ADAPI'ATION OF INDOCHINESE REFUGEE UNACCOOPANIED MINORS 'ID THE UNI'l'ED STATES : DEPRESSION; AMERICANIZATION; ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT by Zelda Porte Dissertation sub:nitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland in i;:artial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Huma.n Developnent Y)? " 1986 C? \ APPROVAL SHEEI' Title of Dissertation: Adaptation of Indochinese Refugee Unaccanpanied Minors to the United States: Depression; Americanization; Academic Achievement Name of candidate : Zelda Porte Ph.D., 1986 Dissertation and Abstract Approved: dith TorneYi urta, Ph.D. Professor, Human Developrent University of Maryland Date Approved: Abstract Title: Adaptation of Indochinese Refugee Unaccanpanied Minors to the United States: Depression; Americanization; Academic Achievement. Zelda Porte, 1986 Dissertation Directed By: Dr. Judith Torney-Purta Professor, Human Development College of Education Many Indochinese unaccompanied adolescents have been resettled in the United States without parents. Their recent imnigration and adolescent life stage-ooth potential stressors--rray render them vulnerable to psychosocial distress. This study examined effects of placement mode, time in U.S., situation/status of family of origin, displacement, support, and political awareness on their life- satisfaction/depression, Americanization, and academic achievement. Subjects were 82 Indochinese adolescents, ages 12 to 19. Of 58 unaccompanied minors, 29 were in foster care with caucasian families, 10 in foster care with Indochinese families, 19 in group hanes. Twenty-four Indochinese adolescents living with their own families were also subjects. A child's version of The Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) measured depression. The investigator's 42-item questionnaire and checklist collected de.nx>graphics and additional data. The overall sample was depressed: mean CES-D score, 18.25-two points above clinical depression. But, subjects in ethnic foster care or their own families had mean scores of 11, compared to 23 for Caucasian foster homes or group homes: F(3,78)=12.08, p.<.0001. Significant benefits for subjects in settings with an Indochinese adult (related or not) were: less depression, higher grade point average, more positive academic attributions, greater likelihood of viewing academic success as a result of own effort and under own control, more positive social attributions, greater frequency when sad of turning to another person for help in feeling better. Support had strong but differential influences on successful adaptation: beneficial in lowering depression for children in non-ethnic settings, unnecessary for those in ethnic homes. Displacement taking place prior to imnigration to the U.S. ceased to have an effect on important outcanes when all variables were taken into account. There were significant differences in striving for independence (a measure of Americanization) between children in own families and unaccompanied minors, with the fonner having lower scores. Academic perfonra.nce proved stable across groups: mean GPA was 3.05. These data suggest the importance of promoting (in the following order): foster care with extended family, foster care in ethnic homes, ethnic staff for service programs, Caucasian foster families with cross-cultural experience. Dedication This dissertation is dedicated with gratitude and affection to the eight-two refugee boys and girls who so generously shared their experiences of dislocation and resettlement. ii Acknowledgements Canpletion of this work was made possible by the scholarly direction provided by camri.ttee members. I am particularly grateful to the wise and patient guidance of Dr. Judith Torney-Purta, advisor, who in the course of my years in the Hunan Develotxnent Program keenly fostered my interests in the subject of refugee children. In addition, the contributions of Dr. Charles Flatter, Dr. Susan Holloway, Dr. Robert Marcus, and Dr. Nancy Schlossberg to the completion of this dissertation are much appreciated. This research project would not have been possible without the involvement of various programs serving refugee youths: catholic Charities and Lutheran Social Services of the District of Columbia; the District of Columbia Refugee Services Center; the Refugee Unaccompanied Minors Program of Northern Virginia; and Catholic Family and Children's Service of Richmond, Virginia. A very special tribute is extended to Dr. Helen Nash, my friend and mentor, for her never-failing counsel and encouragement. iii TABLE OF mNTENTS Page DEDICATION ????????????????????????????????????????????????? ii ACK:N(:~~L.::E![X'.;EMEN'I'S ?????????????????????????????????????????? iii LIST OF 'rABI.."ES ?? ??????????????????????????????????????????? vi LIST OF APPENDICES . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . viii LIST OF FIGURES ???????????????????????????????????????????? ix CHAPI'ER I INI'RODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW ???...?....?.? l Rationale and Significance. . . . . . ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . 1 Theoretical ~el ??????????..??.?????????????????.????? 2 The Event ?????????????????????????????????????????????? 3 The Migration Experience .......???...?....???? 4 Resettlanerit .?.??..????????????.?????????????? 8 Th.e Erlviro~t. ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? . ? ? ? ? ? ? ? . . ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?? 11 Pc>licy . ...................................... 11 Placement .t-1c:>cie ??????????????????????????????? 12 SuPJ?C)rt Systems ?????????????????????????????? 18 The Individual ???????????????????????????????????????? 23 Adolescence and Identity .........?..?......?. 23 Etl'lnic Identity ......?????.....?.???........? 25 Survival of the Fittest ...................... 31 Mental Health and Coping Strategies ..?....... 34 Research Problem ?????????????????????????????????????? 36 Research Questions ???????????????????????? ?? ?????????? 38 CHAPTER II .ME"rHOOOI.OOY ???????????????????????????????????? 41 S'Ubjects ?????????????????????????????????????????????? 41 Data Collection ?...???????????????????.?.????????????? 45 Instrl1I?len.ts ??????????????????????????????????????????? 4 7 CES-D Scale ?????????????????????????????????? 48 Questionnaire and Check List ........?........ 50 Arla.lysis of Data ?.??.???????.?...?????.???..????????.? 52 Darog'raphic Data ???.???????????.???.????????? 52 Research Questions ?..???????????????????????? 54 Predictors of Successful Resettlanent .???.... 60 iv CHAPI'ER III R'ESULTS ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ????????????????????????????? 62 ~raphics ???????.?????????????????????????????????? 62 Americanization Check List ...?..???.......??.........? 64 CE?S-D Scale ?????????????????????????.????????????????? 67 Resea.rch Questions .??????????????????????????????????? 71 #1 Placerrent ~e ????????.????????.?????.???? 71 #2 Time in U.S ??????????????????????????????? 81 #3 Family of Origin ????????????.????????????? 82 #4 Displacenent .??????????.?????????..??????? 85 #5 Suw:,rt ??.???????????????????????????????? 96 #6 Political Awareness ?.??......?..??....... 113 Predictors of Successful Resettlement ..????.......??? 118 Ca.se Presen'ta.tions ??????????????????????????????????? 128 CifAl?'I'ER IV CO~WSIONS ??????????????????????????????????? 134 Surnnary of Principal Findings ....?.........????...... 134 Theoretical Considerations ...?........???...??...??.. 145 Reccmnendations for Policy ........????......???...?.. 154 Proposed Resettl enEnt Models ...?........???..?......? 159 APP"ENDICES ???????????????????????????????????????????????? 164 R'EF.ER.EOCES ???????????????????????????????????????????????? 184 V List of Tables Table Page 1 Denographic Data by Country of Origin ???????????? 43 2 Derographic Data by Placement Mode ??????????????? 44 3 Denographic Data by Placement Mode ??????????????? 45 4 CE'S-D Scores by Placement Mode ??????????????????? 70 5 CES-D Scores by Placement Mode with Time U.S. and Age as Covariates ?..?.???...?...????..??..?????.. 72 6 Independence Scores by Placement Mode with Time U.S. and Age as Covariates ??????????????????????? 74 7 Grade Point Average by Placement Mode with Time U.S. arrl Age as Covariates ???????????????.??????? 77 8 Number of Placements by Placement Mode ??????????? 93 9 Number and Country of Friends by Placement Mode ?? 99 10 CE'S-D Scores and Number of Friends ?????????.????? 101 ll CE'S-D Scores by Friend/No Friend with Time U.S. and Adult Support as Covariates ????????.????????? 102 12 Minors Speak When Sad by Placement Mode ?????????? 104 13 CE'S-D Scores by Support Levels ??????????????????? 106 14 CE'S-D Scores by Placement Mode with Time U.S. arrl Total Support as Covariates ?????????????????????? 108 15 Independence Scores by Placement Mode with Time U.S. and Total Support as Covariates ????????????? 111 16 Citizenship Data, Americanization Check List ????? 115 Ordered Regression Surrmary Tables 17 Contribution of Age, Time U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total SuPfX)rt and Ethnic Setting to CES-D Scores in All Minors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 vi 17 Contribution of Age, Time U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total Su~rt and Ethnic Setting to Independence Scores in All MiI10rs ? ? . . ? ? ? ? ? . ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? . ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? . ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 121 18 Contribution of Age, Time U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displ.acerrent, Total Su~rt and Ethnic Setting to Grade Point Average in All Minors ....????....?.?.........?.?.......?. 123 19 Contribution of Age, Time U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total SU~rt, Ethnic Setting, and Placements to C&S-O Scores in Unaccanpanied Minors ?..???????????????? 125 20 Contribution of Age, Time U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displ.acerrent, Total Su~rt, Ethnic Setting, and Placements to Grade Point Average in Unaccanpanied Minors ???????????? 128 vii - List of Appendices Appendix Page A. Participant Consent Form ???????????????????????????? 165 Parental Consent Form ..........?.?.???.....?.??....? 166 Project Director Consent Fonn ??.???????.?.?????????? 167 B. Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale Adult Version ..?..?......?.?.........?....??..?..?.? 169 C. Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale Child Version . ..................................... . 172 D. Questionnaire and Americanization Check List ???????? 175 E. Means and Standard Deviations, Major Variables ?????? 181 F. Pearson Correlation Coefficients, Major Variables ??? 182 G. Questionnaire Item Justification ...??????.?????????. 183 viii List of Figures Figure Page 1. Elements of the Transition ??.?..??????????????????? 40 ix CHAPTER I INI'RODUCTION Since 1975, over 5,000 unaccanpanied Indochinese refugee minors have entered this country to be resettled primarily in caucasian foster hanes. For the most part, they are adolescent rrales 15 - 18, who have parents rerraining in Vietnam, carnbodia, or Laos. United States federal policy rrandates that these young people be encouraged to simultaneously assimilate and to maintain their indigenous ethnic identity. Research is just beginning to emerge indicating the generally successful adaptation of this population to life in the U.S. (e.g., Sokoloff, 1985). In particular, academic achievement has been noted. In a pilot study (Porte, 1985), this author observed that most unaccanpa.nied minors were doing quite well. They were adopting values characteristic of their American counterparts, while at the same time maintaining manners and practices of their o.-m culture. Yet there were repeated expressions of grief and loss, including instances of clinical depression, in spite of evident success in adapting to new lives. Both conventional wisdan and enpirical research dictate that critical changes in life circurnstances--especially when not of one's o.-m making--predispose an individual to p.sychological distress, notably depression. Rumbaut (1977) 1 stated that precipitous "migration is the epitome of change, ??? The kinds of life events that accumulate the stresses of change, loss, and social undesirability weigh IIOSt heavily upon the person who moves from one stable cultural niche to another." As well as undergoing migration, a change of especially profound consequence, unaccompanied minors are dealing with the physiological and social changes inherent in the life stage of adolescence. Because of this abrupt migration superi.mp:>sed on a life stage of particular vulnerability, unaccanpa.nied minors can be seen to be in double jeopardy and susceptible to severe adjustment difficulties. Ccrnplicating their situation is the loss of family and accustaned support systems. Transition Theory Schlossberg's theory of transition (1984) is a framework for examining how people react when they are in the process of change. She postulated three canponent parts to each transition: the event itself, or transition; the envirornnenti and, the individual and his or her coping resources. Within this context, the transition process is marked by changing reactions over time, with differing phases of assimilation and appraisal. From the perspective of Schlossberg, one could say that unacccmpanied minors are undergoing a transition of multiple dimensions with severe pressures being imposed on them in all three dana.ins of event, envirornnent, and individual. In 2 fact, sane mental health practitioners (e.g., Harding and Looney, 1977; Williams and Westermeyer, 1983) have identified unaccompanied minors as especially vulnerable to emotional distress because of the complexity of their social conditions: dislocation, separation from family, age, and resettlement. Transition theory was formulated specifically in relation to adults and changes in their lives. But, it is likely that the cognitive capabilities of older adolescents are not substantially different from those of adults (Melton, 1982). For that reason it is being proposed here that this theory also can be applied suitably to a more youthful population. When extending transition theory to unaccompanied minors it becomes abundantly clear that the three canponents of event, environment, and individual are not discrete entities. On the contrary, their interconnectedness is striking. The Event For unaccompanied minors, the event of migration is marked by war, fear, flight, and separation from parents; left behind are home, homeland, language, and a familiar culture. Then, a substantial period of time in a refugee camp in Southeast Asia precedes admission to the U.S. Once the newcaner finally arrives in this country, a new foster family, culture, language, school, and friends become part of the resettlement experience. 3 The Migration Experience War Ample evidence has accumulated in the literature from the Holocaust and since, on the long-term effects on children of war and :political persecution (e.g., Hoppe, 1968; Lourie, 1985; Rosenblatt, 1984). During World War II, Anna Freud (1943) recorded the reactions of young children who had been separated from their families. She noted "The war aCXllJ,ires comparatively little significance for children so long as it only threatens their lives, disturbs their material comfort or cuts their food rations. It becanes enormously significant the rnanent it breaks up family life and uproots the first emotional attachments of the child within the family group. London children, therefore, were on the whole rm1ch less upset by banbing than by evacuation to the country as a protection against it." More recently, the negative consequences of war on children have been conceptualized as Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PI'SD), the American Psychiatric Association's current (since 1980) ncmenclature for the collection of symptans whose etiology is external and overwhelming stress (Arroyo, 1985). Flight Migration and uprooting can take many forms, voluntary or not (Pfister-Amnende, 1982). Forced, unplanned mobility, occurring as a result of :political upheaval, typically involves high risks for mental health: lingering fear of the persecutor which may be projected onto the new country, 4 depression, aggression, and apathy. Later, in the next generation, this rray be followed by an identity crisis of substantial rragnitude: who am I? carlin (1979) wrote from clinical experience with Indochinese refugee minors, that in most instances, these children left their homes with neither planning nor preparation. Departure from war-ravaged countries took place amidst fire, shelling, running, and great fear. Many compatriots did not survive the escape on ill-fitted boats which lacked adequate shelter, food, or water. Piracy on the high seas was an ongoing risk. Even cannibalism was not unknown in instances of extreme hunger and despair ("Doaned vessel," 1985). From their empirical study of 28 adolescent Southeast Asian refugees, Williams and Westenneyer stated rrany children left their homelands without knowing the fate of their parents or other family members (1983). Sane did not know the separation would be permanent; it was not uncorrmon for unaccompanied children to expect their parents to follow them to the U.S. According to these authors, the refugee exodus was sometimes used as a way of solving a difficult family problem by separating parent and child. Nidorf (1985) related from extensive clinical observation that sane unaccanpanied minors did not wish to leave their countries. Parents had arranged their departures in order to give them a better life than could be hoped for under Comtunist rule. Often to ensure their safety, these 5 youngsters were unaware of escape plans until the very manent of departure. Many felt rejected by their parents. Alternately, those who wished to leave were susceptible to self-punistnnent or survivor's guilt when they learned others had died in flight, or still lived in hardship back hane. Separation and Loss McMannon (1984) and others stated that loss is the primary experience of all inmigrants, especially in the first generation. Sluzki (1978) contended that there are specific stages associated with migration, including decanpensation. Conflict and dysfunction connected with the move can be so severe as to span several generations before resolution. Unaccanpa.nied minors suffer the usual losses connected with migration. Harding and Looney, psychiatric consultants in the Southeast Asian refugee camps, reminded us that these children have been separated fran parents and the support afforded by family Cl977). Furthermore, many subsequently were disconnected from surrogate family units formed on the road in flight, or in refugee camps. Understandably, many unaccanpanied minors suffer more emotional problems than other refugees. As well as loss of hane and family, unaccanpanied minors are cut adrift fran familiar cultures and practices. The value system into which they were socialized characteristically included an emphasis on family interdependence, filial piety, "face," respect for authority, spiritual beliefs, and stoicism (Nidorf, 1985). Bem:1.k, 6 however, pointed out that while these youngsters are from another culture, they may have no mastery over that culture (1984). Many emigrated before they had a chance to learn the nature of their native ethnicity. These children must be assisted then in finding their own culture before they can enter the American rna.instream. Many arrive in the United States with only a paper bag of possessions and often need guidance in exploring what has been lost before they can become integrated. The Refugee camp After escaping fran their hanelands, unaccanpanied minors are received into refugee camps in countries of first asylum, usually Thailand, Hong Kong, Malaysia, or the Philippines. Here they await screening for resettlement by the United States or another nation. For sane youngsters the camp experience provides a psychosocial moratorium during which they can put their flight into perspective (Nidorf, 1985). But for children who became attached to a substitute family unit in the camp and are then separated from them as the family is resettled, renewed feelings of grief and loss can occur ( Harding and Looney, 1977) ? To a large extent the camp interlude, if adequately structured and not overly protracted, can offer unaccanpa.nied minors an opportunity to begin to learn English and sane American custans, receive medical attention, and prepare for resettlement. But for rna.ny children it is a time of bored.an and lack of structure. 7 Resettlement Foster care Once an unaccanpanied minor is accepted for admission to the United States, he or she becomes the ward of either of the two sectarian agencies receiving jurisdiction of these children--United States catholic Conference or Lutheran Ircmigration and Refugee Services. Foster care in caucasian homes has been the placement choice for over 90% of these young people (United States catholic Conference, 1984), in spite of concerns of same mental health practitioners that such cross-cultural placement renders the resettlement process more difficult (Harding and Looney, 1977; Williams and Westenneyer, 1983). Nidorf advised that regardless of its ethnicity, the foster home can became a focus for projection of the minor's conflicts and anger (1985). For this reason--among others-- nany unaccompanied minors request constant changes in foster care placement. But, needless to say it sanetimes happens that foster parents also request changes. carlin cited yet another problem inherent in the present foster care system (1979). In their hanelands, many Indochinese children were taught to hate Americans whom they felt deserted their country, causing the loss of the war. Dependence upon these same Americans can be the basis for EID:>tional conflict. In a cross-cultural f oster care setting, such ambivalence can exacerbate routine adjustment difficulties. 8 carlin (1979) and others (Leutbecker, Note 1) pointed out that rcany unaccompanied minors were "street kids" in Southeast Asia, with survival depending on guile and cunning. In that milieu, rcanipulation, cheating, and resourcefulness in appropriating food and money were adaptive and life- saving. But in the culture of the American family, these survival skills are not appropriate and must be unlearned. Culture In Asian cultures children are socialized through eliciting shame for significant deviations whereas in Western Judeo-Christian societies, individual behavior is molded through eliciting feelings of guilt (carlin, 1979). These differences can be sources of confusion to Southeast Asian children in the process of resettlemP..nt. Nor are individual, family, and carmunity responsibilities necessarily viewed in the same rcanner in the Asian as the American family (Varma, 1984). This is so especially in areas of sexuality, expression of feeling, canpetition, group versus individual orientation, and values pertaining to conformity and initiative. language The difficulties and vicissitudes of learning a new language have been well-documented in the psychological literature. Since the Supreme Court decision of I.au versus Nichols in 1971 declaring that lack of familiarity with the English language denied children access to an adequate education, there has been a wide diversity of views in this 9 country as to how to best facilitate the learning of English in young newcomers. Although some unaccompanied minors ma.y have a rudimentary understanding of English from the camps, most arrive with no significant fluency. carlin (1979) stated that refugee children in foster homes where no one understands their language must face alone many of the trials of resettlement. Vietnamese children, however, may have an easier time with English than Cambodians or Laotians. Both English and Vietnamese are written with Latin letters, whereas the Cambcxlian and Laotian languages use script and require the child to study a new alphabet to learn English. School Many unaccompanied minors have not attended school for many years and entry into the classroom can be an awkward and frightening transition for them. It is not uncannon for these minors to be both older in years and smaller in physique than American classmates. It is also the case that adolescent peer groups and status groups are already well established by the time an unaccompanied minor enters the school. Friends Because the familial support system of the unaccanpanied minor is broken up in the migration process, friendships can become vitally important in meeting social needs and promoting resettlement. Charron and Ness (1981) advised from studying 64 Vietnamese adolescents, that those who were not 10 making friends with hnerican age-mates might be at risk for arotional problems. In her pilot study (Porte, 1985), this researcher observed that unaccanpanied minors who rei;:x>rted having few or no American or ethnic friends also tended to be depressed. The Environment The environment, or conditions surrounding the new arrival to the U.S., encompasses a range of physical and social influences. The 1983 Grier study of 60 agencies serving new adult arrivals in the washington, D.C. area, concluded that problems in i.mni.grant adjustment were determined less by an individual's personal characteristics than by situational factors in U.S. society, such as racial prejudice or the state of the econany. Jobs and English fluency were both major factors in level of adjustment. For unaccanpanied minors, U.S. policy is an ever-present force with which all environmental factors interact. Flowing fran policy, a support system is provided--or not--for the minor through foster care or other placement mode, service providers, school, ethnic carmunity, media, and peers. Lastly, pressure to integrate or Americanize can be seen as another environmental factor affecting the unaccanpanied minor's transition. Policy U.S. federal i;:x>licy pertaining to unaccanpanied minors derives frcm the Refugee Act of 1980 which outlines procedures for admission and resettlement of refugees. This 11 policy mandates that unaccanpanied children be oriented to American society, and at the same time be encouraged to retain indigenous religious and ethnic heritage. Operational details most recently were set out in the Federal Register in the context of grant regulations to states for child welfare services to unaccompanied minors (September 14, 1983). While these dual goals are laudable, they can also be viewed as value-laden, contradictory processes which can work at cross- purposes to one another. To that extent, translation of federal policy into service programs often has resulted in confusing and less than satisfactory outcomes. Mode of Placement Foster care. Federal policy has endorsed the resettlement of unaccanpanied minors in foster care, through the vehicle of the two Voluntary Agencies, United States catholic Conference or Lutheran Imnigration and Refugee Services. More than 90% of these minors have been housed with caucasian families, a practice sane mental health practitioners consider dubious. Furthermore, in the American child welfare system overall, foster care has been largely discarded for adolescents (of any racial heritage) who are brought into care. In recognition of the need for peer contact during this life stage, adolescents are usually placed in group facilities. In their study of 28 Southeast Asian refugee children, Williams and Westermeyer (1983) found that foster placement was a stressor which contributed to adjustment difficulties 12 in half of their unaccanpa.nied minor respondents (N = 7). cultural misunderstandings were frequent occurrences in American foster homes: behaviors considered norrcal in one culture were perceived as affronts in the other. For instance, as an American child matures, he or she is given comnensurate household responsibilties in the form of chores; but an Asian child might see increasing chore assignment as exploitation. They concluded that resettling unaccanpanied minors in families of the same ethnicity is preferable. In 1977, Harding and Looney recoomended that whenever possible unaccanpanied minors be placed in ethnic hanes or group homes run by Vietnamese. If neither of these resources was available, efforts should be made to house these youngsters with Americans who had cross-cultural experience. They noted their suggestions were not implemented by program planners. In New York State, a program of ethnic placanents for 45 Haitian aoo 45 Indochinese unaccanpanied minors has been judged to be quite successful (Adler, 1985). Problems which did arise were due to the children's personalities aoo idiosyncratic behaviors rather than the sense of frustration and powerlessness often experienced by caucasian families who are faced with a constellation of cultural difficulties. In the Washington D. C. area unaccanpanied minors programs, there have been sane tentative efforts to establish ethnic foster hanes, but the mnnbers of such placements remain extremely small. 