the CPS. In Washington, the effect of bringing the memorial back to different sites throughout the city, once every four years, will be to create a collection of memorial groves that celebrate CPS service in the Nation?s capital, the city where the legislation was enacted and the bargains and petitions were made by the peace church leaders, congress, and FDR, that allowed the program to exist. 131 Figure 64 1400 Maryland A ve. NE - Site Design [Sickle ] Fountai n Engraved Paver s Audio Shelte r Theater Law n Gallery/Caf e Beaco n Stenciled Tex t Seedling Plante r 132 Trees in Groun d Beaco n Fountai n Theater Law n Audio Shelte r Gallery/Caf e Figure 65 1400 Maryland A ve. NE - Elevation Along MD A venue NE [Sickle ] 133 W inte r Sprin g Autum n Summe r Figure 66 1400 Maryland A ve. NE - Seasonal Performance Diagrams [Sickle ] 134 Figure 67 1400 Maryland A ve. NE - Summer Movie Night [Sickle ] 135 Figure 68 1400 Maryland A ve. NE - Fall Afternoon [Sickle ] 136 Figure 69 1400 Maryland A ve. NE - Grove Distribution [Sickle ] - Memorial Tre e - Existing Street Tre e - Public Par k 137 5.5 Satellite Site Design - 2241 Martin Luther King, Jr. Ave SE Figure 70 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE [Sickle] 5.5.1 Site Condition 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave is currently covered only with patches of broken asphalt and bare earth. The site is surrounded with chain-link fence topped with razor wire and is not publicly accessible. With no other architecture on site, this location provides a nearly blank canvas for experimentation. Aerial imagery of the site shows that it has been used as a staging ground for construction equipment. While the site?s owner Curtis Properties has proposed a vibrant mixed-use retail center, on this parcel and the much larger parcel adjacent to the east which is currently used as a parking lot, these plans have not materialized. 138 Figure 71 Site Conditions - 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE [Sickle] Figure 72 Salvation Army Building & Big K [Sickle] Figure 73 Walker Whitman Health Clinic [Sickle] Fitness & Safety Academy Residential Neighborhood Anacostia Professional Building DC Human Services 139 5.5.2 Analysis & Layout On this site, as at the Maryland Avenue location, a series of principles that could be applied to the layout of future sites was relied on for the design of a more locally-focused satellite to the flagship memorial. Grid Beginning again with a grid, in-ground trees are spaced more tightly on this site than they are at the flagship site to create a more opaque grove. This massing will serve as a screen giving visitors visual shelter from the large parking lot adjacent to the northeast and preserving privacy for the inhabitants of the nearby houses. Figure 74 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE - Grid Overlay [Sickle] 140 Orientation Lines Seeking an opportunity to focus attention on the local service performed by members of the CPS in a way that could be replicated in other cities that would become specific to those sites, lines were drawn over the grid diagram that point to each CPS camp located within 30 miles of Washington, D.C. Of these, the two pointing to the nearest camps were selected as generators of site form in the final design. Figure 75 2241 Martin Luther King Jr. Ave SE - Orientation Lines [Sickle] 141 5.5.3 Site Program In the spaces shaped by these two orienting edges, a mix of uses is afforded. A lawn fills the center of the site. Topped with exhibition vegetable garden modules that encourage visitors to consider the emergency farm labor and relief canning done by CPS members, these also encourages visitors to seek opportunities to grow their own food in the food desert of Anacostia. Beyond the lawn, the entrance to the site is framed by a low gateway of bench modules in front of two combined info shelter modules. These are located together because they form the only shelter on site and if memorial visitors or staff need to get out of the weather, they form a more enclosed space. The pitch of the roofs at a south-facing orientation also allow for maximum winter solar gain and maximum summer shade. The orientation line that points toward the nearest camp forms the border of the site?s lawn and recycled asphalt surfaces. This edge leads to the beacon in the northern corner of the site. When facing the front of the beacon, straddling this edge, the visitor will face the site of the nearest CPS camp. To the north and behind the combined structures is a grid of tree planter benches, raising trees above head height on 8? o.c. spacing. Surrounding a fountain module, this is a quiet space for conversation and relief from summer heat for visitors, including those coming from the adjacent Walker Whitman clinic or from a visit to the gym and the nearby Salvation Army building. 142 Distribution of the Grove Mirroring the seasonal performance of the Flagship site, this site will also change throughtout the year, with the trees dug up at a trickle during the autumn months, planted by memorial volunteers at sites nearby. The grove will spread through Anacostia to enliven and beautify the city, cleaning the air and water in daily acts of service that commemorate CPS workers? activities. 