ABSTRACT 

 

 

 

 

Title of Dissertation: BODY POSITIVITY FOR ASIAN 

AMERICANS: DEVELOPMENT AND 

EVALUATION OF THE PRIDE IN ASIAN 

AMERICAN APPEARANCE SCALE 

(PAAAS) 

  

 Thomas Phong Le, Doctor of Philosophy, May 

2023 

  

Dissertation directed by: Derek K. Iwamoto, Ph.D., Department of 

Psychology 

 

 

While a growing body of literature has examined factors that contribute to Asian 

Americans’ negative body image, little research has investigated Asian Americans’ 

body image from a strengths-based perspective. This study thus presents the Pride in 

Asian American Appearance Scale (PAAAS), which was designed to measure the 

extent to which Asian Americans feel positively about their own racialized physical 

appearances as well as those of fellow Asian Americans. Items were developed 

through an extensive literature review, cognitive interviews, and expert feedback. 

Exploratory (N = 398) and confirmatory (N = 398) factor analyses suggested a 4-

factor structure and produced a 25-item scale with the following subscales: (a) Pride 

in Asian Features, (b) Preference for Asian American Appearance, (c) Asian 

Americans as Desirable, and (d) Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness. Internal 

consistency estimates as well as factor determinacies were high and demonstrated that 



  

the specified items adequately represented their intended factors. The PAAAS was 

significantly correlated in theoretically expected directions with internalized racism, 

collective self-esteem, and psychological distress. Implications of these findings and 

suggestions for future research are discussed. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BODY POSITIVITY FOR ASIAN AMERICANS: DEVELOPMENT AND 

EVALUATION OF THE PRIDE IN ASIAN AMERICAN APPEARANCE 

SCALE (PAAAS)   

 

 

 

By 

 

 

Thomas Phong Le  

 

 

 

 

 

Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the  

University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment 

of the requirements for the degree of 

Doctor of Philosophy 

2023 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Advisory Committee: 

Dr. Derek K. Iwamoto, Chair 

Dr. Karen O’Brien 

Dr. Nazish Salahuddin 

Dr. Linda Zou  

Dr. Richard Shin, Dean’s Representative  

 



  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

© Copyright by 

Thomas Phong Le 

2023 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

ii 

 

Acknowledgements 

Thank you first to my committee members for your incisive feedback and 

encouragement on this project that improved its overall quality. Thank you to Derek 

for providing me with many resources and opportunities to develop as a researcher 

over the past several years, both in my skillset and in my confidence. On a more 

personal note, I want to thank feminist author Caroline Knapp, whose brilliant and 

courageous memoir Appetites came into my life just at the right time. Thank you for 

role-modeling what it looks like to live a life replete with self-awareness, 

vulnerability, connection, humor, and challenging the status quo. Shout out to my 

grandmother, whose compassion and nurturance shape the caring and warmth I give 

to my clients, students, friends, and others today. Thank you to my cousin Vivian for 

always talking with me about the deep stuff and for laughing with me too. Thank you 

to the Asian American activists, psychologists, writers, and others who have paved 

the way for me to try to affect change through my own life endeavors. Thank you to 

my first long-term therapist, L, for your deep caring, intelligence, and humor that 

helped me come into myself. I have so many friends I want to thank, and you know 

who you are, so I will focus on my two best friends, my chosen family, Natasha and 

Bri. I am so grateful for your deep compassion, emotional intelligence, passion for 

social justice, funniness, and love overall. My connections with you two mean the 

world to me and always remind me of what really matters. 



 

 

iii 

 

Table of Contents 
 

 

Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... ii 
Table of Contents ......................................................................................................... iii 
List of Tables ............................................................................................................... iv 
Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 

Chapter 2: Method ...................................................................................................... 14 
Chapter 3: Results ....................................................................................................... 24 
Chapter 4: Discussion ................................................................................................. 32 
Appendices .................................................................................................................. 40 
Bibliography ............................................................................................................... 79 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

iv 

 

List of Tables 
 

Table 1: EFA Factor Loadings (Pattern Matrix Coefficients for the initial 37-item four 

factor solution 

Table 2: EFA Factor Loadings (Pattern Matrix Coefficients) for the final 25-item 

PAAAS 

Table 3: CFA Factor Loadings for the 25-Item PAAAS  

Table 4: Bivariate Correlations, Descriptive Statistics, and Reliability Coefficients for 

PAAAS Scales and Validity Measures (N = 796)  

  



 

 

44 

Chapter 1: Introduction 

Body image is defined as the affective, cognitive, and behavioral attributes of people’s 

attitudes toward their bodies (Cash, 2011). Body image has been predominantly studied within 

the framework of white, heterosexual women with negative feelings toward their own bodies, 

which limits the generalizability of research about body image toward underrepresented groups. 