13 A descriptive study by United States catholic Conference of 1,445 unaccanpanied minors in 28 of their programs nationwide indicated that 420 minors placed in ethnic family homes experienced a lower rate of depression (as measured by corrmonly associated depressive symptans such as appetite and sleep disorders) than those in caucasian hanes (United States catholic Conference, 1984). At the same time, they were moving as rapidly into employment and the important area of American friendships. On the other hand, Nidorf cautioned against the over- zealous use of ethnic foster hanes as a panacea (1985), citing concerns that refugee foster parents might exploit these youngsters as servants, a custan corrmon in their countries of origin. In her view many of the child's internal frustrations and conflicts are projected onto the foster family who becanes sanething of a scapegoat for all that has thus far transpired in the minor's life. Foster families are diverse and vary considerably as to motivation for taking refugee children into their homes. Religious, monetary, civic, and personal factors can all play a part. Foster homes can differ widely along a variety of dimensions: physical structure, space, material amenities, numbers of persons in the household, custans, and values. Group Hanes. Although group hanes are usually the placement of choice for adolescents in the U.S. child welfare system, they have not been utilized widely with unaccanpanied minors. Of the 120 minors in programs in the metropolitan 14 Washington area, fewer than 20 reside in group settings (slightly more than the national average). The youngsters who are placed in group homes are often those who are difficult to rranage and who require relatively intensive supervision. Group home staff are usually caucasian. 'As turnover of personnel rray be quite high, continuity of care can be interrupted for children in long-tenn care. Quality of these facilities can also vary, but at their best they can provide comprehensive, high level care with the opportunity for extensive adult and ethnic peer contact. Similar to the United States, canada--with the exception of Quebec--has generally favored foster care for its unaccompanied minors. In Australia, unaccompanied minors are initially settled together in hostels, but later dispersed into homes in the Vietnamese comnunity. In contrast to U.S. practices, European nations utilize different considerations when placing refugee unaccanpanied minors into programs ("Indochinese Unaccanpanied Minors," 1984). They prefer to keep them with their own ethnic peers, in hostels or srrall group homes and take into account the minor's placement preference. European arguments favoring group living versus foster care are: (1) mutual support, (2) retention of cultural and ethnic links, (3) collective coping with traumatic experiences, (4) ethnic and cultural differences which are the core of a child's identity can be preserved on his or her terms, not those of the resettlement country, (5) gradual acculturation, (6) preservation of own 15 language and culture, particularly if family reunification is a possibility, (7) no loyalty conflict between natural and foster family, (8) no pressure to integrate too fast, (9) minors' wishes to live together in groups, especially if they had escaped together. Ethnic Ccnmunity Contact with their ethnic comnunity is regulated for the unaccompanied minor by social realities beyond his or her control, such as location of foster homes, restricted transportation, and school bus schedules. A child placed in a home in Reston, Virginia, would be less likely to encounter ethnic counterparts than one in Arlington, Virginia, or Wheaton, Maryland, where Indochinese populations concentrate. Benak has conmented (1984) on relations between unaccompanied minors in foster care and other Indochinese youth in the cannuni ty. Unaccompanied minors in caucasian foster home placements usually enjoy a much higher ma.terial standard of living than refugee peers living with their own families, or in ethnic foster care. And such disparate circumstances can lead to enmity. School This ma.jor socializing force for refugee children typically begins in English as a Second Language (ESL) classes, follONed by gradual ma.instreaming as English- language proficiency progresses. Most authorities are indicating that refugee minors, regardless of placement setting, are speaking English after about two years in the 16 U.S. (Adler, 1985). Once integrated into regular classroans, rrost unaccanpanied minors are older than their classnates. Especially for males, this difference can lead to restlessness, social awkwardness, and defiant behavior with peers (Nidorf, 1985). Media As for all children in this country, the media, especially television, appears to be an influential socializing agent with unaccanpanied minors. Music, especially as it conveys attitudes, desires, and practices of the peer culture should be included as well. In fact, given the absence for these young people of own family-usually considered to be the prinary socializer--the effect of the media as transmitter of custans and values conceivably nay be even greater. The media is unquestionably a force in lea.ming the English language, as well as in political socialization. Newspapers, for instance, although not often a focal point of a young person's interests, can be an important source of information in their eventual integration into life as American citizens. Political Dimensions It Im.lSt not be overlooked that these unaccanpanied young people were socialized to politics in an authoritarian society whose mores and practices are far different ?rem those of the United States. Important questions arise as to how these future U.S. citizens, ?ran back.grounds so different fran the majority, eventually will participate in the 17 democratic process? HCM will they deal with issues of allegiance and loyalty? What about initiative and responsibility for self? Americanization Pressure Overall successful adaptation of unaccanpanied minors to American life was observed in this author's pilot study: they were learning English, achieving in school, and forming friendships with American youngsters. At the same time, however, they were expressing grief, sadness, and in some instances, clinical depression. Nidorf cautioned that persons working with unaccanpanied minors be cognizant of "prerrature assimilation" (1985). It is important to take a closer look at minors who become outwardly Westernized and well adjusted in less than two years. These children may be at greater risk for emotional disturbance than their slower acculturating peers. Nidorf also noted that many young refugees feel they "owe it to their parents" to advance successfully in the American system. Unaccanpanied minors, in particular, are aware of parental sacrifice involved in sending them to the U.S. and feelings of responsibility and obligation to absent parents are an indelible part of their consccousness. They ma.y becane preoccupied with the quest for econcrnic success in order to raise money to send home and eventually sponsor family members to the U.S. Support Systems Much recent research has documented the positive 18 influence of social support as a protector against stress (e.g., Cohen, 1979). Numerous studies suggest that persons with greater social supports enjoy better physical and emotional health than those with fewer supports (Broadhead, et al, 1983; Leavy, 1983; Mitchell, Billings, & Moos, 1982. The ameliorating effects of the newcomer's social support system were examined in detail by Cohen (1979) in her empirical study of 96 immigrants to Washington, D.C. She concluded that impairing symptans of stress frequently resulted when an individual's usual supports broke down. Irrmigrants with families who assisted them in resettlement tasks exhibited significantly lower levels of dysfunction than did unattached newcomers. Young single ma.les, in particular, did quite poorly. Her findings underscored the vital role of family and comnunity networks in ma.intaining mental health during the stressful period of readjustment. Cohen and Wills (1985) in a comprehensive, ten-year review of research on support systems and stress postulated two models of support, ma.in or direct, and, buffering. The first was the overall beneficial effect of embededness in a support network, the second a process which protects individuals from potentially damaging effects of stressful experiences. They conclude that there is evidence consistent with both rood.els. Family. Although ma.ny unaccompanied minors do not have parents in the U.S., ma.ny do have other relatives here. Official State Department policy regarding resettlement of 19 unaccompanied minors is to accept fran refugee camps in Southeast Asia 100 percent of all unaccompanied minors who already have a family "link" or relative here. In addition 50 percent of those who have no family ties in the States are accepted for resettlement (Brendan, 1984). In a prior study of unaccompanied rrales in metropolitan Washington, D.C., this author found that over 50 percent of subjects had relatives in the area and about one-third visited them at least monthly (Porte, 1985). Most children wrote to family overseas and there seemed to be evidence of much anxiety associated with receiving--or not receiving-- rrail from home. Nidorf stated that "the notion of 'family' and filial piety is the single most important construct binding and organizing Southeast Asian psychological exper ience and social reality" (1985). She holds that lack of family can bring humiliation and self-denigration to the Asian young person--the feeling of being an outcast, "the dust of life." But, despite family ties to their haneland, unaccompanied minors often feel disconnected and alienated in a meaning quite different fran that of American adolescents. Because of the absence of a well-defined family structure to guide them, unaccompanied minors rray be at high risk for suicide and other actions they would norrrally consider wrong. Behaviors into which a refugee child might be enticed and through which he or she might "lose face" and shame parents might be engaging in prenarital sex, not 20 achieving high grades in school, not keeping a job, or spending money frivolously rather than sending it to relatives. Service Providers. In lieu of, or, as an adjunct to family and peers, service providers such as social workers, sponsors, and teachers can render meaningful and effective aid to newcxxners. In an earlier study (1985), this writer ob.served that caregivers in unaccanpanied minors programs persistently and conscientiously "worked around" policy restrictions when necessary and possible. Staff facilitated same-cultural experiences for minors through social contact in the minor's own ethnic ccmnunity or by locating part-time jobs in Asian business establishments. Service providers, nonethless, continued to be largely Caucasian and non- bilingual. Feurstein (1976) reported on the salutory influence service providers and a supportive structure can provide in the lives of adolescent i.rrmi.grants. Through Youth Aliyah, Israel's massive arrl canprehensive resettlement program for children, service providers were able to assist 3,035 em:>tionally disturbed newcomers to approach national norms in areas of social arrl cognitive functioning. Peers. It is know that unacccmpanied minors experience intense feelings of loneliness, homesickness, and longing for parents. It r?![(0.ins to be determined the extent to which peer relations can fill sane of these youths' needs for belonging arrl nurturance. Given the age-appropriate task-at 21 least by Western standards--of developing non-familial relationships, one might expect this to be the case. Empirical evidence has generally substantiated the shift in support sources for adolescents away from adults toward friends. For instance, Fischer's 1981 study of 317 young people, ages 15 - 20, indicated closest relationships were with peers rather than adults: only 12 percent of respondents listed an adult as closest confidant. Burke and Weir (1978) noted essentially this same phenanenon of peers being preferred as confidant, suggesting the decreased role of parents as a source of errotional support for the developing adolescent. Similarly, Kahn and Antonucci (1980) reported that the presence of one close friend lowered the risk of an individual developing problems subsequent to a stressful life event. Cohen and Mills (1985) also presented consistent evidence of confidant support providing a major buffering effect against stress. Furthermore, as reported by Henderson (1981), there is considerable data suggesting that perceived adequacy of support is as imfX)rtant as its actual availability. Many unaccompanied youths find it more comfortable to bond to peers in a group, rather than to affiliate with adults in a primary relationship. Males in particular may be at greater risk for gang activity than other children (Nidorf, 1985). In gang membership, boys can become "brothers," and secure an identity thorugh a kind of "family", as is the Asian custom. For some boys affiliation 22 with a gang may be tied to their historical backgrounds: many were interned in labor camps or drafted into the military between the ages of 10 -14. There, they learned through conmunal experience to rely on peers for survival. The Individual Variables characterizing the individual in transition include those of a personal nature: socioeconomic status, health, and life stage. Because of their age, adolescence and the task of forming identity are salient canponents of the transition for unaccanpanied minors. Psychological resources and coping responses are additional factors to be considered. Adolescence and Ident ity There is general consensus among Western theorists regarding the special tasks of adolescence. That these phenomena are universal to all cultures , however, is by no means agreed upon. Although little evidence exists concerning the particular characteristics of adolescence in Southeast Asia, it is likely the develop:nental exper iences of Asian teenagers differ substantially fran American. As Varma noted, individual, family, and camnunity responsibilities are not necessarily viewed in the same manner in Asia as in the United States. There exist variations in socialization practices--especially concerning 23 sexuality, expression of feeling, canpetition, group versus individual orientation, and values relating to confonnity and initiative (1984). Havighurst (1972) writing from a Western perspective defined the adolescent agenda to include: acceptance of one's body; establishing peer relationships and obtaining enotional independence fran pa.rents; preparing for an occupation and economic independence; developing intellectual skills; acquiring socially responsible behavior; preparing for marriage and family, and; building values which are hanronious with one's environment. Erikson (1968) looked upon identity fornation as the principal goal of this period, with its failure leading to identity diffusion. Adolescence was a time in the life cycle when critical detenninations were to be reached on issues relating to world view, vocation, and ideology. Identity to Erikson involved maintaining a sense of continuity among experiences of childhood, of present, and future. There is almost certain to have been a break in such continuity for these young people. waternan (1982) extended the Eriksonian construct of identity to include progressive developnental changes in identity pathways over time. Positive identity movement involved the following shifts: from identity diffusion into foreclosure or moratorium status; fran foreclosure into moratorium status; and fran moratorium into identity achievement status. These shifts included specific and 24 deliberate consideration of identity options or the development of meaningful corrmitments. Consistent with Erikson's concept of identity diffusion is Turner's construct of liminality (1975, 1977). This state of liminality can take place when an individual is in transition between known roles and conditions. During this period, he or she may switch fran one role to another. As Myerhoff (1984) noted, liminality may be a period of marginal existence that passes, or it may becane a role which is extended throughout a lifetime. If the latter is the case, then uncertainty, rebellion, and nonbelonging can characterize the individual. Ethnic identity. Erikson (1968) contended that ethnic identity was a major canponent of overall identity. While identity was a process located in the core of the individual, it was also tied to his or her corrmunal culture. Erikson saw ethnicity as a powerful tool in detennining and shaping the specific form of one's identity, with strong links between the iooividual, ethnic group and society. For these r easons, coming to terms with one's cultural identity was an integral part of achieving a workable "psychosocial equilibrium." In spite of ample separate literatures on identity and on ethnicity, there has been little attempt to extend the identity construct to include ethnic identity. The role of ethnicity in identity would appear especially relevant for any population of newcomers struggling with resocialization 25 to a new culture. An exception is the work of Connor (1977) who explored tradition and change in three generations of Japanese .Americans. He went on to compile for that population an ethnic identity questionnaire measuring both acculturation and retention of ethnic identity. In his review of research on inmigrant children, Aronc,,,itz (1984) also refered to ethnicity as it related to identity. Drawing f ran the works of Nann ( 1982) , Farrago (1979), and Naditch and Morrissey (1976), he identified dysfunction among adolescent imnigrants in the areas of self- concept and identity, suggesting that migration itself may interact negatively with normal development in this age group. He found this to be so particularly in instances where the adolescent newcomer was of a racial minority devalued in the receiving society. He suggested irnnigrant youths can suffer an acute identity crisis if impelled to ffi3.ke a choice between the values and identities of the old culture airl the new. The majority of unaccompanied refugee minors are older adolescents dealing with the special develo?nental issues of that life stage. As mentioned earlier, most are placed in foster care with caucasian American families (United States catholic Conference, 1984). Hc,,,ever, the potential effects of cross-cultural placement upon the refugee youth's identity formation have not been sufficiently recognized by program planners. According to some researchers, accanplishment of 26 identity forrra.tion presents special difficulties for the young person living with a family of different ethnic back.ground. Brown (1982) proposed that serious problems can result when the process of establishing ethnic identity is interrupted or conflicted. Baker (1982) held such conflicts can be m3.gnified for the adolescent in cross-cultural placement. These youths experience confusion and uncertainty as to whether they are Indochinese or American. Loyalty issues surface. The dilerrma can be particularly acute for the young person reared in the close-knit Asian family, with its strong values of filial piety and group loyalty. Wittkower (1956) observed that minority children who held onto their heritage were likely to encounter rejection from the host country; if they rejected their native culture, they risked alienation from their own subgroup--with no guarantee of acceptance by the new culture. From research with 155 Cuban refugee youths, Naditch and Morrissey (1976) reported that high rates of mental illness in this population ffi3.Y be partially a function of problems resulting from identity forrra.tion and conflicting cultural patterns. It has already been mentioned that there is recent evidence implying 420 Indochinese unaccompanied minors placed in ethnic foster homes experienced lower rates of depression than minors in cross-cultural settings (United States catholic Conference, 1984). According to de Anda (1984), ethnic identity is a relatively stable construct under norrra.l life circumstances. 27 But when an individual is subject to the stresses of migration, ethnic identity can be disrupted. She favors a rrodel of dual socialization in which newcomers maintain the old culture while integrating into the new. According to Valentine (1971), to be bicultural, an irrmigrant must learn to function in his or her own culture while simultaneously mainstreaming. In order for this to take place, the newcaner must be instructed in values and norms of both cultural systems and learn two behavioral repetoires. HCM well this can be accomplished depends on a variety of factors including the degree to which the value system of the minority culture meshes with that of the host culture. To be truly bilcultural also danands bilinguilism. Given the developnental tasks of the adolescent in American society, serious conflicts can arise for a teenage newccmer in connection with ethnic identity-conflicts which might be even 100re striking if the newcaner is cut off from his or her indigenous culture. As Benak (1984) noted many unaccompanied minors were never socialized in the first instance into their own culture. Although there are many corrmonalities in the Indochinese and .American cultures, there are also many differences to present sources of conflict for an adolescent. Sane of these might be the relative danands of individualism in the U.S. society versus interdependence in the Asian, respect for elders, and dating practices. These differences could conceivably create difficulties for the adolescent newcomer in terms of feeling at bane in and 28 being accepted by the peer society of teenagers. And according to de Anda (1984) if the newcomer is physically different from the majority in the host culture, conflict around ethnic identity is more likely to ensue. This would certainly be the case for Indochinese adolescents. In a related body of studies on transracial adoptees (e.g., Grow and Shapiro, 1974; McRoy et al, 1984; Simon and Alstein, 1977), researchers addressed issues of racial identity inherent in such adoptive placements. Both Black- Caucasian and Asian-Caucasian samples were represented. Findings tended to suggest that as youngsters mature, they experienced identity problems--notably confusion as to which race they belong. Finally, in the danain of clinical practice, the literature has seen a recent burgeoning of work on ethnic affiliation and its ramifications. Ma;oldrick in Ethnicity and Family Therapy (1982) defined ethnicity as a sense of cannonality transmitted over generations by family and cornnunity. It is more than race, religion and native origin-"it involves conscious and unconscious processes that fulfill a deep psychological need for identity and historical continuity." It "patterns out thinking, feeling, and behavior in both obvious and subtle ways ??? determining what we eat, how we work, how we relax, how we celebrate holidays and rituals, ??? how we feel about life, death, and illness." Quality of Family Life in the Haneland Nidorf (1985) indicated socioeconanic and educational 29 status of a minor's parents, as well as their urban versus rural background, can affect the young refugee's capacity to cope with extraordinary stress. When there is extreme disparity between prior and present circumstances, confusion in identity formation and ananie can result. For instance, a 16-year-old arriving from a small fishing village, from an illiterate family, is less prepared to meet the demands of an urban, computerized society than is the child ?ran a well- educated, city family. Most often, inmigration entails a loss of status and role, at least in the first generaiton. This may be particularly so for males (Center for Applied Linguistics, 1982). It was mentioned earlier that sane families used the refugee exodus to resolve a troublesome relationship issue with a child, by separating him or her ?ran the family. Williams and Westermeyer (1983) cited the example of one boy's mother who married a Carmunist soldier after the psychotic breakdown of the child's father. When the stepfather did not approve of her son, the youth decided to flee to Thailand and met little resistance f rom his mother. Williams and Westermeyer (1983) also advised that seven unaccompanied minors in their sample of 28 refugees with psychiatric diagnoses had pre-existing conduct or personality disorders in Asia which their parents had found disruptive. Roots for most of their problems could be cited prior to migration and worsened after resettlement. The stress of adjusting to a new society was apparently intolerable for 30 these youths whose previous adjustment had been marginal at best. That these disorders persist and beccrne part of their behavior repetoire in a foster home should come as no surprise. Nor should service providers be caught off guard when these young people project their considerable distress onto the environment around them--namely the foster family. For such reasons, training is custararily provided for foster families by responsible resettlement programs. Survival of the Fittest Many refugee service providers believe that those individuals who can manage to flee a war-torn country--often against great odds--are uniquely bright and able. carlin for instance (1979) spoke of "survival of the fittest" among refugees and attributed this in part to their above-average intelligence. Sane sociologists such as Vogel (cited in Butterfield, 1986) view the current group of Asian imnigrants in the U.S. as part of "a very biased sample, the cream of their own species." Nidorf considers this phenomenon to be a fonn of Social Darwinism (cited in Butterfield, 1986): " ??? the hazards of refugee experience--persecution by the Cannunists, a mortality rate of 50 percent among boat people and the hardship of life in the camps in Southeast Asia-- create a caste of survivors ??? " Others claimed that because many unaccompanied minors were "street kids," they learned to survive by fighting and rapid movement from one location to another without being detected (Leutbecker, Note 1). Only 31 the most capable and adroit lived to make the journey to America. Intellectual Ability Many unacccxnpanied minors are doing very well in school, especially in mathenBtics and subjects which do not depend primarily on English language skills. It is carlin's (1985) contention that the ready intelligence of Asian minors is hel:ped by early use of the abacus for lea.ming mathenatics, making it a concrete, touchable, and visualizable subject rather than merely an abstract one. It is also becaning increasingly recognized that many second and third generation Asians excel in math in school. This excellence was documented recently in washington area schools, where Asian students had the highest maths scores on national standardized tests: e.g., 92nd. percentile for 8th graders, 83rd percentile for 11th graders (Cohn, 1986). It is Liu's view (cited in Butterfield, 1986) that the behavior of Asian-Americans is highly determined by the Confucian ethic. A basic tenet of Confucianism is that people can always be improved by proper effort and instruction. Family orientation propels the individual to work for the honor of parents and to repay them; an accanpanying sense of guilt provides another a canpelling m::>tivator. Stevenson (cited in Butterfield, 1986) feels Asian- Americans work harder because they believe--rrore than do Arnericans--in the efficacy of hard work and the malleability 32 of hunan nature. For instance, when Stevenson asked parents of 292 subjects what determined success in scl'xx>l, Japanese mothers gave strongest ratings to studying hard, while American mothers attributed success to natural talent. other data in his report found American mothers consistently gave their children highest ratings for intellectual ability, Japanese mothers the la.,,est--although the Japanese did much better in maths. This, Stevenson called "an excessively positive attitude" on the part of American parents. Fqually striking was the finding American chldren rated themselves above average, the Asians average or below. Stevenson concluded that "when you are so satisfied with yourself, you don't feel the need to \IIOrk as hard." This is consistent with the research of Hess, Holloway, Azuma, and Kashiwagi (1984) examining causal attributions by Japanese and American mothers and children about mathematics perfornance. The Japanese attributed low perfornance to lack of effort whereas Americans were more likely to attribute it to lack of ability. In other words, the Japanese tended to view performance as under the control of the child, while Americans did not. Physical Health Many imnediate health needs of unaccaopanied minors such as infectious diseases, malnutrition, and vitamin deficiencies can be attended to in the refugee camps in Southeast Asia. However, internal parasites, skin problems, malaria, and tuberculosis can persist and beccroe active in 33 the future (Carlin, 1979). In many instances medical symptans in refugees are stress related and major complaints such as headache, insannia, fatigue, and poor appetite are frequent. Mental Health and Coping Strategies Various refugee workers have cited the increased susceptibility of newcaners to at least transient adjustment and mental health problems, sanetimes referred to as culture shock. These phenomena increasingly have been recorded in the literature (e.g., Bales, 1986; Center for AQ;>lied Linguistics. 