143 Info Shelte r Storage Benche s Figure 76 2241 Martin Luther King J r. A venue SE - Site Design [Sickle ] Tree Planter Benche s Fountai n Beaco n Raised Garden s 144 Trees in Groun d Beaco n Tree Planter s Info Shelte r Raised Garden s Storage Benche s Figure 77 22241 MLK J r. A ve SE - Section Orthogonal to MLK A ve [Sickle ] 145 W inte r Sprin g Autum n Summe r Figure 78 2241 MLK J r. A ve SE - Seasonal Performance Diagrams [Sickle ] 146 Figure 79 2241 MLK J r. A venue SE - Spring Morning [Sickle ] 147 Figure 80 2241 MLK J r. A venue SE -Summer Afternoon [Sickle ] 148 - Memorial Tre e - Existing Street Tre e - Public Par k Figure 81 2241MLK J r. A venue SE - Grove Distribution [Sickle ] 149 CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY The monumental landscape of Washington, D.C. is also a didactic landscape designed to establish American identity. Currently, most monuments either commemorate military conflict and American heroism, or are indirectly related to wars. In contrast, nonviolent events and peacemaking activities are underrepresented in this memorial landscape and are therefore neglected as defining American values. In response to this omission, this design-research thesis suggests the creation of a memorial that commemorates the Civilian Public Service (CPS), a World War II era program of alternative service for conscientious objectors. The thesis also seeks to propose a memorial capable of inspiring its visitors to consider nonviolent service and conscientious objection as a positive part of American culture. By exploring different types of memorials, different memorial cultures and rituals, programs, and materials, the thesis seeks to distinguish the commemoration of nonviolence from the commemoration of war. This exploration also responds to the National Capital Planning Commission ?Beyond Granite?305 competition?s desire to uncover new methods of commemoration for Washington, D.C. that enliven the city and that avoid the restrictions of the Commemorative Works Act. 305 The Beyond Granite design competition was held in the spring and summer of 2012 by the NCPC and GSA to develop a temporary monument in the Ariel Rios Hemicycle in the Federal Triangle that would celebrate the precepts and positive impact of Earth Day. 150 To accomplish these goals, a memorial composed of modular commemorative elements was designed. Rearranging this kit of parts in combination with a new group of locally appropriate trees, the memorial will relocate to a different American city each year and will return to Washington, D.C. every four years. By growing a new grove of trees in every city and donating each year?s batch of trees to the neighborhood it inhabits, the memorial will reflect both the history and the variety of services performed across the country by the Civilian Public Service. Trees remaining in the neighborhoods will then continue to commemorate work the CPS as part of a national memorial grove. 151 APPENDIX CPS MEMBER INTERVIEWS: THOUGHTS AND EMOTIONS REGARDING THEIR SERVICE 152 Laban Peachey Laban Peachey, CPS worker 007902306, was born in 1927 in Somerset County, Pa. He is the son of a Mennonite Conservative preacher and grew up learning to farm in his rural hometown of Springs, Pa. Mr. Peachey shared the history of his participation in the Civilian Public Service during an interview with me at his home in Harrisonburg, Virginia on Wednesday, November 9, 2011. During that interview, he shared his motivation to participate in the program, his personal memories of the World War II era, and his opinions on the alternative service he and other CO?s did with the CPS. When the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, Mr. Peachey was fourteen years old. He was also baptized in this same year. While growing up in a community made up largely of Mennonites and other Anabaptists, he was taught to believe that the teachings of the Bible?s New Testament did not allow for participation in war. In my interview with him he told me that ?Jesus and his teaching about the sacredness of human life would make participation in war not acceptable.? and stressed the importance of Jesus teaching to love one?s enemies as important to his decision to participate in the Civilian Public Service. When asked why he did not refuse the draft entirely, Mr. Peachey replied: ?You are obedient to the government unless it conflicts with your understanding of the Bible.? Mr. Peachey was the youngest of my interviewees and one of the youngest men drafted. His period of service began on October 5, 1947;307 over 306 ?CPS Worker 007902 - Peachey, Laban | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/workers/7902. 307 ?CPS Worker 007902 - Peachey, Laban | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/workers/7902. 153 a month after the end of the war, while the last of the drafting was underway. During the next fourteen months, Mr. Peachey went on to serve in four CPS units: CPS Unit # 004-01 in Grottoes, Va.308; CPS Unit # 052-01 in Powellsville, Md.309; CPS Unit # 085-01 in Howard, Rhode Island; and CPS Unit # 034-05 in Kalona, Iowa.310 Mr. Peachey felt that his local draft board?s decision to deny him a farm deferment exempting him from conscription may have been based on his father?s assistance to local men in attaining farm deferments and conscientious objector status. Despite this suspicion, he recalls being ?pleased that he could be drafted.? For him, the draft provided the opportunity to pursue the world beyond the hills where he was raised and he recalls wanting to participate in CPS. He said that his excitement about participating in CPS was not only about the ?right? reasons of religious conviction, but also about the potential of having adventure and excitement. During his time in the Civilian Public Service, the types of work he did varied greatly. At his first camp, in Grottoes, Va. he did soil conservation work which included digging culverts, cutting cedar brush, and planting trees. Like many of the members of CPS in the early days of the camps, he and his fellow camp members felt that this was not truly the ?work of national importance? that they were guaranteed by law. 308 ?CPS Unit 004-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/4/1. 309 ?CPS Unit 052-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/52/1. 310 ?CPS Worker 007902 - Peachey, Laban | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/workers/7902. 154 The Grottoes camp was closed in May 1946311 and Laban applied for a transfer to work at CPS Unit 085-01, caring for mental health patients at the Rhode Island State Hospital in Howard, Rhode Island. While waiting for his transfer to the Howard camp, Mr. Peachey worked for a few months at a swamp- drainage project in Powellsville, Md. After his transfer to the Rhode Island State Hospital was approved and he arrived at the camp, Laban recalls being immediately brought into work without orientation. So great was the shortage of labor at the hospital, that his work of caring for bed patients began his first hour on the job. He recalled these duties and his occasional job of taking a deceased patient to the hospital morgue as being ?something different? and an interesting change from the farm work he grew up doing. His final work assignment was in Kalona, Iowa, beginning in September, 1946. Here, he canned and prepared food for post-war relief shipments that would be sent to war-torn Europe. He believed in the value of this work so much that, despite the conclusion of his conscription on December 1st, 1946, he continued to work there until January 1st, 1947 while the camp waited for his replacement. He recalled his greatest regret of his time with CPS was not being able to see his four months? worth of canning work being loaded on to the train that would begin its journey to Europe, where his brother was working to distribute relief food supplies. Unlike his time building fences, cooking and cutting brush in Grottoes and Powellsville, Mr. Peachey remembered his work at his last two camps, as truly being of ?national importance.? He felt ?very good? about his food preparation 311 ?CPS Unit 004-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/4/1. 155 work. He recalled the greatness of the need for able-bodied workers in mental hospitals and the appreciation of the community in which he was working in Rhode Island for the hard work of the COs there. Unlike several of his fellow Conscientious Objectors at the time of World War II, Laban does not recall any great confrontations with the public over his pacifist stance. He recalls hearing of such confrontations, but generally remembers respectful relationships with other citizens and believes that the people from his home church community felt sorry for the COs. Upon returning home after his service to a community where Mennonites were respected, the number of those who had participated in alternative service was substantial. When asked about the possibility of a CPS memorial being built, Mr. Peachey was skeptical that it would be accepted by a ?militaristic public.? Though, he did feel that present society is generally more tolerant and accepting of pacifist people and ideas. He and my other interviewees were all aware of and wanted to make me aware of the fate of Mennonite artist Esther Augsburger?s sculpture ?Guns into Plowshares.? The sculpture is made of hundreds of guns which have been welded into the form of a large plow, making reference to Isaiah 2:4 ??They will beat their swords into plowshares?Nation will not take up sword against nation, nor will they train for war anymore.?312 The verse is a favorite of pacifist-leaning artists. From 1997 to 2008, the sculpture stood in Judiciary Square, less than a mile from the Capitol building in Washington, D.C.313 It has now been relegated to a fenced-in storage area near a police evidence control facility in Southwest 312 Isa. 2:4. 313 Sheldon C. Good, ?Plowshares Sculpture Moved Again,? Menno Weekly, February 07, 2011, section goes here, accessed February 11, 2012, http://www.mennoweekly.org/2011/2/7/plowshares-sculpture-moved-again/. 