1982; Cohen, 1981; Indochinese Refugee Action Center, 1980; Smither, 1981). The thirteenth 100nth after arrival in this country is cited by several sources as a vulnerable time for depression and other symptanatology (Indochinese Refugee Action center, 1982; !Durie, Note 2). sane clinical researchers (e.g., Harding and Looney, 1977; Williams and Westermeyer, 1983) concluded unaccompanied minors suffer 100re arotional problems than other classes of refugees. Baker <1 982) advised that many unaccanpanied minors, especially "anchor children" (youngsters sent over by parents to secure a foothold for the family in the U.S. ) , are victims of survivor's guilt as they encounter enorioous obstacles in their efforts to bring over relatives fran Asia. According to Baker, it is not uncoumon for unaccanpanied minors to undergo a period of depression, often of crisis proportions, after about three months in the United States. Unaccanpanied minors thus appear especially vulnerable 34 to psychological distress. They are essentially coping at once with two major life crises: adolescence and migration. Each is a transition of major proportion. As adolescents, they are dealing with the vagaries of a developnental period which includes identity formation; they must also manage the perplexing adaptation to a new culture in which they are a visible minority. Moreover, as parentless children, they must cope with both transitions, adolescence and migration, while separated fran family and the strong support system characteristic of Asian kinship. Indeed, Oda noted that for an Asian, this sense of who you are and the context around you are of especially vital importance (1985). For the unaccarq;anied minor, these social variables have been interrupted. How then can we account for the apparent contradiction posed by this group of minors? Their generally successful adaptation to U.S. life flies in the face of what we know about susceptibility to stress and dysfunction. It may be possible that because of culture-specific manifestations of depression (sanatic complaints, academic achievement, over- rapid assimilation), that signs of distress have been overlooked by Western service providers. Cross-cultural psychologists have postulated distinct cultural variations in expression of mental dysfunction. Even if certain universal biochemical processes are operative, " ??? all mental disorders must ultimately be expressed through the filter of cultural experience" (Marsella, 1979). 35 Marsella and Kinzie (1973) suggested that expression of depression is related to a culture's conditioning of the self structure. Cultures which develop the self in terms of sanatic functions will have greater sanatic canplaints daninating manifestations of depression, while cultures which develop a sense of self in terms of existential functioning will show existential canplaints in the depressive picture. Sanatic complaints were found to be roore typical of the Chinese population. In her 1978 st\Xly on Chinese American conceptualization of well-being, Yee found four major coping resfX)nses: Cl) endurance, (2) "looking the other way," (3) "don't think too much," and, (4) activity. She renarked that the family m1it was of fm1darnental imfX)rtance in preventing and ameliorating stressful situations in her sample. Extending this paradigm to unaccompanied minors, one might J;X)Stulate that their apparently successful adaptation, especially in the academic arena, may be a coping mechanism (albeit a highly productive one). Perhaps we are seeing here a culturally-sanctioned strategy for dealing with depression. As Yee's data suggested: when down do Sattething or be active. Research Problem and Questions Although many Indochinese unaccanpanied minors have been resettled in this com1try, their adjustment has not been widely st\Xlied. This may be due at l east partially to their many observed strengths, as well as rapid deroonstration of success in such areas as school, language learning, and 36 friendships. Nonetheless, there are also indicators that these same youngsters are experiencing psychological difficulties, especially grief and depression, which may have been overlooked by those involved in their care, precisely because of their many positive achievements. These unaccanpanied children concurrently are undergoing several transitions of profound magnitude; for those reasons they can be seen to be at special risk. They are experiencing adolescence, a life stage whose crucial task is identity formation, including ethnic identity; they have just pa.ssed through migration, usually involuntarily; they have become separated fran parents and their f amiliar culture. Because of such factors, these refugee youths are likely to be susceptible to psychosocial distress. Transition theory views the process of change as occurring over time, with shifting phases of assimilation. The canponent parts of the transition-event, environment, and individual--as w"ell as their interactions, are instrumental in producing outcanes of varying natures. Transition theory served as a roodel to orient the general conceptualization of this study. It suggested important variables and provided a method of categorization relevant to the situation and experiences of this population. For unaccompanied minors, salient outcanes of transition w"ere conceptualized as including life satisfaction as opposed to depression, a balance of American and ethnic identities, and satisfactory school achievement. F.ach outcane was 37 conceptualized as influenced by elements of the transition, including the event, environment, and individual (see Figure 1) ? Sane levels of transition of especial importance to the well-being of these refugee youths appear to be placement mode (Caucasian foster care, ethnic foster care, or group home) and the availability of support ( such as American and ethnic peers, service providers, and relatives). With the above in mind, this research examined the degree to which aspects of the plenanena suggested by the transition model--event, environment, individual-predicted depression/life satisfaction, Americanization, academic achievement. In particular, it investigated the following: (1) The extent to which differing placement rrooe influenced life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement. ( 2 ) The extent to which time in the U. s. influenced life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement. (3) The extent to which status and situation of minor's family of origin influenced life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement. (4) The extent to which specifics of the minor's flight from the haneland influenced life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement. (5) The extent to which support systems such as 38 American and ethnic peers, service providers, and relatives influenced life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement. (6) The extent to which political awareness (of own countries and the U.S.) influenced life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement. The goal of this research was to take a beginning step in understanding the young refugee's adjustment based on event-environment-individual interaction. In particular, an attempt was nade to find predictors of successful resettlement. Such infornati on could be an invaluable aid to policy nakers and service providers in delivering more appropriate and timely interventions to this wlnerable and deserving population. It could also serve as a basis of future theoretical "10rk on the meaning of identity formation in individuals who experience childhood in one culture and adolescent/young adulthood in another. 39 -------- ELEMENTS OF THE TRANSITION EVENT ENVIRONMENT War U.S. Refugee Policy Flight from Hane Political Dimensions Migration School Separation/Loss Support System Resettlement in U.S. Placement Mode Time in the U.S. INDIVIDUAL Adolescence Ethnic Identity Family of Origin Intellectual Ability Coping Strategies OU'ICCMES OF THE TRANSITION Life Satisfaction/Depression Balance of American/Ethnic Identities Academic Achievement 40 CHAPI1ER II MEI'HOOOLOOY Subjects Eighty-two subjects were recruited to participate in this research. The available pool of unaccanpanied minors was limited by the following factors: finite numbers of potential subjects in unaccanpanied minors programs in the District of Columbia, Virginia and suburban Maryland; varying degrees of willingness on the part of administrators to allow access to their unaccanpanied clients; decisions on the part of program personnel that some minors had recently been "overexposed" to researchers. At the time of recruitment, one agency rranager reported a recent, particularly negative exf)erience with a researcher who she reported had conducted himself in an extremely unethical fashion. It was stated earlier that all unaccanpanied minors in the United States are in the custody of either of two sectarian agencies, United States catholic Conference or Lutheran Irrmigration and Refugee Services. Placement decisions are rrade at a national, not local, agency level as to where a child will be relocated once he or she is selected to leave the refugee camps in Southeast Asia. It is apparently not uncomuon for an individual program to receive virtually no biographical data-other than sex-on a child they are al::x:>ut to resettle. This state of affairs reputedly is due to inadequate col l ection of biographical inforrration 41 in the refugee camps. catholic Charities and Lutheran Social Services of the District of Columbia are local branches of United States catholic Conference and Lutheran Irrmigration and Refugee Services respectively. F.ach of these agencies provided 15 unaccompanied subjects (fran a total universe of 60 unaccompanied minors in the District of Columbia). Fourteen children were sponsored by The Refugee Unaccanpanied Minors Program of Northern Virginia (associated with United States catholic Conference), while their sister agency in Richmond, Virginia--catholic Family and Children's Service--also provided 14 unaccanpanied subjects. Of this total sample, 29 were in foster placement with caucasian fai:nilies, 10 with ethnic families (at least one Indochinese parent in the home), and 19 in group hanes with other Indochinese youngsters. In addition, 24 youngsters living with their own families (mother and/or father, but in one case each, grandmother , aunt, or adult brother) were recruited. The District of Columbia Refugee Services Center provided nine subjects from their tutorial program with Georgetown University for Indochinese children. Fifteen other subjects living with their families in the Washington, D. C. metropolitan area, were recruited through word-of-m::>uth by various refugee service providers and by the researcher. Subjects were primarily Vietnamese, but with sane cambodians and Laotians also represented, reflective of the 42 Agencies' overall nationality distribution. Darographic data on refugee subjects by country of origin and placement setting are presented in Table 1. Table 1 Daoographic Data on Refugee Minors By Country of Origin and Placement Mcxie N = 82 (56 males, 17 females) Cambodia Iaos Vietnam 'lUI'AL N % N % N % N % Caucas. 13 44.83 0 o.oo 16 55.17 29 100.00 Foster Ethnic 0 0.00 1 10.00 9 90.00 10 100.00 Foster Group 4 21.05 2 10.53 13 68.42 19 100.00 Hane Own 7 29.17 8 33.33 9 37.50 82 100.00 Family 'IDTAL 24 29.27 11 13.41 47 57.32 82 100.00 The sample was comprised of 56 males and 17 ferrales, ages 12 to 19, again characteristic of the Agencies' caseloads of unaccompanied minors. The majority of the girls-10 out of 17-were in hanes with a relative. Because the number of female subjects was so small, it was infeasible 43 to look for meci.ningful sex differences in the data. In addition, it was found that sex did not correlate significantly with the ma.jor variables of interest to this study, such as depression, grade point average, or Americanization. It was also not possible to match for time in country as the total pool of subjects available to this study was so limited, although statistical controls for this variable were employed. Full derrographic data describing the sample are presented by group in Tables 2 and 3. Table 2 Deroographic Data on Refugee Minors by Placement Mode N = 82 (56 males, 17 females) Age in School G.P.A. Years Grade M SD M SD M SD Total caucasian 17.40 1.33 10.31 1.26 2.90 .60 29 Fost. Care Ethnic 16.30 2.54 9.90 2.64 3.40 .36 10 Fost. Care Group 17.20 1.34 10.11 1.89 3.00 .47 19 Hane pulation. A version of the CES-D has been developed for use with children under 18 (Weissman, et al, 1980; Orvaschel, Note 3). 49 A copy of that instrll'tlellt is attached in Appendix C. Because of the age group targeted for this present study, the children's version was chosen. Its simple language, furthermore, was seen as an advantage for new speakers of English. Questionnaire A 42-item questionnaire was developed by the researcher to collect denographic data and to measure the processes under investigation ( see Appendix o) ? Each i tern was included to reflect a specific aspect of the phenomena under study. In particular, questions were clustered in sets around support systems and the balance between Americanization and retention of native ethnicity. A 13-item check list was appended to the questionnaire to examine the qualities these young people saw as important in being a good American. Items centered on two danains: (1) dependence/independence (internal) (2) and custans and practices (external). The questionnaire and check list were piloted in the spring of 1985 with 24 male unaccanp9Jlied Indochinese minors and with 10 male Indochinese minors who imnigrated with family. Refinements and modifications in the instrument were made accordingly. For instance, on the basis of responses frcm the pilot study, it became apparent many refugee minors were socializing with young people who were also newccmers to the U.S. , but who were not Indochinese. As a result, questions on peer relations were included in the questionnaire to reflect this (e.g., items number 24 and 25). 50 Content (face) validity was supported by an extensive literature review dealing with phenanena pertinent to this investigation. To further support content validity of the instnnnent, collaboration was undertaken with authorities in the field. For example, Dr. Jean Nidorf (Note 4) a clinical psychologist experienced in psychological issues of refugee minors, suggested several questions in her area of expertise relating to Americanization and the assimilation process (items #20, 36, 37). In this ma.nner, suitability of questions in relation to concepts being examined was rraximi zed. Other i terns were pranpted by div erse sources. An essay by Francis (1976) suggested a frameiwork for describing the newcomer's participation in the host culture through various levels of interaction: connubism or readiness to establish affinal ties through intermarriage~ cannensalitas or involvement through visiting, eating, and associating in recreation; and, cannercium or relations through business transactions denoting a more formal and distant interaction. Questions 22 through 29 concerning support systems and peers relations incorporate these distinctions. Familial support in the U.S. is measured in item 17, support from the haneland in item 18. Items 11-16 relate to situation and status of subject's family of origin. Minors' social and academic attributions which are assessed in items 28 and 33, draw on attribution theory (Weiner, 1979) ? Other items concerning the balance of Americanization and ethnicity 51 were suggested by Oda (1985) and by the work of Connor and his Ethnic Identity Questionnaire (1977). For a more oomplete justification of questionnaire items, please refer to Ag)endix E. Analysis of Data ~ statistical packages for the personal ccmputer were used in analysis of data. Their copyrighted names are STATIS'rIX and STATA. Descriptive statistics were first obtained on all variables of interest to this investigation. Deoographic characteristics and dependent measures of the sample (CES-D scores, Americanization/ethnicity, school achievanent) were a:xnpiled by placement mode as well as by entire sample. Frequencies and descriptive statistics of independent variables were obtained, and as appropriate, codes were constructed to assign numerical values to responses: status and situation of family of origin; displacement, support systems. Means and standard deviations of major variables are presented in Appendix E. Sane questions were open-ended in nature, inviting a variety of potential responses fran subjects. Examples from the questionnaire were the academic and social attribution items, as well as the one wish and one fear questions. categories were defined as precisely as possible to optimize coding objectivity and consistency and to ensure inter-rater reliability. In addition to the investigator's coding, a sample (50%) of open-ended items was rated by another social 52 .I worker to establish interrater agreement. Percentage of interrater agreement was above 90% for four questions: one wish, 92.4%; social attributions, 90.6%; academic attributions, 95.2%. Because of the high proportion of non- responses to the 11one fear" question, it was not included. As an initial step in data analysis, Pearson oorrelations were computed for each of the 13 items of the Americanization Check List and for the 20 items of the CES-D scale to determine inter-item and item-total correlations. In addition, correlations were computed for the important variables in this study: depression scores, Americanization check list score, internal items on the check list, external items on the check list, time in the U.S., sex, grade point average, situation and status of family of origin, displacement, number of unacomnpanied minor's American placements, and support. In Appendix Fa correlation rratrix of rrajor variables in this study is presented. To establish instrument reliability a coefficient alpha (Cronbach's alpha) was calculated for the instruments employed in this investigation. The research questions were addressed in the following ways. Because children with their own families had been in the United States significantly longer and were older than unaccanpanied minors, time in country and age were used as oovariates in relevant analyses to rule them out as alternative explanations of differences. Significant differences consistently emerged between children in hones 53 with an ethnic adult (ethnic foster care or own family) and those without (Caucasian foster care of group hanes). For this reason, post-hoc contrasts were prompted along this ethnic versus non-ethnic dimension in testing research questions. 'As a guide to future analyses of group differences in this exploratory study, contrasts were sometimes conducted even in instances where the overall effect for an equation was nonsignificant Because large numbers of analyses were oonducted in this study, the possibility of significant findings occurring by chance were heightened. This was kept in mioo as fiooings were interpreted. HCMever, definite trends anerged in the findings, particularly those clustering around ethnic hane and depression score which made it more plausible that large am significant differences did not occur by chance alone. Research Question #1. What is the extent to which differing placement mode influences life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school perfonnance? Life satisfaction/depression. To determine if differences in placement mode affected depression, CES-D scores were examined in two one-way analyses of covariance, first holding time in U.S. oonstant and then age. Because significant differences were revealed between subjects' scores in ethnic versus non-ethnic settings, a further ethnic/non-ethnic contrast was carried out. 54 American/ethnic identities. A score including internal items on the Americanization Check List (independence scores) was analyzed in two one-way analyses of covariance, holding time in U.S. and then age constant. A post hoc contrast of children living with their own families versus the three groups of unaccanpanied minors followed the first analysis of covariance. School perfonnance. Academic achievement (last grade- point-average as reported by minor) was analysed in two one- way analyses of covariance, first holding time in country and then age constant. The ethnic/non-ethnic canparison was carried out following the first analyses of covariance. Chi-square values were obtained for the association of attributions regarding academic success with placement m::rle. Significant group differences in these firrlings pranpted an ethnic versus non-ethnic canparison. Research Question -#2-. -W-ha-t -is- t-h-e -ex-ten-t t-o -whi-ch -tim- e -in U.S. influences life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? Life satisfaction/depression. A regression analysis with CES-D score as outcane entered time in U.S. first, followed by ethnic versus non-ethnic setting. American/ethnic identities. Time in U.S. and group were entered in a regression equation with independence score as criterion, followed by an ethnic versus non-ethnic contrast. Time in U.S. was examined in relation to minors' wishes am fears. 55 Academic achievement. The relation of time in the U.S. to academic achievement was examined through a regression analysis, entering time in country first, followed by ethnic group. Research ~Que-st-io-n -#3-: -W-ha-t -is- -th-e -ex-ten-t -to -whi-ch status -an-d situation of minor's family of origin influence life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? After minor's family of origin was requantified (on a scale of 1 - 10) on the basis of parent's occupation, education, and place of residence, this variable was regressed on placement mode. Significant differences pranpted further contrasts to test differences within groups. Depression/life satisfaction. A regression analysis examined the contribution of country of origin to depression. CES-D scores were regressed on situation and status of family of origin. American/ethnic identity. Situation and status of family of origin were examined in a regression equation with independence score fran the Americanization Check List as the dependent variable. Academic Achievement. GPA was examined in a regression analysis with situation and status of family as predictor. Research Question #4: What is the extent to which specifics of minor's flight fran the homeland influence life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities and school achievement? 56 Flight from homeland as an independent variable was expanded upon completion of data collection. It was recoded Con a scale of 1 -21) as "displacement" to take note of additional critical variables which appeared to contribute to social dislocation. Displacement included: planned versus unplanned nature of escape; length of time in escape; solitary or accompanied escape; time spent in refugee camps; trauma endured in transition, such as death of close relative or friend, piracy at sea, or violence; unawareness of family's well-being in old country; lack of carmumication ?ran home; number of grades (for his or her age) behind in school. Number of foster or group care placements for unaccanpanied minors was examined as a separate predictor. Unike most other components of displacement which took place before a minor came to the U.S., placements are at least partially amenable to the interventions of American service providers. Depression/life satisfaction. Depression scores were examined in two one-way analyses of covariance first holding time in U.S. and then age constant. Post hoc ethnic versus non-ethnic contrasts were carried out for both these analyses. American/ethnic identities. Independence scores on the Americanization Check List were examined in two one-way analyses of covariance. Time in the U.S. and then age were held constant. In the first analysis covarying time in 57 country, a contrast was carried out to test differences between children living with their own families and unaccompanied minors Academic Achievement. GPA was examined in an analysis of covariance with time in U.S. and then age held constant. In the first analysis, a post hoc ethnic versus non-ethnic contrast was carrried out. Number of Placements. For unaccompanied minors, number of placements was examined at as a separate factor of displacement which might affect the dependent variables. The influence of numbers of placements on CFS-D scores was examined in a regression analysis with placements as predictor and depression as criterion. Research Question #5: What is the extent to which specifics of minor's support systems influence life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? In measuring the influence of differences in support system on depression, American/ethnic balance, and academic perfomance, substantial recoding was under taken. For ea.ch subject a support systems score was obtained by quantifying the folla-1ing (on a scale of 1 - 26): father living; mother living; relatives in the U.S., and if yes, frequency of contact; rcale and fffi8.le friends fran own country, other foreign country, or U.S., and if yes, do they visit in ea.ch other's hane; other children living in minor's home; siblings in the home; salutory foster care situation; positive 58 relationship with service provider; minor's perception of self as successful in ma.king friends; minor talks to saneone when sad; other subjective impressions of the researcher regarding support. Six categories of friends were examined, notably in relation to differences among placement groups. The trend in which friends were formed was addressed. The relationship between friendship and depression was examined in an analysis of variance between CES-D scores and numbers of friends. Depression score was then examined in an analysis of covariance with time in country as covariate folla.ved by adult support and no friends versus friends. Attributions regarding friendships and to whom minors talk when sad were examined. Ethnic versus non-ethnic contrasts were employed in both instances. Total Support Depression/life satisfaction. Depression score was analyzed in a regression equation holding time in country and then age constant, folla.ved by total support and living groups. Post-hoc ethnic versus non-ethnic contrasts were conducted. American/ethnic identities. Independence scores on the Americanization Check List were analyzed in a regression equation holding time in country and then age constant, folla.ved by total support and living groups. Subsequent contrasts were carried out for both analyses between children living in their own families versus unaccanpanied minors. 59 Academic achievement. GPA was regressed in an anlysis holding time in country and then age constant, follc:Med in the equations by total sup:i;x>rt and living groups. Research Question #6: What is the extent to which political awareness -(o-f -ow-n _co untries -an-d -th-e U.S.) influences life ___;___;::..;::.;,;;._ ..:...;.._.:.... -- satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities , and school achievement? Many subjects apparently could not understand the relatively abstract questions concerning :i;x>litical awareness. Thus, presentation of findings is confined to descriptive data. Predictors of Successful Resettl ement To test the unique relative contribution of each independent variable to depression, independence, and grade :i;x>int average, a final set of regression analyses was undertaken for each dependent variable. Because number of placements was seen as a critical variable for unaccompanied minors, but was irrelevant to children with their own families, these final analyses were conducted first for the entire sample ( not including number of placements) , and then for unaccanpanied minors solely (including number of placements ) ? The order of predictors in these equations was established to enter demographic characteristics first, then variables relating to experiences which occurred prior to entry to the U.S., then characteristics of placement (for unaccompanied minors) and sup:i;x>rt over which service 60 providers can exercise some influence. For the entire sample of 82, this order was: age, time in the U.S., family of origin, displacement, total support, and ethnic versus non-ethnic setting. For the 58 unaccanpanied minors, the order was: age, time in the U.S., family of origin, displacement, total support, ethnic versus non-ethnic setting, and number of placements. 'Any variation which was not attributable to the identified predictor was assigned to error. That is, it remained as unexplained variance. 61 CHAPI'ER III RESULTS The major focus of this research was to examine--based on event-environment-individual interaction--critical factors affecting the adjustment of refugee minors to the United States. Specifically, do placement mod.e, status and situation of minor's family of origin, displacement, time in the U.S., and support influence life satisfaction/depression, Americanization, and academic achievement? In particular, predictors of successful resettlement were sought. Results of data analyses for this investigation will be presented in this chapter, including demographics, scaling infornation, zero order relationships among variables, and hypotheses testing with controls as indicated. Demographics The folla-,ing general infornation emerged on all 82 minors in the study (see Tables 1, 2, 3). The majority in the sample were of Vietnamese origin (47 in number, or 57.3%), with 24 cambodian (29.3%), and 11 (13.4%) Laotian youths, as indicated in Table 1. Average age was 16. 4 years, average grade in school 9.4. Those living in their CAA1 families were on the average two or three years younger than those in the other groups. Prior to being admitted to the United States, virtually all subjects had spent sane time in one or more refugee camps in Hong Kong, Malaysia, the 62 Philippines, or Thailand. Average length of stay was 19. 7 m::mths, with a wide range in time f ran several weeks to 60 nonths. over 70 percent of unaccanpanied minors reported their natural fathers were still living in their hanelarrls; 89 percent had living mothers. But it was not uncanron for unaccanpanied minors to be uncertain if parents were living or dead (20 percent for father, 7 percent for irother). In very few cases were unaccanpanied minors actually orphaned. Cambodian youngsters were often the ones who reported that parents were deceased. In one instance, a cambodian boy was documented as an orphan, and his foster father, a wheelchair- bound, middle-aged bachelor, had initiated legal procedings to adopt him. This, however, was the exception rather than the rule. overall, unaccanpanied minors in the sample had lived in 2.3 agency placements since arriving in the United States 30.5 rrnnths before. Minors imnigrating with relatives generally had renained in nore constant living situations, if not in terms of actual locale, at least insofar as consistency of important persons in their lives. 'llley had been here for an average of 52.5 ioonths, canpared with 27 to 32 nonths for the other three groups. Spanning groups, the average number of children in minors' biological families was quite large, at five. Constellation of family of origin, as reported by minors, often included various manbers of the extended family and 63 spanned three generations. This was especially evident during hane interviews with children who were living with their own families. Across all groups, a majority of minors came from urban areas in Indochina (49 in number or 59.8%). over 45 percent of their biological fathers had served in the military prior to 1975, with no significant differences for group. Groups differed in terms of fathers' education: chi squared (12)=31.0, p.<.002. Biological fathers of children in foster and group home situations had less education than fathers of children living in own family. In the latter group (N=24), nine fathers were ex>llege graduates, while another four had i;x>st-graduate or professional education. Similarly, nothers differed across groups. In CMn family group, eight roothers, or one-third, were college graduates: chi squared (15)=32.5, p.<.005. This indicates that children in roore highly educated families are J'[K)St likely to migrate together. In considering future analyses it will need to be remembered that resi;x>ndents living in their CMn families tended to be younger and to have a higher educational background. They had also been in the country the longest. Across all groups, minors appeared to be doing quite well in school. Their mean grade i;x>int average was 3.05. Americanization Check List The check list appended to the questionnaire was designed to tap dimensions which might vary between U.S. and Asian cultures, especially attitudes toward dependence, 64 independence and self-reliance. It also intended to measure perceived importance of adherance to U.S. custOOJS and practices. Items clustered around both these internal and external features of the Americanization proceses. A respondent was asked if an item was "very important," "somewhat important," or "not important" in his or her being a good American. Internal or dependence/independence-related items were: (3) Having an after-school job; (4) Living in your ovm apartment after age 18; (6) Having American friends, (7) Saying what's on your mind; (10) Supporting yourself financially when you graduate fran school; Cll) Making your o;.m decisions; (13) Sharing chores at hane. Items pertaining to external custans, practices, and citizenship were: (1) Speaking good English; (2) Saluting the American flag; (5) Becaning an American citizen and voting in elections; (8) Reading the newspaper to know what is happening in the U.S. government; (9) Volunteering for the U.S. Anny in time to war; (12) Celebrating American holidays such as July 4th. There was overlap, however, with items of very high importance to these newcomers, the oost salient example being "Speaking good English." While primarily measuring adherance to American practices this item also related to independence. Minors felt the oost important items in being a good American were "Speaking good English" (81. 7%), "Becaning a citizen and voting in elections" (76.8%), and "Supporting 65 yourself after graduation fran school" (76.8%). The importance ascribed by these minors to English proficiency and employment parallels the findings of the Grier survey (1983) of Washington, D.C. adult newcomers. That study cited language capacity and the availability of jobs as overwhelming factors in determining success or failure of resettlement. Items of least importance to minors were "Having an after- school job" (30.5%), "Speaking what's on your mind" (45.1%) and "Having American friends" (47.6%) Al.though many subjects advised they felt it was irore important to study after school than to work part-time, 63% of the sample were nonetheless employed at least sane of the time. This discrepancy may reflected a strong desire for academic excellence conflicting with the financial reality of needing to earn money. Eleven out of 19 minors (57.8%) who ~e living in group haneS stated it was very important to "Have your CMn apartment after graduation fran school." This is in contrast to 34.5% from caucasian foster hemes, 30.0% fran ethnic foster banes, or 4.2% of children with CMn families: chi squared (6)=28.49, p.<.005. Evidently the shared living experience disposed minors fran group hanes to value their a,m quarters. Reliability. Coefficient alpha (Cronbach's alpha) for the Americanization check list was established at .42 for the total scale Ci ndicative of noderate to low reliability), 66 .62 (moderate) for the internal or independence items and .46 (rooderate to low) for the external items. Items were separated into two danains, with internal or independence items having higher reliablity at .62. Because of that rrore satisfactory reliability, it was determined internal or independence items -would be the major focus of analysis. Correlations of indidividual items on the independence scale with total minus that i tern were: (3) Having an after-school job --.55; (4) Living in your own apartment after age 18-.55; (6) Having American friends-- .59; (7) Saying what's on your mind-.51; (10) Supporting yourself financially when you graduate fran school-.55; (11) Making your own decisions--.57 (13) Sharing chores at hane--.55. Irrlividual item correlations arrl subcategory correlations within the scale were examined. CES-D scores and length of time in the U.S. were included in the analysis. Items on the independence scale were not significantly correlated with the dependent variables of depression score or grade point average. Anong the independent variables, independence items correlated significantly with age (.228, p.<.01), time in the U.S. (.234, p.<.05), displacement (-.276, p.<.01), total support (.550, p.<.01), adult support (.249, p.<.01), and number of placements (.359, p.<.Ol). CE.S-D Scale Reliability. A Cronbach' s alpha of ? 89 was obtained for the CES-D scale. A split-halves (odd-even) reliability on 67 the scale was .82. Both indicate satisfactory reliability. These levels are consistent with those reported by Radloff (1977) of .85 for ooefficients alpha and .87 for split-halves reliability. Pearson correlations were then calculated for each of the 20 items to determine inter-item and item-total correlations. GPA, indpendence, age, time in the U.S. displacement, total support, adult support, peer support, and placements were included in correlations. CES-D score was not significantly correlated with the dependent variables of independence and GPA. Of the independent variables, CES-D score was significantly correlated with age C.288, p.<.01), time in U.S. C-234, p.<.05), displacement C.276, p.<.05), total support (-.550, p.<.01), adult support (-.528, p.<.01), peer support (-.349, p.<.01), and number of placements C.359, p.<.01). Scoring. The CES-D self-report scale was utilized to assess symptans associated with depression. Responses were scored on a possible range of Oto 60, with higher scores indicating greater symptaratology. A score of 16 or greater is cited in the literature as indicative of clinical depression (Kuo, 1984). In a rand.an sample of 499 adult Asian-Americans, mean score on the CFS-D scale was 9.38, with a standard deviation of 8.07. In general, scores are higher among people under 30 years of age. Kuo pointed out that mean score was higher in his Asian sample than in caucasian ones (range frcxn 7.96 to 9.25), as reported by Radloff (1977). 68 The modified children's CFS-D scale (Weissman, et al, l980) was used in the refugee minors research reported herein. In the children's version, sane items are left intact but more difficult and abstract ones are rephrased into clearer, simpler words. In a study by Weissnan et al (1980) of 28 children, aged 6 to 17, subjects with .PSychiatric diagnoses (N = 7) had mean scores of 10.5, while those without psychiatric diagnoses (N = 21) had mean scores of 6.9. About 9 per cent of Weissman's total juvenile sample scored over 16, the cut-off point for clinical depression in the adult version. In Table 4, raw CF.S-D scores with group means and standard deviations are presented by refugee minors' living groups. A one way analysis of variance revealed a statistically significant effect for group F(3,78) = 12.08, p. <.0001. Even when length of time in country was held constant in a later analysis this effect for group remained highly significant with a p.<.0001. Children living in ethnic hanes (own family and ethnic foster care) had mean scores well below the cutoff point of l6 for clinical depression in adult populations. On the Other hand, in non-ethnic settings, 79 percent of subjects living in Caucasian foster care and 68 percent of those in group hemes had mean scores above 16. 69 Table 4 CES-D Scores N = 82 (56 IIBles, 17 females) Mean s.o. Caucasian F.C. 24.03 10.54 50 3 29 Ethnic F.C. 10.50 3.95 20 6 10 Group Hane 22.04 10. 77 49 5 19 CMn Family 11.50 6.55 28 2 24 'IOTAL 18.26 8.62 50 2 82 While population figures are not available for adolescents, Radloff (1979) reported in her study of 70 Caucasian adults in a psychiatric inpatient setting that 70 percent of that sample scored above 16 (mean of 24.42) on the CE.S-D scale. This is in contrast to only 21 percent of the general population which scores above 16. Radloff adds that CE.S-D scores discriminate well between psychiatric inpatient and general fX)pulation samples. With that in mind, it is to be noted that unaccanpanied minors in Caucasian foster homes scored an average of 8 points above 16, those in group hanes 6 above. 70 Research Question #1: What is the extent to which differing placement mode influences life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? Life satisfaction/depression In preliminary discussion of the CES-D scale, it was seen that there was a statistically significant effect for differing placement modes, F(3,78) = 12.08, p.<.0001. The largest differences appeared between children who lived in their own families or in ethnic foster hanes versus those in Caucasian foster care or group hemes. The first two settings, own family and ethnic foster care, were distinguished fran Caucasian foster care and group hanes by the consistent presence of an Indochinese adult. A oontrast for depression along this ethnic versus non-ethnic dimension also revealed a highly significant difference, F(l,80)=36.21, p.<.0001. Ha..rever, children in their a..rn families had been in the United States longer (by 22 months) and were younger (by more than two years) than unaccanpanied minors. For these reasons, it was important to rule out age and time in oountry as possible alternative explanations of the large and significant differences which had emerged by placement mode. Depression score was examined in two one-way analyses of oovariance, first holding time in U.S. and then age oonstant. Neither covariate in the analyses reached significance. Those results, presented in Table 5 indicate extremely large 71 and significant differences between groups--differences which persisted when time in country and age were held constant. Table 5 Mean Depression Score Analyses of Covariance Differences !?Y_ Placement Mode With Time in U.S. as Covariate Adjusted Mean Adj. Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 25. 05 2. 48 Ethnic Foster Care 11. 43 3. 32 Group Hane 22.89 2.57 Own Family 13.13 3.46 overall F for Placement Mode: 9.06, df = 4,77, p.<.00001. Contrasts significant between Ethnic Foster Care and OWn Family versus Caucasian Foster Care and Group Hane: t = 5.44, p.<.0001. With Age as Covariate .Adjusted Mean Adj. Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 26.10 11.10 Ethnic Foster Care 12.10 10.65 Group Hane 24.09 10.99 Own Family 13.23 9.39 Overall F for Placement Mode: 8.96, df = 4,77, p.<.00001. Contrasts significant between Ethnic Foster Care and Own Family versus Caucasian Foster Care and Group Hane: t = 5.12, p.<.0001. 72 Americanization/Ethnicity For reasons similar to those outlined in the previous section, independence scores on the Americanization Check list were examined in two one-way analyses of covariance holding time in U. s. and then age constant. These results are presented in Table 6. In the first analysis, time in country was a significant covariate with at of 3.160, p.<.002. In the covariate analyses, children who lived with their own families contrasted significantly with the other three groups (the unaccanpanied children) in perceiving independence as less important in Americanization (overall F= 3.97, p.<.005, contrast significant at .007 level). It appears from these results that youngsters having the benefit of their own kin do not perceive the need to becane independent so rapidly as unaccompanied children. Perhaps for those who live within the tighly-knit circle of their own families, traditional Asian values of group cohesion and interdependence continue to be transmitted, predaninating over more Western values of autonomy and independence. Indeed Nidorf cautioned service providers to be cognizant of "prema.ture assimilation" (1985) in refugee minors. She expressed concern for young newcaners who pushed themselves to quickly integrate into the American mainstream. Those who seem to adapt in less then two years may be at risk for aootional dysfunction more than their apparently slOiler integrating peers. In a second analysis of independence score by placement 73 node, age was entered as the covariate. It did not reach significance, t=l.503, p.<.137. The group differences were not significant either. Table 6 Mean Independence Score Analyses of Covariance Differences !?Y Placement r.k>de With Time in U.S. as Covariate Adjusted Mean* Adj. Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 14.44 .75 Ethnic Foster Care 14.71 1.00 Group Hane 14.35 .78 Own Family 17.22 1.05 Overall F for Placement Mode: 3.97, df = 4,77, p.<.0056. Contrasts significant between Own Family versus caucasian Foster Care, Ethnic Foster Care arx:l Group Hane: t = 2.78, p.<.007. * Higher score indicates lower independence With Age as Covariate Adjusted Mean* Adj. Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 17.92 3.52 Ethnic Foster Care 17.99 3.38 Group Hane 18.04 3.49 Own Family 18.80 2.97 Overall F for Placement Mode: 1.90, df = 4,77, p.>.1183. * Higher scores indicate lower independence. 74 The four placement groups were not different in terms of using an American versus an Indochinese name. Eleven percent of minors had adopted an English-language name since coming to the U.S. There were no differences among groups in desire to return to the haneland, with 42. 7 percent of minors responding "yes," 51.2 percent "no," and 6.1 percent uncertain. Across groups there were no significant differences in desire to marry someone fran the haneland. There were, however, large numbers of nonrespondents to that item (50 percent). Several youngsters remarked that if they ma.rried saneone fran another country, they would be afforded the opportunity to travel: one Vietnamese girl of 15 advised she would like to marry an Englishman so that she could visit England. When asked to name "one wish that could come true," it was assumed that refugees retaining strongest ties to the haneland--and who were perhaps less assimilated--would refer to family overseas or to native country. There were, however, no significant difference in reference: chi squared (3)=3.1, p.<.38. Seventeen minors (11 or 29% of all unaccompanied) wished for reunion with their families. 'Iwenty-five (31.7%) fran all groups cited high academic achievement. Controlling for time in country did not affect response patterns for this wish question. Asking minors to name one fear was evidently too difficult a question for rna.ny, with 42.6 percent non-response 75 to this item. Another item which proved too abstract for respondents was what advice they would give a young person in their hcmeland who was contemplating caning to the U.S.: 30.0% could not answer. But roost minors--82.9 percent-- e:i.sily replied that the hardest thing for them upon arriving in the U.S. was le:i.rning English. And time in the U.S. apparently did not alter this recollection. Academic Achievement School achievement was coded in terms of respondents' self-reporting of grades on last report card and fran that a grade point average was derived. Seventy-three percent of all respondents reported grade point averages of B or higher. There were no differences in GPA means by situation and status of subjects' families of origin, F(l,80)=.77, n.s. GPA was examined in a one-way analysis of covariance, holding time in U.S. constant. The covariate did not reach significance. The overall F was not significant FC4,77)=1.69, p.>.161. However, as a guide to further analysis for group differences, a comparison of children in ethnic versus non-ethnic hanes was made, revealing a significant difference (p.<.017). Although all children had quite high GPA's, those in both ethnic settings had adjusted mean GPA' s that were ? 23 to ? 41 points higher than their peers in non-ethnic hanes, t=2.45, p.<.017. This was about two-thirds of a standard deviation difference for this sample. It appeared once again that presence of an ethnic adult exerted a salutory influence upon minors in ethnic 76 foster care and a,Jn family settings. When age was entered as a covariate in a one-way analysis of covariance of GPA scores by placement groups, neither covariate nor the group differences were significant. Table 7 presents GPA analyses of covariance by placerient mcrle. Table 7 Mean Grade Point Average Analyses of Covariance Differences~ Placement Mode With Time in U.S. as Covariate Adjusted Mean Adj . Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 3.05 .14 Ethnic Foster Care 3.46 .19 Group Hane 3.09 .15 O,,m Family 3.32 .19 overall F for Placement Mode: 1.69, df = 4,77, p.>.16. Contrasts significant between Ethnic Foster care and CMn Family versus Caucasian Foster Care and Group Hane: t = 2.45, p.<.017. With Age as Covariate Adjusted Mean Adj.~~ caucasian Foster Care 3.18 .04 Ethnic Foster Care 3. 58 ?6 4 Group Hane 3.23 .63 o.,m Family 3.33 .59 O.235. 77 Attributions Regarding Academic Success. Minors were asked whether they considered themselves successful in school, and then to what they attributed their success or non-succcess. There was a positive correlation between grade point average and perception of success in school Cr= .309, at the .01 level). Of 76 minors responding to this question, there was a significant contrast between those who saw themselves as successful in school (N = 52, GPA= 3.17) and those who did not (N = 24, GPA= 2.83), with an overall F(l,74)=7.81, p.<.007. This indicates that these minors are making relatively realistic appraisals of their academic achievanent, although their standards of excellence might seem unduly rigorous to those used to dealing with American adolescents. In spite of their evident academic achievement, about a third of minors reported they did not consider themselves successful in school, with no significant effect for placement group, chi squared (3)=3.46, p.>.33. Condensing the contrast to ethnic versus non-ethnic groups reveal ed 44 percent in caucasian foster care or group banes saw themselves as unsuccessful in school, compared to 26 percent in ethnic homes, either foster or own. Even so, differences among groups were not statistically significant, chi squared (1) = 2.56, p.>.11. 