156 D.C. out of the view of most of the public. There is suspicion in the Mennonite community that this removal was the will of a ?militaristic public? for which Mr. Peachey believes, ?with all of the guns on it, it was probably too blunt and direct.? When asked ?If a CPS memorial were built, where should it be?? Mr. Peachey thought that it belonged near the Vietnam Veterans Memorial; though he has never been there, he thought that proximity between the two memorials would be appropriate. This supports his idea for the theme of the memorial. Laban Peachey believed that any memorial to the Civilian Public Service should focus on celebrating the diversity of America, the strength of that diversity, and the place that pacifists have in that diversity. He believed that America is notable for its tolerance and nurturing of its various constituencies is a source of the nation?s strength, citing the willingness of George Washington and other founding fathers to work with members of the historic peace churches and to absolve them of compulsory military service. ?They knew Anabaptists. They made room for them.? 157 Harold D. Lehman Harold D. Lehman, PhD was CPS worker # 005962. He was born in 1921 in Harrisonburg, Virginia and raised in the Old Mennonite tradition. Mr. Lehman shared the history of his participation in the Civilian Public Service during an interview with me at his home at the Virginia Mennonite Retirement Center in Harrisonburg, Virginia on Wednesday, November 9, 2011. During that interview he recalled his motivation to participate in the program, his personal memories of the World War II era, and his opinions on the alternative service he and other COs did with the CPS. He has also recorded his story in The human tradition in the World War II era, Volume 8 edited by Malcolm Muir, pp. 65-81, in a chapter entitled ?A Conscientious Objector?s Story.? He found it amusing that the story immediately following his is John Wayne?s. Mr. Lehman entered CPS on October 27, 1942 and worked in the program for nearly four years, completing his service on April 8, 1946. During these years, he worked at CPS Unit # 039-01 in Galax, Va.314; CPS Unit # 077-01 at Greystone Park State Hospital in Greystone Park, N.J.315; CPS Unit # 092-01 at Vineland Training School in Vineland, N.J.316; and at CPS Unit # 101-03 at Goshen College in Indiana.317 314 ?CPS Unit 039-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/39/1. 315 ?CPS Unit 077-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/77/1. 316 ?CPS Unit 092-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/92/1. 317 ?CPS Unit 101-03 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/101/3. 158 At the time he was drafted, when the war was less than a year old and with encouraging news about the progress of the war in North Africa, he recalled friends believing that they would be home by Christmas. When asked why he chose work in the CPS over other forms of service, he said that he grew up in Harrisonburg, Va. in a community where Mennonites and members of the Church of the Brethren made up much of the population and that it was the ?easy? way to go for him. From his perspective, it would have been more problematic for his community and family if he had joined the army, which he remembered only a few local residents doing. Like fellow interviewee Laban Peachey, he felt that his draft board was anxious not to allow him a farm deferment or any other sort of exemption from conscription. ?They wanted to be sure that we all got drafted.? At his first camp, in Galax, Va.; he recalled his daily routine beginning with breakfast after which the men would do four hours of work for the National Park Service, a thirty minute break for lunch and then back to work until 5 pm. The NPS work, in his opinion, was varied and had showed great concern for the workers safety. He appreciated that the parks service did not put the men to work in dangerous weather and conditions on the mountains where their typical labor involved tree planting, logging, and culvert digging. ?At Galax,? he remembered, ?the government saw that the work we were doing was not of national importance.? As an example, he recalls feeling discouraged about the significance of removing branches from the Blue Ridge Parkway during gas rationing years when few tourists travelled on the road. He attributed the closing of the camp, in March of 1943, to this lack of importance.318 318 ?CPS Unit 039-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/39/1. 159 After the closing of the Galax camp, Harold worked for a few months at Greystone Park State Hospital in Greystone Park, New Jersey. There he did work that he felt was of much greater national importance than his work on the Blue Ridge Parkway. He recalled mental hospitals in that era as being ?human warehouses? and in poor condition. Harold found fulfilling the work that he and the other COs did caring for society?s ?out of sight and out of mind? and thought that it was desperately needed. Wishing to find work that would be more in line with the teaching profession he had left when he was drafted, Mr. Lehman applied for a position at a unit was opening at the Vineland Training School in Vineland, New Jersey. The school was a private institution which cared for five hundred and fifty children, then labeled ?mentally retarded.?319 The position required a college degree and two years teaching experience. He was accepted and began work there as a counselor caring for the children. Mr. Lehman left Vineland in the summer of 1943 and went to Goshen College in Indiana to participate in a relief training unit for men who would promise to do two years of overseas relief work. That summer, though, Congress passed a law that specifically disallowed CPS members from going overseas for relief during war. The July 8, 1943 Chicago Tribune Press reporting on the decision states, ?A scheme sponsored by Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt for giving several hundred conscientious objectors special training and sending them abroad on foreign relief work has been abandoned under orders from Congress??320 The relief training unit was subsequently closed. 319 ?CPS Unit 092-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story,? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War, accessed February 11, 2012, http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/92/1. 320 Taylor, Acts of Conscience, 76. 160 After this, he returned to Vineland and taught boys of the age of twelve years old and younger. Vineland was a boarding school and his duties included the supervision of the children in addition to teaching them reading and arithmetic in the hopes that they could gain employment upon reaching adulthood. He became unit leader in the autumn of 1944 and remained there in that capacity until July 1946. Although his conscription ended in April of 1946, Mr. Lehman decided to remain and finish teaching the term, with the added benefit of receiving payment for those last two months, his first salary in four years. Looking back on his experience, Harold Lehman recalled the excitement he felt at the time he was drafted. ?There was some sense of adventure, some sense of uncertainty? he says. He adds that since he was young, unmarried and had a sense of adventure, it ?wasn?t a big problem? for him to go. He saw his service with the CPS as a positive contribution to his life?s experience and as having been fulfilling based on the diversity of its work and of the fellow workers that he met. There was a ?huge, very diverse list of participants? that worked with him at the camps, many of whom were not Mennonites. When asked ?How do you think society felt about the CPS program? Harold replied that ?The government wanted CPS out of sight and out of mind? The Government was willing to go along to the extent of providing the program but did not want it to be popular or for it to result in bad public relations.? He recalled that the individual camps he was at appreciated the good work record of the CPS members. As an example, he recounted the story of some of the trail workers at the Galax Camp, working on the Appalachian Trail. These campers decided to prove themselves by doubling their daily expected workload, much to the confusion of their supervisors. At Galax specifically, he remembered that the community did not identify them primarily as COs, but as ?damned Yankees.? To 161 them, it seemed, being from somewhere further north in the US was the greater offense. Mr. Lehman recalled experiencing only some verbal harassment for his CO status, but that it was not overwhelming. Like Herman Ropp, he received positive feedback from military members who discovered the nature of his service on train rides across the country on several occasions. He also saw himself as fortunate to have had a lot of support for his type of service when he came back to his community. He thought that it was important to mention that not all returning CPS workers were as fortunate. A friend of his who had also served in the camps, but returned to a community that rejected his stance as a CO committed suicide not long after the end of his service. When asked specifically about the appropriate location for a CPS memorial, Mr. Lehman suggested that one be located near the Blue Ridge Parkway in Virginia because there was a camp that had been nearby where the CPS members worked and because it would be visible to the public. He considered the work of fighting forest fires, digging post holes, working in mental hospitals and the starvation and malaria experiments done by some CPS members to be appropriate subjects for memorialization. When asked ?What do you wish America knew about the CPS program and about your service?? Mr. Lehman explained that he would want people to know about the religious convictions that prompted the program and that this was a ground-breaking opportunity for COs. He also believed that Americans should 162 understand the work that went into the program?s creation and Roosevelt?s acceptance of it and that the memorial should offer an appreciation of the stand taken against war, particularly by Mennonites, Brethren, and Quakers, but also other denominations. 