78 There was little variation among the 82 minors in attributions regarding academic perforrrance: 53 (64.6%) cited effort, 16 (19.5%) ease of task, 5 (6.1%) ability, 1 (1.2%) luck, 4 (4.88%) "other," and 3 (3.66%) did not respond. There were no significant differences among the four placement modes in attributions regarding academic performance, chi squared (9)=11.23, p.>.26. When effort, the most frequent response, was contrasted to all other responses (N=79), it reached significance, chi squared (3)=10.57, p.<.014. The ethnic versus non-ethnic I' home contrast yielded a significant difference, with 84.8 I percent of minors in ethnic hanes making effort attributions, compared to 59.5 percent in non-ethnic settings, chi squared (1)=5.72, p.<.017. Most minors in this sample made effort attributions. I I This was in keeping with the research findings of Hess and .I Holloway (1983) and Stevenson (1986), citing predaninantly effort attributions among Asian students and mothers. It is of interest to ponder the possible socializing effect for minors in non-ethnic homes who made significantly fewer effort attributions than peers in ethnic homes. It is knCMn that parental attributions regarding a son or daughter's success can have an important influence on the child's attributions. For the child placed in a home without an Asian adult, such an influence might not be present: there might not be a traditional, strong model stressing effort as a viable route to success. Furthermore, there are some child 79 developnent theorists, such as Brazelton (cited by Butterfield, 1986) who are of the opinion that Asian children learn through modeling and imitation, to a much greater extent than non-Asian. The current findings support the importance for academic attributions of the presence of an Asian adult. When these young people were asked to whan they 'WOuld turn for help if doing poorly in school, 58.5 percent named a teacher. Eight answered, "no one," (four in Caucasian foster care, one in ethnic foster care, three in group hanes, but none with o.vn families) ? Eight youngsters fran all four groups indicated they 'WOuld go to a friend for help, an age- appropriate response. At the same time minors were diligently applying themselves in school, over 63 percent were also "WOrking after school in part-time jobs, irost typically in fast food establishments (18.3%), as clerks (11.0%), or in childcare (11.0%). There were no significant differences among groups in employment: chi squared (3) = 7.44, p.>.06. College Aspirations. Across groups, there were no significant differences in college aspirations: chi squared (6) = 10.26, p.>.11. Over 80 percent stated they planned to attend college--a renarkably high proportion given the scarce financial resources of these minors, both unaccoopmied or with families. Of those who did not plan on college, 4.9 percent stated they intended to enroll in a trade school or learn a vocation such as printing or auto mechanics. 80 Surrmary. In analyzing the effect of placement mode upon depression, enormous differences were revealed. Differences were somewhat less striking, but important in relation to independence. Differences among groups were quite small in academic achievement, but marginally significant if an ethnic versus non-ethnic group contrast was employed. Those minors who lived in homes with an ethnic adult also made significantly more effort attributions regarding their academic achievement than children in non-ethnic homes. Research Question -#2-: -W-ha-t -is- -th-e extent to which time in -'--- -- -- U.S. influences life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? Sane of the analysis relating to this question was covered in the previous section because time in the United States was an important covariate. Life satisfaction/depression A regression with CFS-D score as criterion entered time in U.S. first, followed by ethnic versus non ethnic setting. Time in country did not reach significance (t=-.341, p.>.734.), but ethnic home did (t=S.442, p.<. 0001), with an overall F. of 17.96, df = 2, 79, p.<.00001. This again suggests the over-riding power of ethnic setting on depression. 81 Americanization/ethnicity When time in U.S. was entered into a regression equation, followed by ethnic group, significance was reached (t-2.493, p.<.015) for time in country. For each additional roonth in the U.S. , a minor's independence score was enhanced by .04 points. The effect of ethnic setting appeared to be operative once more, with at of 2.781, p.<.007. overall F was 5.12, df 2,79, p.<.008. Academic Achievement When time in country was entered first into a regression analysis, followed by ethnic group, it did not reach significance (t = -1.447, p.<.152). There was a significant effect for ethnic group (t=2.448, p.<.017), with an overall F of 3.17, df = 2,79, p.<.047. Surcmary. Time in country was not a significant factor in determining depression or grade point average. It was, however, a significant predictor of increased independence striving as part of Americanization in minors. Research Question -#3: -Wh-at -is- -th-e -ex-ten-t -to -whi-ch status -and situation of minor's family of origin influence life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? Minors' families of origin were quantified on a scale fran 1 - 10 on the basis of parents' education, occupation, and place of residence. The tenuous nature of such judgements needs to be r ecognized, however, given the 82 enonnous political and social upheaval inflicted by the years of war in Indochina. Overall rrean score for this variable was 4.64 with a standard deviation of 2.69. Children in caucasian foster homes had means of 3.48, ethnic foster care, 4.40, group heroes , 5.05 and those in own family, 5.80. In a regression analysis, with situation and status as criterion, placement nooe yielded a significant effect, with F(3,78)=3.92, p.<.011. Those with their own families had higher scores on this family of origin variable, due in large measure to parents' greater education. Depression/Life Satisfaction When entered into a regression equation with CES-D scores as criterion, situation and status of family of origin were not significant, with an F(l,80)=.10, p.>.70. Of the cambodians in this sample, many had endured especially cruel hardships before leaving their haneland. Thirteen (44.8%) of all children in caucasian foster hares, and four (21.0%) in group homes were cambodian. None had been placed in an ethnic foster bane. Nonetheless, in a regression analysis the contribution of country of origin to depression was not significant: FC2,79)=1.32, p.>.27. Americanization/Ethnic Identity In a regression equation with independence as the de:pendent variable, situation and status of family of origin were not significant: FCl,80)=.26, p.>.614. When entered in four levels, there was still no significant effect, with an F 83 (3,78)=.45, p.>.72. Academic Achievement Entering GPA into a regression equation as dependent variable with situation and status of family as predictor derronstrated no significant contribution: F(l,80)=.04, p.>.85. When situation and status were tested at four levels, with GPA as the outcome, there was also no significant effect: F(3,78)=.21, p.>.89. This is an outcome of particular interest, because in U.S. samples, factors such as parent education (a large canponent of this score) are strong predictors of GPA. Perhaps in this sample of Indochinese refugees, experiences and conditions of war muted social class as a predictor of academic achievement. It is also possible that parent education is of less help in stimulating a child's achievement when the parent does not speak the language in which the child is studying. Smrmary. Situation and status of minors' families of origin were not significant contributors to depression scores, ind:i;:,endence, or school achievement. 84 Research Question -#4-: -W-ha-t -is- -th-e -ex-ten-t -to -whi-ch specifics of minor's flight fran the haneland influence life satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? The story of a refugee is inevitably one of separation and loss--particularly so if that person is a child without family. In order to sufficiently address this phenomenon, flight from haneland was expanded into a variable tenned "displacement ." The conceptualization of displacement ? included primarily events taJcing place before minors irrmigrated to the United States and therefore not subject to interventions of social service providers. ? In quantifying displacement, the following items were included (with scoring indicated): planned versus unplanned escape Cl); length of time of escape (1, 2, 3); solitary or accompanied escape Cl) ; time spent in refugee camps ( 1, 2, 3), trauma suffered in transition, such as the death of a close relative or friend, sea piracy, or other violence Cl per experience); unawareness of family's well-being in oountry of origin Cl); no carmunication with hane Cl); number of grades behind in U.S. school for minor's age. Mean score for displacement was 4.47, standard deviation 3.11. Variation in scores was high, with a range from 1 to 19. Number of foster or group care placements, a oonstituent of displacement for unaccanpanied minors, was examined as a 85 separate variable. Unlike the elements of displacement just described, placements were seen to be at least partially amenable to the interventions of service providers. Examples of Displacement The follcxtling two accounts are typical of the kinds and extent of displacement these young Indochinese refugees have undergone in the course of leaving their hanelands and resettling in the United States. "X" is a minor with a lCM displacement score of 3. He is a 15 year old, tenth grade, Laotian boy living with his own family in a pleasant bane they just purchased in suburban Virginia. In 1980, he escaped by boat with his mother, stepfather, grandparents, brother and sister across the Mekong River into a refugee camp to Thailand. After a year in the camps the family was accepted for admission to the United States. Although his own father, a college-educated helicopter pilot, was killed during the war, his picture is still prominently displayed in the family's living roan. Mother remarried before the family left Laos and stepfather is a stable head of household, whan the children regard with affection. Both mother and stepfather have college educations, both work long hours as housekeepers in local hotels. "X" too works after school and at night at a neighborhood convenience store. It is not unccmnon for him to finish a shift at 2 a.m. at which time he phones his stepfather to transport him hane. An affable, outgoing 86 youth, "X" had several neighborhood American friends visiting in his home at the time of his interview. He plans on a career in computer field; if he were doing poorly in school he would talk to his grandparents for help in doing better; if he could have one wish, it would be to "be a millionaire, so I could buy my parents a heme, and take care of them." His score on the CE.S-D scale was 16, the cutoff point for clinical depression. "R" is a 16 year old boy with a high displacement score of 9. He lives in a group heme in Richmond, Virginia, his fifth placement. The evening of his interview, he had just returned from running away--one in an ongoing series of disruptive behaviors in the group hane. "R, 11 who is cambodian, arrived in the U.S. in April 1984 after five years in a Thai refugee camp. He left his horreland by himself, trekking alone for three days on foot through jungle, narrowly escaping discovery by the Ccmnunists. 'As a young child in cambodia, he had been forced by the Khmer Rouge into a work camp. When he was finally able to return to his village, he found his heme destroyed and his parents burned to death. His father had been a general, a college educated nan who spoke many languages; his mother had once been a college teacher. All but one of his siblings are dead. "R" has recently learned one sister is still alive in Cambodia and he dreams of being reunited with her. Because contact with his hcmeland is virtually impossible, he is unable to keep in touch with anyone in cambodia. "R" attends a trade 87 school and is about one year behind grade level for his age. According to a social worker in the group hane, his peer relations are very poor, due to his angry and explosive nature. "R" advised he would not volunteer for the U.S. arif!Y in wartime, as he had seen too much fighting in his lifetime. He stated unabashedly that his greatest fear was of guns and shooting. Soore on the CES-D scale was 49, the second highest of all minors. Across living groups there were no significant differences in planned versus unplanned departures: chi squared (3)=1.94, >.58. Nor were there substantial variations in length of time of escape, with a mean traveling time of 10.5 days: F(3,66)=1.0l, p.>.40. By 7 days, 78% of minors had canpleted the journey away fran their homelands, by 14 days, over 90% had reached a destination of first asylum. Fifty-one (6.2%) left by boat, 23 (28.0%) by foot, and 4 ( 4. 8%) were part of an airlift. One youngster left by horse and buggy, one by bus, and one each by rootorcycle and bicycle. There were no significant differences among groups in departure mode: chi squared (18)=21.00, p.>.28. The average length of time spent in refugee camps was 19.7 months, with no significant differences among groups, F(3,78)=.73, p.>.54. Although international resettlement policy mandates the earliest possible assignment of unaC'Canpanied minors to a third country, this was aJ;PiI'ently not the case with our sample. Unaccanpanied minors spent about equal time in camps as children there with families. 88 Fifty-eight (70.7%) of minors advised their own fathers were living, 16 (19.5%) that they were dead, and 8 (9.7%) that they did not knCM. Entered into a regression equation, the contribution of father living to depression scores was significant, F(l,80)=5.41, p.<.02. Life Satisfaction/Depression Displacement correlated positively with depression scores at the .OS level. For reasons described in previous sections, depression scores were examined in two one-way analyses of covariance first holding time in U.S. and then age constant. In the first analysis, time in country was held constant, follCMed in the equation by displacement and four living groups. Time as a covariate was not significant, t=.34, p.> .74; neither was displacement a significant contributor to depression, t=l.49, p.>.142. HCMever, the ethnic contrast was significant at the .006 level with these two covariates. The overall F for the equation was 7.80, p<.00001. In the second analysis, age as covariate was nonsignificant, t=-.198, p.>.84 and displacement did not shCM a significant effect, t=l.56, p>.13. But once more there was a significant rrain effect for group. The overall F was 7.78, at the .00001 level, with the ethnic contrast significant at .004. Americanization/ethnicity Independence items on the Americanization check list did not correlate significantly with displacement scores. The 89 effect of displacement on independence was analyzed in an analysis of covariance holding time in U.S. constant, followed by displacement and four placement settings. Time in country was a significant covariate, t=3.45, at the .001 level; displacement did not reach significance (t=-1.89, p.>.06; overall F=3.99, p.<.003). Children in their own families contrasted significantly, with at of 3.45 (at the .0001 level) to unaccanpanied minors with these two oovariates. This same analysis was repeated, holding age constant. Neither the covariate of age nor of displacement was significant, with an overall F for the equation = 1.89, p.>.11. Academic Achievement Grade point average was not significantly correlated with displacement score. A preliminary regression indicated no significant effect for displacement on grade point average, F(l,80)=.02, p.>.89. Academic achievement was next examined with time in U.S. and displacement as covariates, followed by four living groups. The same analysis was repeated with age as covariate. In the first analysis, time in U.S. was not a significant covariate, t=-.945, p.>.35. Nor was displacement a significant predictor, t=.812, p.>.42. However, a post hoc ethnic versus non-ethnic contrast was significant at the .01 level. This finding once more points to the pervasive influence of setting with an ethnic adult, regardless of 90 - --- - other important factors, such as displacement in this case. In the second analysis, neither the covariate of age, t=.38, p>.70, nor of displacement, t=.96, p>.34, was significant. Placements of Unaccompanied Minors For the unaccallp:inied minor a crucial aspect of displacement can be the number of foster and group placements he or she has experienced. Many in this sample reported having had multiple placements since arriving in the United States. There are numerous reasons a child might be re- placed into a new setting. Sanetimes due to causes beyond their imnediate control, a foster family can no longer keep a minor. For example, one exanplary couple, due to a medical crisis with their own son, reluctantly tenninated care of four unaccanpanied boys who had been with them for several Years. This forced the dislocation of the boys into other homes. Because it was highly unusual to firrl a foster family to acconmodate four children, they were placed separately, dispersing their peer group which had grown quite close in its years together and which had served as a substitute family unit. There are sometimes instances when the negative behavior of youngsters themselves precipitates the move to another setting. There seem to be certain children for whom several placements are necessary before they can canfortably settle down. Often the most difficult children find their ways into group hanes, where more intensive supervision and adult care are provided. 91 Among unaccanpanied minors, 19 ( 23. 3%) were in their first placement, 21 (25.6%) their second, and 10 (12.2%) their third. Eight other youngsters reported fran 4 to 9 prior placements since arriving in the United States. Mean number of placements was 2.33. Of the dependent variables in this investigation, number of placements correlated significantly with depression (.359, p.<.01), but not with GPA (-.068), or independence (-.199). Of the independent variables, number of placements correlated significantly with age (.482, p.<.01), with displacemant (.231, P.<.05), with overall support (-.441, p<.01), and with adult support (-.490, p.<.01). Number of placements for unaccanpanied minors by three placement groups is displayed in Table 8. Airong children in ethnic hemes, five were in their first placemant, while five had had three or more placements. This was possibly an artifact of age: those children with only one placement were on the average quite young (14.6 years old) compared to the others ( 18 ? 0 years old) ? As mentioned earlier, there was a significant positive correlation between age and numbers of placements ( r = ? 482 at the ? 01 level) ? When number of placements was entered into a regression equation with living groups it was a significant predictor of depression scores in unaccCltlP=lnied minors: F(3,54)=4.32, p.<.008. Fifteen percent of the variance in depression scores was explained by knowing how often a minor had been placed. Children who had only one placanent were faring 92 Table 8 Numbers of Placements of Unaccompanied Minors PY Placement M:)de N = 58 (53 males, 5 females) Number Placement cauc.Fost Ethn.Fost Group 'IDTAL care Care Hane CNE 7 5 7 I 19 % I 24.14 50.00 36.84 I 32.76 --------+------ ----- '1W) I 16 0 5 21 % I 55.17 0.00 26.32 36.21 + --~- THREE 4 2 4 10 % I 13.79 20.00 21.05 17.24 ------------- ------ --+--- FOUR OR 2 3 3 8 M)RE % 6.90 30.00 15.79 13. 79 -------- -------------------+----- 'l'OTAL N 29 10 19 58 93 substantially better than those with more than one. While, the mean CES-D score for all unaccanpanied minors was 21.05, it was 16, Ct=6.95, p.<.0001) for those in their first placement compared to 26.76 Ct= 12.23), p.<.0001 for those with more than one placement. This is without taking into account reasons for multiple placements--origina.ting within the minors themselves, or in circumstances beyond their ability to regulate. Number of placements emerged as a complex variable. Older minors were more likely than younger ones to have multiple placements, although the length of time a child had been in the U.S. was not related to placement frequency. It ' is likely that minors who were more depressed and who exhibited disruptive and difficult-to-rca.na.ge behavior were candidates for multiple placements. Understandably, it is also more difficult for service providers to find suitable placements for depressed children. By the same token, children who had been re-placed in multiple settings might Irore likely be depressed from being dislocated. cause and effect cannot so easily be distinguished here. At a l ater fX)int, further interpretation of the placement phencmenon will be presented in the context of final regression analyses which include all variables of interest to this investigation. 94 Sunmary. Although virtually all minors in this study had experienced considerably high levels of disruption and dislocation in the course of migrating to this country, the effect of displacement did not appear to be a significant predictor of depression, independence levels, or grade point average. The effect of placement mode was again influential, particularly the effect of ethnic versus non-ethnic setting. Taking displacement into account, children in ethnic homes had significantly lower depression scores and significantly higher GPA' s than their peers in non-ethnic settings. There also was a significant contrast in independence levels. In this instance it was between children in their own families and unaccanp:tnied minors, with those in own family having lower independence scores. Although overall displacement was not shown to have a significant effect on the dependent variables in this investigation, number of placements was critically related to the well-being of unaccanpanied minors. As placements went up, so did depression levels. However, it might be speculated that the angry and seemingly umnanageable behaviors of some youngsters who require re-placement are in themselves after-effects of the experiences of displacement before coming to this country. 95 Research Question #5. What is the extent to which specifics -of minors' support systems influence -lif-e satisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievement? To arrive at a variable representing support, substantial recoding was undertaken to quantify a final score. Items included were the following, (with possible points a minor could score) : father living (1 ) ; irother 1iv ing (l); relatives in the U.S.(l); relatives living nearby (2); frequency of contact with relatives (3); nale and female friends fran own country (2), other foreign country (2), or U. s. ( 2) ; visits friends fran own country, other foreign country and U.S. in hane (3); unrelated other children living in minor's hane (1 per child); siblings in hane (1 per sib); quality of foster, group, or hane situation (3); nature of relationships with service providers (3); minor ' s perception of self as successful in making friends (1); minor talks to someone when sad (l); other striking impressions of the interviewer vis-a-vis support (2). Average support score across groups was 12.07, with a standard deviation of 5.04. Scores ranged fran a low of 1 for a multiply-placed unaccanpanied Cambodian boy, to a high of 27 for a minor living with his grandroother and extended family, all of whan were being actively sponsored by the Mormon church. In addition to the investigator's coding, a sample of the support data (N=SO) was coded by another social worker. 96 Percentage of interrater agreement was established at 90.6 percent. 'I\\u primary sources of supEXJrt for minors were family and friends. These will will be considered in turn. Family. Even among those minors who were unaccanpanied, 51.2 percent had relatives in the immediate geographic areas in which they resided. When children living with their CMn families were raooved ?ran the canparisons, there were no significant differences among three placement modes for unaccanpanied minors, chi squared (6)=4.11, p.>.66. Twenty- two (78.5%) of 28 unaccanpanied minors with relatives nearby visited with them on a regular basis, with no significant differences in visitation rate among the three placement nodes: chi squared (6)=5.85, p.>.44. Nor were there significant differences among unaccanpanied minors regarding desire to live with their relatives. Across all four groups, there were no significant differences in frequency of writing to family in countries of origin, with 68% keeping a monthly contact by letter. Friends. For purposes of quantification, there were six EXJssible classes of friends: male fran country of origin, fema.le fran country of origin; male ?ran other foreign countries, female ?ran other foreign countries; male American, female American. No minor re{X)rted having a friend ?ran all six categories. Across four placement settings, there were no significant differences in total numbers of friends, FC3,81), p.>.09, with a mean of 2.36. 97 Friendships involving mutual hane visits were considered to be of a closer nature than those where contact was restricted to school, work, or outside the hane. Across all four placement modes, minors with friends visited about equally in both their own and friends' residences. This was true for country of origin, other-foreign-country, and American friends. Ninety percent of all minors had a friend fran their country of origin, with no differences across groups, F(3,78)=.55, p.>.65. Over 71 percent reported a friend fran another foreign country: there was a significant difference across groups, F(3,78)=3.78, p.<.01, with children in ethnic homes more likely to report greater numbers of other-foreign- country friends. Sixty-two percent of minors had an American friend, F(3,78)=2.65, p.<.05, with a significant difference for groups. Minors in the U.S. with their a,.m families contrasted with all others in reporting the highest percentage of American friends (83%), suggesting that the longer one is in the U.S., the more one moves towards American friendships. Because children with their own families had also been in the country longer than unaccanpanied minors, time in country was held constant in a regression analysis. Controlling in this way for time in U.S., children in their a,.m hanes were not more likely to have American friends than those in other groups, F(4, 77)=1.94 p.>.112. Number and country of friends by group are presented in Table 9. 98 -- Table 9 Responses to Three Questions Concerning Friends Number and Country of Friends !?Y_ Group N = 82 (56 rrales, 17 ferrales) Have a Caucasian Ethnic Group Own Friend Fas.Care Fas.car Hane Family 'IDTAL F'ram N = 29 N = 10 N = 19 N = 29 82 Own Country # 25 10 17 22 74 % 86.21 100 89.47 91.67 90.24 Other Foreign Country # 15 9 14 21 59 % 51. 72 90.00 73.68 87.50 71.95 United States # 14 5 12 20 51 % 48.28 50.00 63.16 83.33 62.20 N 29 10 19 24 82 There was a trend in the order in which friendships were fonned. The direction was first with CMn country friend, next with other-country friend, and lastly, with Americans. Those children with fewer friends were roore likely to have oountry of origin friends; those who had a greater number of friends were roore likely to have American friends. 