163 Herman Ropp Herman Ropp, CPS worker 008684,321 was born in 1919 in Kalona, Iowa. Mr. Ropp shared the history of his participation in the Civilian Public Service during an interview with me at the Virginia Mennonite Retirement Center in Harrisonburg, Virginia on Wednesday, November 9, 2011. During that interview he recalled his motivation to participate in the program, his personal memories of the World War II era, and his opinions on the alternative service he and other COs performed with the CPS. Mr. Ropp graciously lent me his only copy of his autobiographical account of the Civilian Public Service, entitled ?By Reason of Religious Training and Belief? of which he published only a few copies. One of these is in the possession of the Menno Simons Historical Library at Eastern Mennonite University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He was raised in the Mennonite Conservative tradition on a family farm in a community that raised oats, corn, hogs, and cattle. His family also had a business selling Case tractors. Growing up in a community of mixed Mennonite and other Christian denominations, Mr. Ropp learned at the onset of the war to be ?self conscious? of his family?s pacifist stance and recalled feeling uncomfortable going into town and occasionally being teased about this. He was inducted into the Civilian Public Service on July 21, 1942322 and served in four camps: CPS Unit # 033-01 in Fort Collins, Co.323; CPS Unit # 060- 321 ?CPS Worker 008684 - Ropp, Herman E. | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/workers/8684. 322 By Reason of Religious Training and Belief - pg.7 323 ?CPS Unit 033-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/33/1. 164 01 in Lapine, Ore.324; CPS Unit # 027-03 in Bartow, Fl.; and CPS Unit # 034-05325 in Akron, Pa. at the headquarters of the Mennonite Central Committee, the arm of the Mennonite church that oversaw the denomination?s portion of the CPS camps and that had lobbied the government for the option of alternative service. During our interview, Mr. Ropp enthusiastically recalled the importance of the teachings of his church and its lead pastor in his own decision not to go to war. He said that he chose to participate in CPS ?because of the opportunity to work for the USA without entering a fighting war? and emphasizes that, at the time of the war, he had no interest in seeking another way out of fighting. In ?By Reason of Religious Training and Belief? Mr. Ropp describes his disinclination to apply for exemption from the draft through either farm deferment or by entering seminary training. He goes on to recall that while he was sorry to give up the university study that he had planned, he ?was always grateful [he] had an acceptable alternative. [He] was actually glad to get out of the community and do work of ?National Importance? in Colorado.?326 In his recollection of his first experience at CPS Unit # 033-01, in Fort Collins, CO; Herman describes the camp in detail: ?Fort Collins was a typical base camp, a cluster of six or eight buildings. They were long narrow barracks, perhaps 20x70 feet in dimension. They were simply constructed bunk houses. They were unpainted and not insulated. Several buildings served as auxiliary. They were bath houses, office, infirmary, and kitchen ? dining facility?The first impression I got of the camp and surroundings was that it was a rather bleak, bare and austere 324 ?CPS Unit 060-01 | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/camps/60/1. 325 ?CPS Worker 008684 - Ropp, Herman E. | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/workers/8684. 326 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 10. 165 place.?327 His work there included soil erosion control, making fences, digging ditches, and emergency farm labor and some forest fire control. 328 As none of these tasks appealed to Herman, he applied to work with the kitchen staff and was accepted there. This job included the responsibility of waking at 4am to prepare 400 sandwiches for the 200 men of the camp to take with them for their daily lunches. Herman remembered that ?Much of the work was stretching, sometimes 15 hours a day, but a lot of it was routine and a little boring.? After four months, and just before the Colorado winter began, He applied for and was granted transfer to CPS Unit # 060-01 in Lapine, Oregon. At Lapine, Herman continued his work as a cook, preparing meals for the 600 men stationed there to work on a dam building project that would hold irrigation water for the farming communities in central Oregon. After Lapine, and a brief time at a CPS cooking school in Grottoes, Virginia, Herman was then stationed at Crestview Public Health Service in Florida from August through September of 1943. He describes this experience as ?brief but intense.? 329 Crestview, unlike his earlier camps, was located near town where ?the war spirit was high and many people did not like the camp. The local newspaper was very outspoken against having a group of C.O.?s in the midst of the community.? 330 Still, the community members who received the free work on their homes were appreciative and he recalled that the hookworm eradication 327 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 12. 328 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 12. 329 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 25. 330 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 27. 166 projects that CPS workers did in Florida were sorely needed. Herman?s final assignment was working at the Mennonite Central Committee Headquarters in Akron, Pa. where he continued his cooking work. While there, he met Orie O. Miller, executive secretary of the MCC and the Mennonite Churches? main representative to the federal government. Herman?s responsibilities there were to feed the MCC staff managing the CPS program at headquarters and their guests and dignitaries.331 Herman Ropp was particularly passionate in sharing his opinions about the character that a CPS memorial should have and about the importance of the program in his life and in national history. When asked if he would choose to serve if given the opportunity again, he quickly answered yes, ?even though it was an unpopular position? in America at the time. Like fellow interviewee Harold Lehman, Herman did recall that it was more acceptable to his home church community to participate in CPS, but that his participation in the program was because of his agreement with the religious teachings with which he had been raised. Gently striking the desk at which he was being interviewed with his fist, he asserted that it was the right thing for him to do because war ?does not solve anything.? Herman said, referring to his rights as an American conscientious objector and a Christian that ?I think that if they [draft] you, you can say, I can?t do this, but I can do that.? Mr. Ropp felt that the creation of the Civilian Public Service was ?a democratic and wise decision? of the government. He expressed his gratitude for the work of Orie O. Miller and the other peace church leaders to establish the alternative service system. And he found wisdom in the decision of the peace 331 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 38. 167 church leaders that their responsibility was not to convince the government not to fight, but to keep the members of their denominations out of the war. He also credited his time in the CPS with broadening his career and educational horizons. Though he had not completed high school, he earned his G.E.D. while in the program332 and went on to earn a BA in History at Goshen College in Indiana.333 Herman recalled feeling very ?self conscious? about being in public as a C.O. in his community growing up and, as an example, recalled preferring the barber shop for haircuts as a young man, but once the war began, he went back to having his father cut his hair avoid being made fun of by people in town. Despite some negative interactions with the general public, he remembered his interactions with soldiers traveling on trains across country during the time of his service as mutually respectful. Some armed service members even went so far as to say that they wish they ?had the guts? to do what the CPS members were doing and told him to ?stick to your guns? on his stance against fighting. When asked ?What do you wish America knew about the CPS program and about your service?? Herman said that he didn?t think that Americans knowing about the CPS would make much of a difference. Herman thought that ?right-wing religious folks? believed in violence as a way to solve international problems and that the majority of people would not take the minority peace- position. He offered the displacement of Esther Augsburger?s sculpture ?Guns into plowshares? as an example. 332 Ropp, ... By Reason of Religious Training and Belief, 36. 333 ?CPS Worker 008684 - Ropp, Herman E. | The Civilian Public Service Story.? The Civilian Public Service Story | Living Peace in a Time of War. Accessed February 11, 2012. http://civilianpublicservice.org/workers/8684. 168 When asked about the ideal location for a CPS memorial, Mr. Ropp did not offer any specifics, but did suggest some principles to abide by. He thought that a CPS memorial ?should not be hidden, but also should not be flaunted.? Like Laban Peachey, he supported the idea of the memorial, but cautioned me about its potential to stir controversy. ?You can?t go up to military men and say ?Hey we?re COs!? In regard to the proposed memorial?s form, Herman said that ?You?re going to get some opposition if you have a fancy memorial?You don?t need to hide it or to be ashamed of it, but anything too flamboyant, and there?s always going to be somebody to pick on it...It should be simple.? He also cautioned me, that the CPS members should not be portrayed as martyrs, saying ?We did what the Lord wanted us to do.? He also had recommendations for the message of the memorial, envisioning it as a place that could illustrate how Christians can work together when they put their mind to it. Acknowledging the complexity of their position against war during what much of America came to know as the ?Good War? he advised that it should be about men who hated war, but were conflicted because?you?ve got to get rid of Adolf Hitler. We were caught up in a country that thought war would settle things.? 169 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2011, 4:22PM 03 Nov. ?2.5 Million Pilgrims Prepare for Hajj.? The Telegraph, April 22, 2003. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/religion/8867627/2.5-million- pilgrims-prepare-for-hajj.html. 2011, 4:22PM 03 Nov. ?2.5 Million Pilgrims Prepare for Hajj.? The Telegraph, April 22, 2003. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/religion/8867627/2.5-million- pilgrims-prepare-for-hajj.html. 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