99 It is likely that order reflects increasing English language capacity over time, as well as the progression of these newcomers from ESL (English as a Second Language) to regular classroans in school. Minors who had friends frorn other foreign countries generally reported meeting them in ESL classes. Thirteen (15.8%) of all minors had a male friend frcm Latin America, 25 (30.5%) frorn an Indochinese country other than their own, and 12 (14.6%) frcm elsewhere in Asia. A similar picture emerged for female foreign friends. A strong negative relationship was revealed between friendship and depression, but it did not have to do with whether a child had own country, other-foreign country or American friends. Rather it was between a child's having at least one friend, as opposed to none. Of six subjects who reported having no friends at all, their unadjusted mean CE'S-D scores were almost 9 points higher than children who reported at least one friend and 12.57 points higher than the group mean of 18.26. These results are shown in Table 10, following. A one way anova for depression scores and number of friends was significant at the .01 level, with an F(4,78) of 3.37. 100 Table 10 Minors Unadjusted CF.S-D Scores and Numbers of Friends N = 82 (56 males, 17 fe.nales) Number of Friends M SD N 0 30.83 14.60 6 1 22.00 7.28 13 2 16.27 8.78 26 3 or more 16.33 11.03 37 'IOTAL 18.26 8.62 82 Because children with their o,,..m family had been in the U.S. the longest, depression score was next examined in a analysis of covariance, with time in country as covariate, followed by adult supl_X)rt (total supl_X)rt minus peer-supl_X)rt), no friend, and friend(s). These results are presented in Table 11. Time in country was not a significant covariate. Adult suH)Ort was significant, t=-4.27, at the .0001 level. The coefficient for adult supl_X)rt of -1.25, indicates the im}.X)rtant influence of this variable in substantially decreasing a child's level of depression. Overall F for the equation was 15.30, p.<.00001. In this analysis, children with no friends contrasted significantly with children having at least one friend, t=.3.24, p.<.0017. 101 Table 11 Mean Depression Score Friend/No Friend Differences With Time in U.S. and Adult Support as Covariates Adjusted Mean Error No Friend 43.09 4.56 Friend(s) 28.12 2.56 Overall F for Friend/No friend: 9.21, df = 3,78, p.<.00001. Contrasts significant bet~en No Friend versus Friend: t=3.24, p<.0017. Independence items on the Americanization Check List were next examined in an analysis of covariance, holding time in U.S. constant, followed by adult support, no friend, and friend(s). The covariate of time in U.S. did not reach significance. While adult support was significant in a positive direction, with at of 2.16 at the .03 level, the overall F for the equation was nonsignificant. A similar analysis of covariance was undertaken with grade point average as criterion, holding time in country ronstant, and then entering adult support, no friend, and friend(s) into the equation. Time in country was not a significant covariate. Neither adult support nor the overall F for differences was significant. 102 Attributions regarding friendships. Minors were asked if they considered themselves good at making friends, and why. With 72 minors responding to this question, there were no significant differences among groups: chi squared 2{3)=5.82, p.>.121. But, employing the ethnic versus non- ethnic contrast, 27 (87.1%) minors in ethnic hanes saw themselves as successful in making friends, canpared to 27 (65.8%) in non-ethnic settings. This was a significant difference, chi squared (1)=4.25, p.<.04. All children about equally attributed their social success to ability, effort, ease of task, or luck: chi squared 2(9)=5.175, p.>.82. There was no significant ethnic contrast. To Whan Minors Speak When Sad. When asked to whan they ,11 talked when sad, children in their own families or ethnic 1. foster care were m::>re likely to name a friend than were respondents fran the other two groups: chi squared {18)=31.42, p.<.04. Children in their own families did not overwhelmingly choose to talk to pa.rents when sad Conly 4, or 16. 0%) ? Nor did unaccanpanied minors frequently name social workers as choice of confidant (8 in all, or 13.8%). Across groups, 34 minors (41.5% of all subjects) advised they seek out no one when sad, chi squared (3)=8.37, p.<.04, with a significant difference for groups. These findings are presented in Table 12. An ethnic versus non-ethnic oomparison was significant: 26 (76.5%) minors in ethnic homes talked to saneone when sad, as opposed to 22 (45.8%) in non-ethnic settings, chi squared {1)=7.69, p.<.01. 103 Table 12 Minor Speaks -to Saneone -Wh-en -Sa-d Differences !?Y_ Placement Mode N = 82 (56 nales, 17 females) caucasian Ethnic Group 'IOrAL Foster care Foster care Hane Family N=29 N=l0 N=l9 N=24 N=82 Yes 12 8 10 18 48 % 41.38 80.00 52.63 75.00 58.54 No 17 2 9 6 34 % 58.62 20.00 47.37 25.00 41.45 Children who talked to saneone when sad were significantly less depressed than those who talked to no one, F(l,80)=4.42, p.<.04. The mean depression scores of the talkers was 16.20, which was 4.9 points lower than the non- talkers. Minors who were non-talkers had been in the U.S. on an average of 5.46 months longer than the talkers, but this was not a significant difference. From a Western perspective of nornative adolescent development, turning to peers for support is regarded as expectable, age appropriate behavior. It was thus of interest that children in ethnic, as opposed to non-ethnic 104 settings, were more likely to turn to peers when sad--and to suffer less depression. Al.though the important adults in their lives were not American, minors in ethnic hanes were rrore frequently engaging in peer-seeking behavior generally viewed as the norm for American teenagers. In this sense, they were becaning Americanized more swiftly. Perhaps these children felt freer to explore the world-and the mainstream of the American youth culture-if they knew a reliable, trust~rthy adult was there to provide a secure base of operations. They have endured war and dislocation, possibly rendering them nore vulnerable and dependent than other children their age. They, more than other children, may have a need for their hanebase to be secure. And an ethnic adult may be the best person to provide this for them. Total Support The presence and nature of family, friends, and to whom minors turn for ccmfort when sad are important canponents of support, both perceived and real. This total process of support will next be examined in relation to the three dependent variables in this investigation. Depression/Life Satisfaction Depression score was negatively correlated with total support score (p.<.01.) as well as with peer support (p.<.01). For every point of additional support, a child's CES-D score was lcmered accordingly. In an initial regression with CE'S-D score as criterion and support as 105 independent variable, a significant effect was revealed: F.961, and an overall F for the equation of .11, df= 2, 45. When age was used as a covariate, it was not significant; support was not significant with at of .100, p.>.921, and an overall F of .02., p.>.976. In examining the influence of support on depression among subjects in non-ethnic settings, time in U.S. was not a significant covariate. Su.wort was significant with at of -3.16, p.<.003. For every unit of support, depression scores d.i.m.inished by one point. The overall F for the ~tion was 5-34, df=2,45. Age was not a significant covariate, but SupPort once again was significant with at of -3.317, P.<.002, and an overall F of 5.63, p.<.007. In this case, for every additional unit of support, depression score was lowered by 1.06 points. ~icanization/Ethnicity Independence scores were examined holding time in country nstant, followed by total support and living groups. Time in untry was a significant covariate in this analysis, with a t of -2. 95, at the ? 004 level. Total support was significant with at of -2.02, at the .05 level, indicating that as support increases, so does average adjusted independence score (overall F for the equation= 4.11, P.<.002). Yet there was still a significant group contrast, With children in their CMI1 families having lower iooependence scores than the unaccanpanied children in Caucasian foster 109 care, ethnic foster care, and group banes, t=4.08, p.<.0001. A similar analysis was conducted holding age constant. Age was not a significant covariate, t=-1.43, p.>.16. Supp:>rt was a significant contributor to higher independence socres, with a t of -2.23 at the .03 level (overall F for the equation= 2.60, p.<.03). Once again there was a significant contrast between minors with their own families and the other three groups, t=2.0l, p.<.05, with those in awn family showing less independence. The results of these t~ analyses are presented in Table 15. Academic Achievement Academic achievement correlated with neither total support nor peer support. In a regression analysis entering time in country first, followed by total support and living groups, time in country was not significant. Neither was total support a significant contributor to GPA. The overall F for the equation was 1.55, p.>.19. There \\lere no differences among or within groups. In a similar analysis, age was not a significant covariate. Support had no significant effect on GPA. overall F was 1.37, p.>.24. The results of these t~ analyses indicate that academic achievement of these minors is relatively stable and unaffected by factors of suF{X)rt. 110 Table 15 Mean Independence Score Differences _!?Y Placement r-txie With Time in U.S. and Total Support as Covariates Adjusted Mean* Adj. Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 15.67 .96 Ethnic Foster Care 16.74 1.41 Group Hane 16.15 1.17 Own Family 19.78 1.63 Overall F for placaoont mode: 4.11, df = 5,76, p.<.002. Contrasts significant between Own Family versus Caucasian Foster care, Ethnic Foster care and Group Hane, t = 4.08, p.<.0001. * Higher score indicates lower independence With Age and Total Support as Covariates Adjusted Mean* Adj. Stn. Error Caucasian Foster Care 19.10 3.48 Ethnic Foster Care 20.09 3.47 Group Hane 19.85 3.50 Own Family 21.66 3.17 Overall F for placement mode: 2.60, df = 5, 76, p.<.03. Contrasts significant between OWn Family versus Caucasian Foster care, Ethnic Foster care and Group Hane, t = 2.01, p.<.05. *Higher score indicates lower independence 111 .?_llllna.ry. A strong negative relationship was revealed between depression levels and friendships. Children with at least one friend had average CES-D scores 12.57 points lower than youngsters without a friend. Children in ethnic banes made significantly 100re positive attributions regarding their ability to make friends than subjects in non-ethnic settings. They significantly more often sought out saneone to talk to when sad, canpared to those in non-ethnic placements. They were more likely to turn to a friend for help in feeling better when sad. Furthenoore, children who talked to someone when sad were significantly less depressed than those who spoke to no one. Total support contributed to lower average depression scores. H~ever, support did not account for all the Variance in scores: ethnic placement once again was Cle.n0nstrated to be the major predictor of well-being. There was a strong differential ethnic/non-ethnic effect for su.PPort in lowering depression levels. While children in non-ethnic settings benefitted fran support, those in ethnic homes did not seem to need it so much? Across groups total support served to increase average independence scores. But again it did not account for all the variance. Even when the effects of support were aceounted for, minors who lived with their CMn families had lower independence scores on the Americanizatioo Check List. This once again suggests that these youngsters are not 50 112 Preel?p 1? t1? ously compelled to focus on issues of autonany as their unaccanpanied peers. Besearch Question #6: What is the extent to whidl political ~'Wareness ( of own countries -and -the U.S. ) influences -lif-e ~tisfaction/depression, balance of American/ethnic identities, and school achievanent? Many of the refugee youths who participated in this study were socialized in an authoritarian regime. It was not uncomnon for the Cambodian children to report having been inducted into Kl'lner Rouge work brigades and reooved fran their homes and families. It was thus of especial interest to investigate their transition to a daoocratic culture, their adoption of American political attitoo.es, values and custans. In discussing the Americanization Check List, it was noted that one group of items related to independence and self-reliance, a second to perceived importance of U.S. CUstans and citizenship practices. The first set was intended to tap internal aspects of the Americanization Proeess, the second external. This second set of citizenship items included: (#1) speaking good English; (#2) Saluting the American flag; (#5) secaning an American citizen and voting in elections; c# 8 > Reading the newspaper to know what is hawening in the u.s. government; (#9) Volunteering for the U.s. Army in time of war; (#12) Celebrating American holidays such as July 4th. ll3 Coefficient alpha (Cronbach's alpha) was established at .46 for these items in the Americanization Check List. There was no significant correlation between citizenship items and CFS-D scores or length of time minors had been in the U.S. In a regression analysis with citizenship items as outcane, placement mode and time in U.S. were not significant predictors, F(4,77)=.96, p.>.435. Question #5 on the Check List, concerned with becaning a U.S. citizen and voting in elections, was the second most imfX)rtant item to minors, caning only after speaking good English. Following in Table 16 is descriptive data by groups, with numbers and percentages of resfX)ndents who answered "very important" to each citizenship item. Differences across groups were not significant. Numerous minors ccmnented that while they attempted to read the newspapers daily to learn what was happening in the U.S. government, this was difficult to do given their relatively limited capacity to read in English. Instead, many added they kept abreast of news fran television. Question #9 concerning volunteering for the U.S. anny in time of war drew negative cannentaries fran sane minors. After acknowledging the need for military defense, they typically added they had seen enough war and did not wish to become soldiers. 114 Table 16 Minors Who Responded "Very Important" to Citizenship Data, Americanization Check List N = 82 (56 males, 17 females) Item Cauc.Fos. Ethnic.Fos. GroupHane o..mFam. rorAL Speak 25 9 15 18 67 English% 86.21 90.00 78.95 75.00 81. 71 ------ Salute 13 7 8 14 42 Flag% 44.83 70.00 42.11 58.33 51.22 --------------------------- Citizen & 24 8 12 19 63 Vote% 82.76 80.00 63.16 79.17 76.83 ------ ------------------------- Rea.d Polit. 17 5 12 14 48 News% 58.62 50.00 63.16 58.33 58.54 -------------------- ----- Enlist in 13 4 9 9 35 Aney% 44.83 40.00 47.37 37.50 42.68 --------------- ---------------- Celebrate U.S. Holidays 20 7 9 14 50 % 68.97 70.00 47.37 58.33 60.98 115 In addition to the Americanization Check List, minors were asked several other questions specifically regarding i:x>li ti cal interest and awareness. When queried on their intentions of becaning U.S. citizens, 69 or 84.1% indicated they did; 4 or 4.8% already were. Ha,,ever, when asked why they wished to be citizens, 36 or 43.9% of minors could not answer. This pattern of non-response to citizenship questions was typical. For relatively new speakers of English the task of understanding these questions was probably too difficult. Non-response levels reached about 50% for the more abstract items. For this reason, only descriptive data is presented here. Of those 69 minors who did plan on becaning U.S. citizens, they cited as major reasons: being able to visit their hanelands and return to the u.s. (12 or 17 .4%); liking the freedan and liberty of the U.S. (8 or 11.6%); eligibility for desirable jobs (8 or 11.5%). Only 59 minors (72.9%) responded when asked if O.S. citizens can do anything if they disagree with their government. There were no significant differences for group. Fifty (60.9%) replied that indeed a U.S. citizen could challenge the govennent: 19 (23.2%) through voting; 13 ClS.9%) by collective action with other citizens; 9 Cll%) through active protest such as marching or dem:>nstrating; 9 (10.9%) by speaking out publicly and by carmunicating with 116 members of Congress. Clearly these future citizens have been learning their civics lessons. When asked if citizens of their homeland could do anything if they disagreed with their government, again only 59 (72.0%) minors could reply. Of all minors, 12 (14.6%) said yes, 44 (53.6%) said no, and 2 (2.4%) didn't know; 23 (28.0%) could not answer. Twenty-four (29.3%) minors advised it was entirely too dangerous to protest the carmunists' actions, that the government used force to stop all disagreement; 10 (12.2%) pointed out citizens are IXJWerless. One youth advised that when his family in Vietnam wanted to influence a government official, t hey would invite him to their home, "get him drunk and offer him a bribe." 117 Predictors of Successful Resettlement To test the relative contribution of each independent Variable to the dependent variables in this study, separate regression equations were constructed for depression, imependence, and grade .r;x:>int average. Two series of analyses were oonducted. The first included all four groups of minors. Because number of placements had been shown to be an important variable for unaccanpanied minors ( rut not applicable to children with their own families), a secorrl set of analyses for unaccanpanied minors only included this additional variable. Predictors -for -All Minors .Qeeression/Life Satisfaction In this analysis for all subjects the following Predictor variable order was established. With depression as criterion, age and time in the U.S. were entered first as ,,, , Predictors, followed by situation and status of family of origin, displacement, total support, and ethnic placement. This order was established to enter first dem,graphic characteristics, followed by variables relating to the young person's experience before caning to the U.S., followed by characteristics of placement and support over which service Providers have sane control. Age, time in the country, situation and status of family of origin, and displacement were not significant predictors 118 of depression scores. Support was a significant, positive predictor of lCMer depression, with a beta weight of -.73018, F 9.36, p.<.003. Ethnic setting ma.de a significant and positive contribution to lOJNer depression score, with a beta weight of -7.9805, F 8.21, p.<.005. These findings are displayed in Table 17. They indicate that while total support was an important factor in depression level, the presence of an ethnic adult also ma.de a significant contribution to the well-being of these subjects. Table 17 Ordered Regression SUlllllary Table Contribution of Age, Time in U.S. , Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total Supp:,rt and Ethnic Setting to Depression Scores in All Minors (N = 82) Variable Step R Sq. Beta df MS F p > F Age 1 .083 -.1995 1 8.93 .12 ? 7263 Time U.S. 2 .123 .0087 1 2.13 .03 .8643 Family of 3 .126 .4663 1 116.89 1.62 .2074 Origin Displacement 4 .170 .4749 1 162.64 2.25 .1378 Total Support 5 .351 -.7301 1 676.27 9.36 .0031 Ethnic Hane 6 .415 -7.9805 1 593.06 8.21 .0054 Residual Error 75 72.27 R = .644 119 Americanization/Ethnicity In this analysis independence score on the Americanization Check List was the dependent variable. Predictors in order of entry were: age, time in U.S. situation aoo status of family of origin, displacement, total support, and living with own family. This last variable of living with own family (versus the unacccmpanied minors groups) had been shown to be the predaninant contrast for prior Americanization models. The first variable of age did not reach significance. Time in U.S. was a significant predictor of iooepeooence (beta -.05232, F 9.63, P.<.003). Situation and status of family of origin was not. Displacement before caning to the U.S. was rrarginally significant (beta -.199489, F 4.24, p.<.043) as was support (beta -.149122, F 4.14, p.<.045). As both of these variables increased, so did independence. Own family group was a highly significant predictor of independence (beta 3.0997, F 9.26, p.<.003). There was on the average a 3.09 point difference in iooependence scores between children in their own families and unaccanpanied minors, with the former rranifesting less iooependence. The results of this analysis (Table 18) indicate that while time in the U.S., displacement, and total support influence independence, living with own family is the predaninant oontributor. Airl in this instance, the direction of own family's influence was to lessen iooependence scores. 120 Table 18 Ordered Regression Surmnary Table Contribution of Age, Time in U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total Support and Ethnic Setting to Independence Scores in All Minors (N = 82)* Variable Step R Sq. Beta df MS F p > F Age 1 .079 -.1706 1 5.97 .86 .3565 Time U.S. 2 .120 -.0523 1 66.80 9.63 .0027 Family of 3 .121 -.0120 1 .07 .01 .9164 Origin Displacement 4 .157 -.1994 1 29.40 4.24 .0429 Total Support 5 .164 -.1491 1 28. 71 4.14 .0454 OWn Family 6 .256 3.0997 1 64.19 9.26 .0032 Residual Error 75 6.94 *LcMer scores indicate higher independence R = .506 Children living with their~ families differed sharply from all other groups, including ethnic foster care, in regard to to independence. As discussed in several earlier sections, it is likely that children who have the advantage of their~ families are not forced into such early autonany as are parentless, unaccompanied children. Clearly, unaccompanied children have to plan for irrmediate self- 121 sufficiency in a way that children in their CMn hanes do not. Unaccompanied minors are acutely aware that their sponsorship will terminate when they finish school. Many of them spoke in poignant terms of their fears for survival and livelihood, once they graduate fran the unaccanpanied minors programs. That notwithstanding, it is of interest to speculate the extent to which other factors also might have contributed to independence differences. It may not be just that some of these children live with a family while others do not, that sane don't need to becane independent while others do. It may also be that the very structure of the Asian families in which some of these minors live is a determinant. It is possible that the socialization practices of the tightly-knit Asian family unit may encourage and value continuing interdependence of its manbers in a way that western families do not. For those living with their CMn relatives, strong bonds of mutual responsibility, filial piety, loyalty, and the vision of a shared future--whether acknCMledged or not-- may have influenced these outccmes. Academic Achievement With grade point average as criterion, age, time in U.S., situation and status of family of origin, displacement, total support, and ethnic group were entered as predictors. The only variable that was a significant predictor of GPA was ethnic hane, with a beta of .4117, F 5.86 at the .02 level. Even so, ethnic hane accounted for less then nine-and-a-half percent of total variance. With the exception of this IOOdest 122 ethnic influence, academic achievement seemed relatively impervious to other factors in the lives of these minors and points to the strong intrinsic motivation they bring to their studies. The results of this analysis are presented in Table 19. Table 19 Ordered Regression Surrmary Table Contribution of Age, Time in U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total Support and Ethnic Setting to Grade Point Average in All Minors (N = 82) Variable Step R Sq. Beta df MS F p > F Age 1 .016 .0004 1 .001 .oo .9906 Time U.S. 2 .022 -.0033 1 .298 1.11 .2959 Family of 3 .023 -.0102 1 .056 .21 .6486 Origin Displacement 4 .024 .0143 1 .146 .54 .4632 Total Support 5 .024 -.0143 1 .258 .96 .3310 Ethnic Hane 6 .094 .4117 1 1.578 5.86 .0179 Residual Error .905 75 .270 R = . 300 123 Predictors for Unaccom@nied Minors In the follCYNing analyses for unaccompanied minors, ethnic hane has as its sole reference group children in ethnic foster care. Children living with their CMn families have been dropped fran the analyses. Number of placements is included as the last predictor variable. Life Satisfaction/Depression To predict depression among unaccanpanied minors, the contribution of these variables was tested: age, time in U.S., situation and status of family of origin, displacement, ,, total support, ethnic group, number of placements. Age, time in U.S., situation and status of family of origin, and displacement were not significant predictors. Total support was significant with a beta of -.95117, F 9.86, p.<.003. Ethnic hane was significant with a beta weight of -9,5033, F <.0073. When all other factors were taken into account, number of placements did not significantly influence depression scores. Because of the importance of number of placements, it was also entered simultaneously into a regression equation with the above variables. Even when the variance was divided simultaneously in this latter linear rood.el, number of placement was not significant. These results are presented in Table 20. 124 Table 20 Ordered Regression Surrrnary Table Contribution of Age, Time in U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total Support, Ethnic Setting, and Placements to Depression Soores in Unaccanp:mied Minors (N = 58) Variable Step R Sq. Beta df MS F p > F Age 1 .012 -.2975 1 11.35 .14 ? 7063 Time U.S. 2 .020 -.1044 1 101. 74 1.29 .2620 Family of 3 .034 .6166 1 122.10 1.54 .2197 Origin Displacement 4 .070 .3250 1 65.29 .83 .3678 Total Support 5 .299 -.9512 1 779.76 9.86 .0028 Ethnic Hane 6 .384 -9.5029 1 619.58 7.84 .0073 Placement 7 .412 1.6806 1 190.48 2.41 .1269 Residual Error 57 79.05 R = .642 ~icanization/Ethnicity With irrlependence items on the Americanization Check List as criterion, the folla-,ing predictors were entered in order: age, time in U.S., situation and status of family of origin, displacement, total support, ethnic hone, placements. No variable was significant, and the R for the equation 125 reached only .361. (Again, number of placements was entered simultaneously in a regression equation, but with no significant contribution to outcane). Academic Achievement To test the relative contributions of the following predictors to GPA, these variables were entered in order: age, time in U.S., situation and status of family of origin, displacement, support, ethnic group, placement. (As in the prior analyses, number of placements was entered simultaneously in a regression equation, with the variance for this linear model renaining insignificant). Time in U.S. reached significance at the .04 level (beta -.011337, F = 4.61). This finding points to a decrease in grade point average with an increase of time in country, a surprising outcane given the generally high value these young people place on academic excellence. Ethnic group was a significant predictor of GPA at the .02 level (beta .47277, F = 5. 90). These results are de.rronstrated in Table 21. Surrmary. When the entire sample of 82 minors was considered, support and the presence of an ethnic adult were highly significant predictors of lower depression scores. This also held true when only unaccanpanied minors were tested. But while support and ethnic placement made a significant difference for unaccompanied minors, when all other factors were taken into account, number of placements 126 did not. In an analysis of all minors for independence, time in the country was a significant predictor. Displacement and support were marginally significant. Children who lived with their own families had significantly lower independence scores than unaccanpanied minors. When unaccanpanied minors were separated out in a separate analysis, no significant predictors of independence emerged. In the entire sample and in unaccanpanied minors, ethnic home had a small predictive power in grade point average. For unaccanpanied minors, time in the country also had a srrall, negative influence on GPA with age taken into account. overall, however, academic achievanent appeared to remain relatively unaffected by the grueling life experiences these youngsters had endured, or by general support. When considered in the context of other influential predictive variables, number of placements ceased to be a factor in depression, independence, or GPA for unaccanpanied minors. 127 Table 21 Ordered Regression SUillllary Table Contribution of Age, Time in U.S., Situation and Status of Family of Origin, Displacement, Total Support, Ethnic Setting, and Placements to Grade Point Average in Unaccanpanied Minors (N = 58) Variable Step R Sq. Beta df MS F p > F Age 1 .001 .0238 1 .07 .28 .5986 Time U.S. 2 .042 -.0113 1 1.19 4.61 .0366 Family of 3 .073 -.0345 1 .38 1.47 .2316 Origin Displacement 4 .088 .0373 1 .86 3.32 .0743 Total Support 5 .094 .0056 1 .03 .11 .7456 Ethnic Hane 6 .177 .4728 1 1.53 5.90 .0188 Placement 7 .214 .0964 1 .63 2.41 .1268 Residual Error 57 .26 R = .461 case Presentations Finally, in order to more graphically illustrate the interplay of this study's variables in the lives of refugee minors, four vignettes will be presented. They are typical of the stories of sane of the young people who shared their experiences of dislocation and resettlement with the researcher in the course of this investigation. "H" is an unaccanpanied 19-yea.r old male who now lives 128 in a group home in Maryland. He related the following harrowing account of his escape ?ran Vietnam by boat. On the sea voyage with 87 others, he said he was witness to his fellow passengers being felled one by one by sunstroke, hunger and thirst-"but my thoughts were not on food, they were on survival." He quietly, I1U1ch as if it were an afterthought, spoke of an incident of cannibalism which took place in the course of the sea journey. At one point, "H" was thrown overboard and hung on by his nails "for de3.r life," an experience he says will "stay in my head forever." When the sea voyage finally ended, he went on to spend 18 rronths in a refugee camp in Malaysia. "H" still habitually wakes up at night fran a dream in which he sees his family: in that dream, he has returned to Vietnam and is captured by the Ccmnunists. Prior to his escape in 1984, he was jailed twice for attempting to flee his country. When he finally nanaged to successfully escape, it was without his widowed mother's knowledge--for her to have known oould have jeopardized his plans. Prior to 1975, his father had worked for the Americans in Vietnam and after the Ccmnunist takeover was imprisoned~ his health deteriorated and he died four years later. "H" described his father as a college-educated nan, a talented actor, singer, and mechanic who fluently spoke English and French. He added wistfully these are attributes he aoo his four brother share. Once his father was incarcerated, "H" was no longer permitted to attend school. He was then in sixth grade and his 129 education was disrupted until he arrived in the United States at age 17. "H" is reported by social workers to be well-adjusted, sociable, and a leader in the group home. This is his fourth placement since arriving in the U.S. He is a junior at Bethesda Chevy Chase High School, in Maryland, with a 3.5 GPA, and plans on becoming an engineer. Meanwhile, he works pci.rt-time after school at a local bowling alley. "H" reported having many friends, some of them Americans. He was atypical of rrost minors in this study in that he reported having a serious girlfriend, a young wanan from Taiwan whom he regularly visits in her family home. At the time of this interview, "H" had been in the U.S. 20 months and was speaking English fluently. His score on the CES-D scale was 24, which put him well over the mark of 16 indicative of clinical depression. "N" and "S." These two unaccanpanied Cambodian girls of 18 are living together in a Caucasian foster home in Richmond, Va. The family with whom they are placed is a highly unusual one. Besides "N" and "S," it includes one biological daughter, one adopted Vietnamese, and two adopted Korean children. "N" and "S" who had lived in adjoining villages in their homeland had escaped together in 1980 as the Carmunists were approaching. They were twelve years old at the time and stated they had been planning their escape since they were eight. When they left Cambodia, "N" was in first grade in school, "S," third. They trekked with a group 130 through the jungle for over a month; by the time they reached a refugee camp in Thailand, 80 of the original troupe of 100 had died fran starvation or exposure. After two years in the camps, the girls were resettled together in the United States, being placed imnediately in their present foster hane. Because corrmunications with cambodia are virtually cutoff, neither knows the fate of her family. Both assume that because their parents were professionals they have been killed: "S's" father was a college professor of matherratics, her mother a nurse; "N's" father was a doctor, her mother a businesswanan. These young wanen say they regard themselves as sisters now. At the time of this interview they were in their junior year in high school, speaking English fluently, maintaining 2.5 GPA's, and working as waitresses at the same nearby restaurant. Attractive with long black hair and stylishly dressed, both indicated they have a wide circle of friends, both Asian and American. Each is dating an American boyfriend. When they complete high school, "N" and "S" plan on enrolling in a cosmetology program and eventally opening up their own beauty shop in Richmond. On the CE'S-D scale, "N" had a score of 17, one point above the 16 which marks clinical depression; "S" had a score of 27. "B" is a slight, soft-spoken Vietnamese boy of 15 who has been in the United States for over three years. He is now living in his third foster placement--but his first in which there is an ethnic adult in the home. His foster 131 f ant?i1 Y cons?i sts of a young caucasian nan, a veteran of the war in Vietnam, and his Vietnamese wife. "B" is the only child in the hane. "B" re1 a ted the terror and loneliness he experienced in his flight by l:x:>at fran Vietnam. He had escaped with his father fran his haneland, sneaking onto a small fishing boat near Ho Chi Minh City, hoping to set sail for 'Ihailand. After their l:x:>at broke down halfway through the trip, they drifted at sea for 15 days. The scant provisions of food Were reserved for the men who were rowing. On the journey "B" saw 26 people killed and the girls raped by Thai pirates. His father was one of those who was killed in an attack. The survivors nanaged to find their way to a refugee camp in Thailand, where "B" renained until he was admitted to the U.S. 18 months later. In 1975, when he was in fourth grade in Vietnam, 11B11 stoppea school to help his parents eam a living and did not resume his education until he arrived in the United States seven years later. He is now in ninth grade at Einstein High School in suburban Maryland, has a 3.00 grade point average, and hopes to go to college to beccme an electrical engineer. He works on weekends as a clerk at a nearby Asian food market. His foster hane is situated in an area in which there is a high concentration of Indochinese refugees and business establishments "B 111 advised he has rnade close friends who are Vietnamese, Pakistani, Iranian, Central American, and American. 132 "B's" father had worked with the U.S. military in Vietnam prior to 1975 and had studied in the United States as a young man. His mother is a college graduate. As the eldest male in the family, "B's" parents saw little future for him in Vietnam and hoped that by sending him away, he could have a better life. "B's" greatest wish is to bring his mother to this country, his greatest fear that something tragic will happen to her in Vietnam. "B" had a score of 9 on the CES-D scale, about 2 points less than the mean for children in ethnic foster care and more than 9 points lower than the grand mean for all the children in the sample. 133 CHAPI'ER IV OONCllJSIONS Sunmary and Discussion of Findings Recomnendations for Policy and Research A principal goal of this research was to further knowledge of the youthful refugee's adjusbnent process based on an understanding of the event-environment-individual interaction as suggested by Schlossberg's transition theory ( 1984). Specifically, could we predict life-satisfaction and depression, the balance of American and ethnic identities, and academic achievement based on placement roode, time in the United States, situation and status of family of origin, displacement, support and political awareness? If so, what was the relative contribution of each to the final outcome of resettlement? And finally, could we identity specific factors-in the event, environment, and individual-that might predispose a youngster to a successful and timely adjustment to this country? If so, such knowledge could potentially assist policy makers and care givers in planning the best possible programs and services for these children. Smmary of Principal Findings Ethnic Setting 'As a group this sample of r efugee minors was clearly depressed. The average raw score for minors on the 134 depression (CFS-D) scale was over 18. This was 2 points above the level cited in the literature for clinical depression, 9 above norms for Asian adults, 10 above nonns for caucasian adults, and 11 points above norms for caucasian children without psychiatric diagnoses. It became abundantly evident fran the data that Indochinese children who lived with their own families or in homes with an ethnic adult had substantially lower depression scores than children in Caucasian foster care or in group homes. Because of the importance of this finding, care was taken to assure that it was not simply an artifact of the sample. Children who were living in their own families had been in the U.S. longer and were younger than the others. For these reasons, further analyses were conducted with time in U.S. and age as covariates. In this way, these variables were ruled out as possible alternative explanations of the extremely large and significant differences which emerged in depression for placement mode. It allowed attention to be focused without distraction on the variables of real interest as contributors to successful resettlement. Placement roode was the critical predictor of depression in this sample, although not in the manner first anticipated. It was originally thought that the ethnic peer group available to unaccanpanied minors in group hane settings might have a role in mitigating loneliness, depression, and in facilitating the transition into the .American culture. This was not the case. The ethnic peer group was not 135 sufficient to provide protection against depression: children in group homes fared no better than their cohorts in caucasian foster care. Instead, what came to light were huge differences between children who lived in homes with an Indochinese adult--relative or not--and those who did not. For children in ethnic homes, benefits seemed to accrue in a host of areas beyond lowered depression score itself. They had higher grade point averages, they made significantly more positive attributions about their academic performance, and they were more likely to regard their success in school as a r esult of their own effort and thus relatively under their own control. Similarly, children in ethnic homes more often saw themselves as successful in making friends than did minors in non-ethnic settings. In the clinical arena, positive attributions of this nature are custa:ra.rily viewed as a healthy marker of self esteem and of an individual's sense of being in charge of his or her environment. Contrasted to peers in non-ethnic environments, children in ethnic homes more frequently indicated that when sad they tun1ed to another person for help in feeling better--as opposed to speaking to no one. The positive effect of a confidant or friend as hedge against depression has been widely discussed in the literature (e.g., Cohen and Mills, 1985; Kahn and Antonucci, 1980) and was corroborated by the firrlings herein. Those children who reported no friends were significantly more depressed than those with at least one friend. It appeared that minors needed one friend only: 136 those who had one friend had essentially the same incidence of depression as those with IOOre than one friend. And, in keeping with norrra.l adolescent develotxnent and the importance of peer relations to this age group (Burke and Weir, 1978; Fischer, 1981) , when sad children in ethnic hemes turned to a friend for help in feeling better. Social Buffer. A picture emerged for children in both types of ethnic home situations of a strong social buffer, either perceived or real, which mitigated against some of the stressors of adaptation, particularly depression and grief. This concurred with Cohen's findings (1984) on adult Hispanic inmigrants. That study indicated that persons coming to the U.S. with family, and who received financial and emotional aid from fellow countrypersons, adapted IOOre easily than unconnected newcomers. Young, single male newcomers without attachments in the receiving country were at greatest risk for dysfunction. Within the context of transition theory (Schlossberg, 1984) this support variable would be regarded as a central environmental condition underpinning the individual's ability to function, particularly in times of stress. There is evidence therefore that the ongoing presence of an ethnic adult similar in background to the refugee child is a highly important ingredient in well-being. The day-to-day influence of this adult may be important in ways far beyond the obvious: in providing guidance, a role rood.el, and a 137 source of identification which may supercede all other influences. This would be consistent with Bandura's theory of social learning (1977), which contends that learning is facilitated if the model is similar to the learner. Brazelton (cited in Butterfield, 1986) noted from his research that Asian children--to a far greater extent than Western youngsters-- are socialized to a learning style which strongly relies on modeling and imitation. If so, this would reinforce even further the importance of an ethnic adult's being available to these Asian minors on a consistent, ongoing basis. Ethnic Identity. Banak (1984) observed that because many unaccompanied minors left their hanelands at a very early age, they never had a chance to master their own culture. He added that they must be guided in discovering what is theirs before they truly can enter American society. Perhaps this guidance is being provided minors living in ethnic homes. It may account for the relatively less strenuous transition of these children to American life, compared to their peers in non-ethnic hanes. Because psychological security may be provided for in intangible ways if children live with an ethnic adult, it is possible they are better able to venture untroubled into the greater world. For these reasons, it is also likely that children in Indochinese hanes have less conflict with regard to ethnic identity. Erikson (1968) viewed ethnic identity as a vital component of overall identity, the formation of which is the 138 crucial task of adolescence. It is ethnic identity which links the individual to the comnunal culture and is an essential part of who one is. But the person who spends childhood in one culture, and adolescence in another, rray be confronted with special problems in forming ethnic identity. Areas of potential conflict are present when the young person attempts to balance ways of the old world with those of the new. In particular, adolescents may have to deal with pressures exerted by American peer group society. Sane theorists state that if an immigrant youth is compelled to rrake choices between the old and the new culture, acute identity crisis can ensue (AronCMitz, 1984). Others are of the view that high rates of mental illness among immigrant youths result in part ?ran difficulties faced in forming a stable ethnic identity (Naditch and z.t>rrissey, 1976). In face of these hardships, De Anda (1984) proposed an optimal model for socialization, one which is bicultural. In this model, the young person would be fluent in both cultures--its values, custans, and language. In such a way, inmigrant adolescents could become canfortable with their origins while entering into the mainstream peer culture at their individual paces. They could avoid what Nidorf (1985) termed "premature assimilation." For the adolescents in this study, this appeared to be best provided for in a setting where an Asian adult was present. 139 ?__upp0rt Unlike displacement, which took place before these children came to the United States, support is a canponent in the minor's life which can at least in _p3rt be controlled- and enhanced-by service providers. Support manifested itself in this study as an important factor in providing irnnunity against depression, although it did not account for all the variance. Support proved to be differentially relevant: while it appeared to have a mininal influence on depression among children in ethnic settings, it was significant in ameliorating depression for those in Caucasian foster care or 9roup hanes. It would appear that when other factors were taken into account children in ethnic hanes, unlike those in non-ethnic hanes, did not need support to retain relatively depression-free. But in this way, support became sariething of a second-best solution, applied after the fact in the manner of a cure. In the case of children in ethnic settings, preventive measures up front in the first place may have obviated the need for later palliative measures. ~lacement l-bst children in this study had undergone arduous escapes from Indochina, enduring great personal loss and dislocation prior to entering the United States. Even so, When other influences were taken into account, the effects of displacement seemed to be overcane. Displacement e>tperiences ceased to have substantial predi? cti'v e ~r in r--"- 140 the context of important variables in this study, such as support and ethnic setting. Displacement did not greatly affect levels of depression or academic achievement, but it did have a marginally significant influence on independence scores. Displacement served to increase independence for the total sample, but not for the unaccanpanied minors sample only. In conceptualizing displacement as a predictor of adjustment, it initially appeared that numbers of placements of unaccompanied minors were critical. In particular, placement frequency seemed associated with increased depression levels. HCMever, in a final regression analysis including all independent variables, placements ceased to be a significant predictor in the face of the strong effects of support and ethnic hane. Family of Origin. Status and situation of family of origin did not show itself to be a significant influence on the dependent variables in this study. This was a surprising finding in that a substantial portion of this variable was comprised of parents' education and occupational levels. In U.S. samples socio-economic status is custana.rily predictive of academic achievement. HCMever, it is possible that parental education is of less help in stimulating a child's achievement when the parents do not speak the language in which the child is being taught--or if the parent is absent, as with the unaccanpanied minors. 141 Americanization From their responses to the Americanization Check List, minors' perceptions of what constituted a good American appeared to be about equal across groups. When all variables were considered for the entire sample, average irrlependence scores were enhanced by time in the U.S., and marginally by displacement and support. There were however, significant differences in independence levels between children in their own families and the unaccompanied children, with the former showing lower scores. It is likely that children who can depend on the protection and nu.rtu.rance of their own kin are not propelled into early autonany in so swift a fashion as those without. They are permitted to undergo a slower, more comfortable transition to American life, in a fashion their unaccompanied peers do not have the luxury of sharing. After all, unaccampanied children have no family: they know they must provide for themselves physically and errotionally when they leave the minors' program. But it may also be the case that the tightly-knit Asian family, with its canplex bonds of mutual support, responsibility and filial respect, praootes a kind of interdependence which mitigates against independence in the Western style, no matter how old the child. Academic Achievement Grade point average remained impervious to most influences measured by this study. There were small exceptions for ethnic group (whole sample) and for time in 142 country (unaccomp:inied minors only). High academic achievement was an esteemed value for most minors and reflected itself in a variety of ways. On the Americanization Check List, for example, the importance of an after-school job was rated very low by most minors. Although rrany were actually gainfully employed in p:irt-time work, they emphatically stressed it was more important to concentrate on their studies. Minors frequently stated their greatest wish was to succeed in their studies; not surprisingly the greatest fear of rrany was academic failure. These refugee children regarded doing well in school as a duty to family, a vehicle for getting ahead in the U.S., and a means of personal fulfillment. They were strongly and intrinsically :rrotivated to succeed in this area of their lives. We rray have here a culturally sanctioned, highly adaptive reaction to stress, and one which is perhaps characteristically Asian. These coping mechanisms of directed endurance and activity when down are the ones to which Tina Yee (1978) referred in her study of Chinese- American well-being. The school setting also provided minors an arena in which to establish friendships. In spite of depression levels which were on the average quite high, most children were making friends and learning English. Their first friends were peers from their own countries, then other foreigners, and finally Americans. All groups were moving about equally through this progression. 143 -- That they were cultivating the canpany of children fran other foreign countries-including other Indochinese countries-is a testimony to the positive socialization effects of the ESL classes in which these minors studied. Many were close friends with children fran other Irxlochinese nations--not a minor occurrence considering that cambodians, Laotians, and Vietnamese have been traditional enemies. Many had close Latin friends, and several minors were learning some Sp:inish fran these new friends. Apparently these minors were learning more than their academic lessons: they were learning to relate to people frcm diverse cultures, a fact which bodes well for them in their future roles as responsible U.S. citizens. But all was not rosy. Arrong a group of nine inner city District of Columbia subjects, signs of racial ani.m:>sity were evident: many referred in pejorative terms to Black American classrrates, whom they perceived as children to stay away fran because they "were bullies, skipped school and were not serious in their st\xiies." Time in the United States When all factors were taken into account, length of tine in the U.S. rcade a significant contribution to lowering depression scores in the total sample. But when only unaccomp:inied minors were looked at, time in country ceased to make a significant contribution. It did contribute to a rcarginally significant decrease in GPA among unaccanpa.nied minors, a surprising finding in light of the generally high 144 regard these minors demonstrated for academic achieverrent. It would be unfortunate if with increasing time in the U.S., (and increased English proficiency and integration into the U.S. mainstream) , the academic performance of these young :people declined. This would indeed be a dysfunctional way for them to enter the daninant American teen culture. Sane Theoretical Considerations on the Adolescent Unacomnpanied Irrmigrant and Psychosocial Developrent Support and Ethnic Setting This study's findings strongly suggest that ethnic setting provides a strong social buffer for the adolescent thrust into a new social environment--in this instance, new country and culture. If, in fact, elements of the ethnic setting contributing to this salutary effect can be identified, service providers may be better able to set up those precise conditions which make a positive difference. Sane aspects of support provided unaccanpanied minors by ethnic setting may be specific to the very nature of this special ethnic group, such as the interactions between Indochinese adult and foster child. But it is also possible that sane of what is learned about providing supportive settings for refugee adolescents could be generalized to other young people in trying situations, such as children recovering fran tralllllatic life experiences. Could service providers, for instance, apply sane of this inforrration to other needy, at-risk adolescent populations, such those in 145 the foster care system? Might sane of this knowledge also be applicable to situations of cross-racial adoptions? Several phenanena might be offered to explain the supportive influence of ethnic setting on the adjustment of these adolescent minors. It is possible that ethnic families (1) more effectively link past to future, (2) provide more corrmonalities, (3) better understand these minors' coping strategies, (4) and offer needed restraints for these adolescents in transition. Each of these will be considered in turn. Link between -Pa-st- an-d -F-utu-re-. Victor Turner (1977) noted that human ritual and custans provide a basic order and continuity, connecting past, present and future. They link participants to wider collectivities, to ancestors, and to those yet unborn. Inherently connective, they provide integration of several kinds: they link the self with itself as it contemplates its movements through biological and historical change, with culture through corrmon symbols and the familiar, and with others through conmunity. Turner (1975) also spoke of liminality, a state of transition between known roles, environments, and conditions. During this liminal stage, the individual may frequently switch fran one role to another. While embedded in one set of roles, he or she is propelled by circumstances or life stage into another. Myerhoff (1984) rerrarked that liminality may be a period of marginal existence that passes. Or liminality may becane 146 a role which is extended through a lifetime. If the latter is the case, then an individual 's life may be given over entirely to the principles and practice of uncertainty, rebellion and nonbelonging. According to Myerhoff, 1iminality may be viewed as a phase in the life cycle, as a mere state of mind, or, it nay becane a full-time role. This construct of liminality bears a striking correspondence to Erikson's adolescent life stage of identity fonnation. In his formulation, failure to successfully canplete this life stage similarly results in ananie, which he tenns identity diffusion. Unaccanpanied minors, by virtue of their life stage of adolescence and their status as imn.igrants are undergoing two transitions of major proportions. They are doubly betwixt and between. It would appear that for these reasons, they 'WOUld be at especial risk for psychosocial disorder, for identity diffusion, in the Eriksonian sense. Or employing the nomenclature of Turner, they could recane anbedded in .Pentanent liminality. Ethnic setting nay mitigate against just such a state for them by providing a link between past and future. Provision of carioonalities. As Bandura noted (1977), it is to the advantage of the learner if a model is similar to oneself. For an unaccanpanied Indochinese minor, it is likely that a closer bond or alliance can be formed with an ethnic, rather than non-ethnic family, J:,ecause of CCllrnonalities, perce1'v ed and r eal ? On a direct and visible 147 level, there is the carmonali ty of physiognany. This might be of particular importance to the young person who is of a racial minority in the host society. The expression of feeling is another similarity. Marsella (1979, 1980) has cornnented that expression of affect in facial displays differs among cultures. Sane societies- the Japanese, for instance-favor a more modulated aootional display. Even language can differ along affective dimensions: Western languages, for example, tend toward rore affective expression than Fastern. Marsella proposed that the very biological infrastructure of ethnic groups may differ and be a factor influencing cultural differences in expression. In the instance of a child in a home of his or her own ethnicity, an entire non-verbal style is shared. Such comnonalities, obvious and not, are the very essence of what constitutes a culture. McGoldrick has noted (1982) that ethnicity and culture involve many unconscious--as well as conscious--processes which affect our thinking and perceptions in ooth subtle and obvious ways. Convergence of Old and New Cul tu.res. De Anda ( 1984) suggested that ease of assimilation into a new culture is facilitated if the old and nerw cultures share carmcn values, beliefs, and norms. There are many ways in which Indochinese cultures converge with that of the United States. In particular, academic achievenent and the value of hard work as a means of up;,iard roobility are shared. In this instance, Asian coping style and context within the new society are 148 Well matched. Ha,;ever, disparities between the values of these soci? et ?1 es also exist. A notable example is the value Of ' Il'Xiependence for a child,? and indeed the proper way for h' litl or her to danonstrate resp:>nsibili ty. It is understandable that conflict can readily be generated by t.hese relatively unshared aspects of two cultures. For such reasons, a family similar to an unaccanpanied child nay be important in helping him or her weather and adapt to these divergent elenents in own and host cultures ? .Markus and Nurius's concept of possible selves {1986) 5 Peaks to the function of hopes, fears, motives, goals, and threats as 1. ncent1. ves for future beha v1. or. This type of Belf-know-ledge relates to how an individual thinks about his or her potential and future. From an Eriksonian perspective this I? s the major task of the adolescent--fonning a person al identity. According to Markus and Nurius, these possible selves derive fran representations of J;aSt selves. The pool fran Which they are drawn is derived fran the person's unique sociocultural and historical heritage, as well as inrnediate experience. Minors in this study Ol.7e:cwhehningly hoped for and were Planning an college and careers in the professions. If they achieve these goals, it is likely they will enjoy many .material and other opp::>rtunities this country can offer. It Will a.J.so be a means of honoring J;arents aad ~iving up to f;-:, ..1.1 1? 1 1?a 1 responsibilities ,...u-nortf-~t ? ns Their strong and ~.t:"'-" ....... 10 ? do.,, 1? . . , s of their possible '--Q re to achieve such ends-their vision 149 selves-may serve as an anchor to the future for them. It nay well be a force behind their rapid success in learning English and succeeding in school. This striving is undoubtedly a value which is convergent with the society into Which they are being received. Understanding Coping Strategies. Because of COmnonalities and shared values, both conscious and unconscious, it is likely that the ethnic family could effectively understand the unaccanpanied minor's strategies for handling stress . Indeed, if these families had themselves recently imnigrated, the trials and tribulations of those experiences would additionally quality them to understand their young charges. Not only is cultural background shared, but so is dislocation. Coping strategies of directed endurance and activity when down as Proposed by Yee (1980) might 100re intuitively be COnprehended. Stoicism and bearing up under adversity, rather than happiness per se, would 100re likely be states to Which one would aspire. This might help explain the phenanenon of these children's success in school and other areas, in spite of high depression levels. Restraints and Boundaries. In sane important respects, child-rearing practices of these children's countries of origin and the United States are divergent. In particular, t:he strong bonds of interdependence and responsibility of Asian families can conflict with increasing freedan and ind.ependence afforded most American teenagers as they grow 150 up. The stricter limits and controls imposed on unaccompa.nied minors living in ethnic families may assure for them a more gradual and trouble-free integration into the rrainstream adolescent culture. Although sane unaccanpanied minors canplain about the discipline of such settings, they nonetheless appear to be benefitting fran the limits. Wcxx1 (1980) has employed the metaphor of "scaffolding" to illustrate the way an adult can assist a child in achieveing success at a task. Scaffolding is conceived as a su:pportive framework, holding in place whatever the child can manage to accanplish at that point in time. However, as the young learner masters components of a task, the adult can "de-- scaffold" those pa.rts which are able to stand finnly on their own. It could be said that ethnic families, in maintaining relatively strict and secure boundaries syntonic with the Asian culture, are providing a temporary scaffold to support these minors as they learn the tasks of socializing into a new culture. On the other hand, some well-intended Caucasian families rray be granting their Asian foster children amounts of freed.an they are not yet ready to handle--and which may be culturally dystonic to them. out of their wish to see these children happy and to rrake up for their suffering, these families may in effect be casting them adrift in waters they cannot yet navigate. To sane extent national guilt ooncerning the United States' role in the Indochina war may indirectly motivate such behavior by foster families. 151 Limitations Because only a limited number of potential participants was available, subjects were not randanly selected for placement rrode. Sane more difficult to manage children, for instance, are assigned to group settings where trained staff are present on a 24-hour basis to provide direction and supervision. Selection in that way was related to a pre- existing condition and may have affected CES-D scores. In that respect it could be considered a covariate. Unfortunately, the sample of children in ethnic foster care was extremely limited. This reflected the very srrall number of ethnic placements being made at this time in the geographic region in which this research was conducted. In examining the relation of friends to depression, it was difficult to accurately guage which came first, depression or absence of friends. Children with a friend nay be less depressed, but, depressed people nay make friends less easily. We may also be dealing with a pre-existing condition here. It is conceiveable that the mental or social dysfunction of some of these youngsters may have pre-dated their coming to this country. With the stress of migration and adaptation, their conditions nay have worsened. Furtherrrore, ways in which social support is related to mental health outcanes are still not clear; cause and effect are not necessarily distinct frcm one another. We probably have a circular, interactive effect here: lack of positive relations with other chldren can lead to adverse 152 psychological conditions, negative attributions, and then depression. In turn, these psychological conditions can influence interpersonal relations, health, and so on, in a kind of vicious circle from which it is difficult to extricate oneself from, especially if one is a child. Status and situation of family of origin were very difficult to quantify because conditions of war and imnigration can obscure educational and occupational levels. For example, highly educated adults who are new to the U.S. are quite frequently underemployed. In this study, this was generally found to be true for parents of subjects living with own families. Examples were a Vietnamese physician working as a lab technician in a Virginia nursing home, and, a Laotian college professor who was a maid in a Washington, D. C. hotel. A number of questions in the instruments were too abstract for new speakers of English. Examples were the wish and fear questions. Poli ti cal awareness questions were also difficult for many respondents: the large numbers of non- responses made analysis difficult. Varying levels of English proficiency may have meant that canprehension of questions was not constant for all subjects. The use of an interpreter introduced additional canplications: how precisely was the interpreter conveying both literal and figurative meaning of questions? An adapted children's version of the CES-D scale was used and was found overall to be a successful instrument for 153 I the Pllrposes of this research. HCMever, norms for the CES-D scale were de ri.v ed from studies with adult populations and applicab?1? i ity to this adolescent sample cannot be taken for granted? The one available study using this adapted children's scale had a very limited sample. Recoornendations for Policy I Policy makers would be well advised to take note of the Very strong pattern in the data indicating that children in ethnic foster care situations are faring much better than their ln:"o--."o' r s i?n non-ethni? c setti?n gs. In parti?c u1 a r they are less depressed. These findings are essentially in agreanent ~ith those of the United States catholic conference survey ' 1984> showing that children in ethnic placements suffered less depression than children in caucasian banes? Also concurring with the USCC study was the finding that children Placea in ethnic homes were moving into American friendships as rapidly as children in caucasian homes. Maintenance of consistent ties with at least one ethnic adult has a highly salutory effect on the well-being of these refugee children. At the same time it does not sean to inhibit their integration into the mainstream of American society--as witnessed by the frequency and nature of friendships these children were fonning. In fact, the data in this study suggest i. t may be preci? sel y this ethnic nd hctnebase which facilitates the young person's moving into a becoming part of the larger society. It is likely that it Pr . . d t ? ty so important to Clnotes a healthy sense of ethnic i en i ' 154 th e f>Sychosecial developnent of these minority adolescents. In light of this, it nay be time to re-examine our Prevail? rng notion of the melting pot as the primary resocial 1? ? zat1on goal for newccxners to the United States. It now may be mre expedient to think in tenns of a cultural olicy and planning can result in chaotic, inadequate social services. Acci.nnulation of a data base, one rich in infonnation about the merits and disadvantages of placement settings and supports, would be a reasonable foundation on which to build a sound policy for refugee children. Ultimately a definitive model to proroote successful adjustment could be constructed, one upon which service providers could base truly meaningful and timely interventions. 163 J\Weilduc A: Consent Forms 164 cnJSENI' 'ID PARTICIPATE Dear Participant: In conjunction with the Institute for Child Stooy and Department of Huma n Develo?nent at the University of Maryland, a stooy is being 0:>nductea t 0 learn more about how refugee minors are adapting to life in the United States. Because of your recent experience as a newcaner to this country, We loJOUld greatly appreciate your p:!.rticipating in this study and 8haring . . Your .ideas with us. rt is hoped that this study will help Child care workers in planning useful programs for young people such as Yourself. Answering the following questions is strictly voluntary. You are f ree not to take part. If you do take p:3rt, you may stop at any t? l.Jne You like. All infonnation is recorded anonymously and is o:>nf identia1. I have read the above statement and agree to p!rticipate in this stUdy. I have agreed of 1l'!Y own free will and have in no way been foreea in this agreement. I understand I have the right to withdraw frCln th. lS StUdy at any time. Signature of Participant Data~-------- 165 CONSENT TO PARI'ICIPATE Dear Parent: In conjunction with the Institute for Child Study and Department of Hurran Development at the University of Maryland, a study is being conducted to learn more about how refugee minors are adapting to life in the United States. Because of your child's recent experience as a newcomer to this oountry, we would greatly appreciate his or her participation in this study. It is our hope that this study will help child care workers in planning useful programs for young people such as yours. Answering the following questions is strictly voluntary. Your child is free not to take pa.rt, or to stop at any time. All information is recorded anonymously and is confidential. I have read the above statement and agree to permit my child_ ______________t o take part. I understand I have the right to withdraw my child from this study at any time. Signature of Parent Date_ _________ 166 /ill be recorded anonymously and is absolutely con f i? d en t i. al ? I have read the above statement and agree to permit the minors in ?~----------to p:irticipate. I understand that any child has the right to p:irticipate, or not, as he or she Chooses. Also, any ch.i ld may di. scon?t inune.~,;,-.+icipating at any time. Signature of Project Coordinator Date~--------- 167 APPENDIX B: CES-D Scale: Adult Version 168 CFS-D Scale: Fonnat for self-administered use. Circle the number for each statement which best describes how often you felt or behaved this way-DURIN3 THE PAST WEEK. Rarely A Little r-k>derately l-Dst of the time OORIJ:\l; THE PAST WEEK 1. I was bothered by things that usually don't bother me ??????? 0 1 2 3 2. I did not feel like eating; my appetite was poor ??.??.?..? 0 1 2 3 3. I felt I could not shake off the blues even with help from family and friends .?.?.??????? 0 1 2 3 4. I felt that I was just as good as other people ???.??????????? 0 1 2 3 5. I had trouble keeping my mind on what I was doing ???.??...?? 0 1 2 3 6. I felt depressed ????..????..?? 0 1 2 3 7. I felt everything I did was an ef fart . ........................ 0 1 2 3 8. I felt hopeful about the future 0 1 2 3 9. I thought my life had been a failure . ....................... 0 1 2 3 10. I felt fearful ????????????????? 0 1 2 3 11. My sleep was restless .????.???. 0 1 2 3 12. I wa.s happy . ................... 0 1 2 3 13. I talked less than usual ?.?..?? 0 1 2 3 14. I felt lonely ....?............. 0 1 2 3 15. People were unfriendly ????????? 0 1 2 3 16. I enjoyed life ................. 0 l 2 3 17. I had crying spells .?..?.?.???? 0 1 2 3 18. I felt sad ..................... 0 1 2 3 19. I felt that people dislike me ?? 0 1 2 3 20. I could not get "going" ?.?..??? 0 1 2 3 169 CFS-D scale Scoring. Circle the number for each statement which best describes how often you felt or behaved this way-DURING THE PAST WEEK- Rarely A Little Moderately thMe:> stti moef DURIN:; THE PAST WEEK 1. I uw a 3 s bothered by things that 2 0 1 2. I Sdu.'adl ly d on 't bother me ??????. 3 1 not feel like eating; 1 2 3 ? my f appetite was poor ?.???????? 0 1t he1 t I could not shake off 3 f e_blues even with help fran 2 4 anu.ly and f . d 0 1 ? I f 1 r ien s ????????.?.? 0 a et that I was just as good 2 1 . I s hoadther 3 1 5 peop e ?????????.?.??. 3 on trouble keeping my mind 0 1 2 I f what I was do i?n g ???.??????? 1 2 3 6. f elt dep resse d ????????????.? 0 3 7. 1e ffelt everything I did was an 1 2 0 8. I f ort 0 ..?.?...?.?.?.?..??.?...? 3 2 1 9. elt hopeful about the future 3 1 2 fa~ought my life had been a 0 1 2 3 lo I ~ ure ?.?????????????????????? 1 3 11 . 0 2 .My elt fearful ???.????????.?.?? 0 1 1 0 12 . sle ep was restless ??????.??? 2 3 3 2 13.? 1I wtaasl hap py ????????????????.?.? 0 1 3 2 14. f ked less than usual??????? 0 1 3 2 15. P1 eo eit lonely ????????????????.? 1 0 0 1 16. P _e were unfriendly ????????? 2 3 3 2 17. 1I :Joyed life ????????????????. 1 3 0 2 18. fed crying spells ???????????? 3 0 1 2 19. 1I f lt sad ????????????.???????. 0 1 3 2 20. elt that people dislike me ?. 1 1 COuld not get "going" . .... ? ? ? 0 Score i. s sum of 20 endorsed item weights. l?ass ?b l le range: 0-60. 170 APPENDIX C: CES-D Scale: Child Version 171 CES-CQ P.1c--.- ?w.1 Pl{JI QNS p BELOW IS A LIST OF THE WAYS you MIGHT HAVE FELT OR ACTED, LEASE CHECK HOW MUCH YOU HAVE FELT THIS ~IAY DURING THE EAST WEEK, NOT AT A -D ALOT URING THE PAST WEEK: P.LL LITTLE SOME l I l WAS BOTHERED BY THINGS THAT 0 l ~ USUALLY _DON'T BOTHER ME, , 2I I DID NOT FEEL LIKE EATINGi I ~ - NAS 0 l N' T VERY HUNGRY, I WASN'T ABLE TO FEEL HAPPY, EVEN WHEN MY FAMILY OR FRIENDS TRIED ] 0 ' To HELP ME FEEL BETTER, 4 I . FELT LIKE I WAS JUST AS GOOD AS ( : j 3 OTHER KIDS, S, I FELT LIKE I COULDN'T PAY , ATTENTION TO WHAT I WAS DOING ? 3 J 0 THIS WEEK, I 1 NOT AT! A SOME ALOT ALL LITTLE . -6. I 3 FELT DO\?lN AND UNHAPPY THIS 2 0 WEEK, 7, I 3 FELT LIKE l WAS TOO TIRED TO , 2 0 Do TH ! I INGS THIS PAST WEEK, I I I 8, i 1 0 r-ELT LIKE SOMETHING GOOD WAS 2 J GO?~ I i ~G TO HAPPEN, -- ,"\ .. :, 3 I 2 FELT LIKE THINGS I DID BEFORE 0 1 I DI!)~t , - T WORK OUT RIGHT, 172 -10- - NOT AT A Dl!RU !G THE PAST HEEK: P.LL LITTLE SO~E ALOT . . . 2 3 10. I FELT SCARED THIS WEEK, 0 1 11. I DIDN'T SLEEP AS WELL AS I . 3 USUALLY SLEEP THIS WEEK, 0 l 2 12, I WAS HAPPY THIS WEEK, 3 2 1 0 13, I WAS MO.RE QUIET THAN USUAL , ' THIS WEEK, 0 l 2 3 14, I FELT LONELY., LIKE I DIDN'T HAVE ANY FRIENDS, 3 C l 2 15. l FELT LIKE KIDS ! : KNEW WERE NOT -FRIENDLY OR THAT THEY DIDN'T WANT TO BE WITH ME, ? 3 C 1 2 NOT AT A ALL LITTLE SO~E ,4LOT 16, I HAD A GOOD TIME THIS WEEK, 3 2 1 0 17, I FELT LIKE CRYING THIS WEEK, 0 1 2 3 18. I FELT SAD, 0 1 2 ~ 19, T 1 FELT PEOPLE DIDN'T LIKE ME TH IS 't/EEK, 0 1 . 2 : ",.., !.. '..J I IT WAS HARD TO GET STARTED DOING THINGS THIS WEEK, 0 1 2 - BLANK (69-76) I , i o [ii.LI (77-80) CUP (l-13) 17'.3 APPENDIX D: Questionnaire and Check List 174 Da.te- ---- Code- ---- INDOCHINE'SE REFUGEE MINORS QUESTIONNAIRE (1) What is your age? (2) What is your sex? Male __, Female (3) What school do you attend? ________ , Grade (4) What country do you cane frcm? ( 5 ) When did you arrive in the U. S.? o?d ---- 1 You go to school in your haneland? Yes- ---, 8anetimes_ ___, No_ ____ What grade were you in when you left? <17) Do ?----- You have relatives in the U.S.? Yes_, No_ __ Uncie_, Aunt_ _, Cousin ___, Other_ ___ Where do they live? If -------------u .z es do you see them? At least once a month_ Less than once a month _ Never._ ____ If Yes do you phone them? At least once a month_ __ Less than once a ioonth _ Never _____ If Yes, do you write them? At least once a month - Less than once a month - Never _____ If Yes, WOuld you like to live with them SQ11E!day? Yes_ __, Maybe-;,__ __, No:...--- Do . . ur hat}eland to You have relatives or friends in yo Whcrn You write? Yes- ---, No --- <1 9) Do than in your You use a different name in the u.s. hQneland ? Yes_ __ , sanetimes -' No 176 (20) If it were possible, would you return to your hanelaoo. to live? Yes- ---, No- ---, Don't know- ----- C2 1) Do you have a job? Yes- --, No- --, If yes, what kind- ---------------- (22) Do you have close male friends fran your own country? Yes_ __, No_ __ If yes, where do you see them Cc heck any or all) At my home_ ___, At their homes_ __, At school_ ___, At work_ ___, At social events ____? Elsewhere (describe) ____ (23) Do you have close female friends fran your own country? If yes, where do you see them (check any or all) At my home_ ___, At their hanes_ __, At school_ ___, At work_ ___, At social events_ ____? Elsewhere (describe) ____ (24) Do you have close male friends fran other foreign countries? (not your haneland) Yes- --, No- --- If yes, where do you see them Cc heck any or all) At my hane_ ___, At their hanes_ __, At school_ __, At work_ __, At social events_ ____? Elsewhere (describe) ___ (25) Do you have close female friends fran other foreign oountries? (not your homeland) Yes_ __, No_ __ If yes, where do you see them (check any or all) At my home_ ___, At their hanes_ __ At school ____, At work;__ __, At social events_ __, Elsewhere (describe) _____ 177 ( 26) Do you have close American male friends? Yes- ---, No- --- If yes, where do you see them? ( Check any or all) At my home_ __ , At their homes ___, At school_ ___, At work_ __ At social events_ ___, Elsewhere (describe) (27) Do you have close American female friends? Yes_ ___ , No_ ___ If yes, where do you see them? ( Check any or all) At my home_ __, At their hanes_ __, At school_ ___ , At work_ __ At social events_ ___ , Elsewhere (describe) ____ ( 28 ) Why do you think you are successful or unsuccessful in making friends?- ----------------- (29) When you marry, do you think you will choose a person fran your own country? Yes_ __, No_ __, Don't know ----, Doesn't matter- --- ( 30) Do you plan on attending college? Yes_ __, No_ _ __ , Don't know_ __ (31) What kind of work would you like to do as an adult? ( 32 ) How were your grades on your last report card? A's_ _, B's- - --, C's- ---, D's- ---, E's_ ___ , F's- ---- (33) Why do you think you are successful or unsuccessful in your school work?- ---------------- 178 ------- <34) lf You did poorly in a class in school, whan would you s, talk to about how to do better? 0 lf --------- You felt sad and wanted help in feeling better, whan ~Uld .YOU talk to? (36) If -------------- You had one wis_h _tha_t _co_uld_ c_ane_ true, what would you Wish for--ana why? ____ ..,...... __ <37) Can . . You name what you fear most--and why? 38 ( ) What was the hardest thing for you when you came to tbe U.s ..? <39) Wha ---------------- t advice would you give a person your age in your ~ about coming to the U.S.?,_ _______ (4Q) 0 0 . . You plan on becan.ing an American citizen? Why? 4 1) --------- Why not?:__ ______ ( If a U.s. citizen strongly di.s agrees wi? th sanething the n::,,,,v. Vernment does, can he or she do an.,1., +...,.h ?1 ' ng about it? What?:__ ____________~ - If a citizen of your haneland strong1 Y disagrees with SC1nething the government does, can he or she do anything about it?~------------------ What?'.___ _________ 179 We are interested in knowing how important you think the following are in your being a good American. Please put a circle around the number that best describes your opinion. ~ Sanewhat Not Irnportant Important Important (1) Speaking good English 1 2 3 (2) Saluting the American flag 1 2 3 (3) Having an after-school job 1 2 3 (4) Living in your own apartment after age 18 1 2 3 (5) Becoming an American citizen and voting in elections 1 2 3 (6) Having American friends 1 2 3 (7) Saying what's on your mind 1 2 3 (8) Reading the newspaper to knCM what is happening in the U.S. government. 1 2 3 (9) Volunteering for the U.S. Army in time of war. 1 2 3 (lO)Su~rting yourself financially when you graduate from school 1 2 3 (ll)Making your own decisions 1 2 3 (12)Celebrating American holidays such as July 4th 1 2 3 (13)Sharing chores at home 1 2 3 180 APPENDIX E Means and Standard Deviations for Major Variables Tested: Grade Point Average, CES-D, Independence, Age, Time in U.S., Displacement, Support, and Number of Foster/Group Placements Variable Mean Standard Deviation Grade Point Average 3.05 .52 CFS-D 18.26 10.69 Irrlependence 13.29 2.69 Age 16.41 2.01 Time in U.S. 36.96 20.79 Displacement 4.47 3.11 Su:i;p:>rt 12.07 5.04 Foster/Group Placements 2.30 1.65 181 APPENDIX F Pearson Correlation Coefficients for 14:ljor Variables Tested: ~ f_oint Average, CES-D, Independence, ~ Time in U.S., ~ la~t, SupPOrt, and Number of Foster/Group Placements ...____I ~GP A CES-D INDEPEM> AGE XUS DISPLACE SUPPORT PLACEM ------------------ GPA/ 1.000 CE.s-o/-0.276* 1.000 l:NDE;pENn / 0-146 -o.osa 1.000 AGE/ -o.126 0.288** -0.280* 1. 000 n JO:Js/-o.063 -0.234* -0.167 -0.122 1.000 XSp!JicE/ -o.o1s 0.389 ** -0.250* 0.297** -0.250* l.OOO ~SUp,P-oRTo/ 0 .02a -0.SSO** -0.014 -0.367 0.343** -0.331** 1.000 -.441 ? O6 9 0.459** -0.199 0.482** o. 230 O? 231 -0.4411.000 .........___-_ -----------?------------------- --------- *Significant at .OS **Significant at .01 182 APPENDIX G Questionnaire: Item Justification Question Provides Infonnation Regarding Number 1, 2 Demographics 3 Demographics, academic level 4 Demographics 5 Time in United States 6 Nature of migration (planned vs. unplanned) 7, 8, 9, 10 Nature of migration experience 11, 12 Family of origin 13, 14 Status of family of origin 15 Family of origin (rural vs. urban) 16 Minor's own education in homeland 17 Support system (CMil family in U.S.) 18 Support system (CMil family in haneland) 19, 20 Americanization/ethnicity 21 Demographics 22, 23 Support systems (peers from CMn country) 24, 25 Support systems (peers from other countries) 26, 27 Support systems (peers fran U.S.) 28 Support systems (attributions) 29 Americanization/ethnicity 30, 31, 32 Academic achievement/aspirations 33, 34 Support systems 35, 36, 37 Americanization/ethnicity 38, 39 Americanization/ethnicity 40, 41 Political awareness (of U.S.) 42 Political awareness (of homeland) 183 Reference Notes 1. 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