Asian Americans living in the United States, for example, experience unique manifestations of 

body image as well as increased prevalence of negative body image. Indeed, studies have shown 

that Asian American women experience increased body dissatisfaction compared to white 

women (Frederick, Kelly, Latner, Sandhu, & Tsong, 2016), and Asian American men experience 

more unfavorable self-talk about their bodies compared to white men (Fiery, Martz, Webb, & 

Curtin, 2016) as well as increased body image concerns compared to white and black men 

(Kelly, Cotter, Tanofsky-Kraff, & Mazzeo, 2016). 

 These elevated rates of negative body image are associated with important health 

consequences for Asian Americans. Namely, negative body image has been associated with 

increased rates of disordered eating (Cheng, Tran, Miyake, & Kim, 2017; Moradi & Huang, 

2008). Researchers have often ignored studying body image and disordered eating within Asian 

American communities for several reasons. One reason includes the model minority myth, or the 

false stereotype that because Asian Americans are economically and academically successful, 

they therefore do not experience health issues (Wong & Halgin, 2006). Another contributing 

factor to the paucity of research related to Asian Americans’ body image and disordered eating 

includes the overall lack of conceptual understanding of what comprises these constructs for 

Asian Americans. In particular, several diagnostic tools, including the Diagnostic and Statistical 



 

 

 

2 

 

Manual for Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition do not take into account intercultural and 

racial/ethnic differences when examining disordered eating (American Psychiatric Association, 

2013; Kelly, Cotter, Lydecker, & Mazzeo, 2017). This lack of sociocultural nuance is concerning 

given recent research that suggests elevated rates of disordered eating in Asian American men 

and women (Kelly et al., 2015; Marques et al., 2011). Thus, given the elevated rates of negative 

body image and disordered eating within Asian Americans, as well as the lack of research that 

examines unique manifestations of body image within these communities, it is important to 

examine culturally specific factors that may influence body image within Asian American 

individuals. 

Positive Body Image  

 While a large swath of academic literature has examined negative body image, 

researchers have called for a shift in the field to examine positive body image (Cash & Smolak, 

2011). Positive body image has been conceptualized as the love, respect, and acceptance people 

have for their bodies, regardless of how one’s body compares to popular societal ideas (Tylka & 

Wood-Barcalow, 2015b). Positive body image is associated with a variety of adaptive health 

outcomes including intuitive eating (Tylka & Van Diest, 2013), self-compassion (Andrew, 

Tiggemann, & Clark, 2016), sexual functioning (Satinsky, Reece, Dennis, Sanders, & Bardzell, 

2012), and enhanced psychological well-being as a construct distinct from negative body image 

(Avalos, Tylka, & Wood-Barcalow, 2005). Positive body image is also negatively associated 

with disordered eating (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015a). Given positive body image’s role in 

increasing overall psychological well-being as well as facilitating healthful eating habits, it is 

important to examine how this construct may aid in Asian Americans’ body image and eating 

behaviors. However, the overwhelming majority of studies have examined positive body image 



 

 

 

3 

 

only with predominantly white samples, and to our knowledge, the present study is the first study 

to examine this construct’s unique manifestation with Asian Americans. 

 Objectification theory may help to explain the role of positive body image in reducing 

disordered eating and promoting enhanced psychological well-being. This theory, originally 

conceptualized based solely on women’s experiences, posits that women’s physical perception of 

themselves is based on repeated experiences of being viewed and treated as an object by others 

(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). As this process continues over time, women start to self-

objectify themselves, or to view their own bodies as objects for the consumption of others. 

Objectification theory has been expanded to Asian American populations as well, such as 

through studies that have shown how racism, perpetual foreigner racism, racial/ethnic teasing, 

and gendered racial microaggressions have been associated with disordered eating through self-

objectification within Asian American women (Cheng et al., 2017; Le, Kuo, & Yamasaki, 2020). 

Furthermore, Asian American men have also been shown to experience greater body 

dissatisfaction upon internalizing Western standards of masculine physique, as well as lowered 

academic performance after engaging in a self-objectifying experience compared to a neutral, 

control experience (Cheng, McDermott, Wong, & La, 2016; Hebl, King, & Lin, 2004). In 

relation to objectification theory, positive body image may disrupt the process of self-

objectification because those who are capable of consistently appreciating their body may be 

able to resist internalizing media messages related to attaining an ideal body appearance 

(Halliwell, 2013). Indeed, positive body image has been associated with reduced self-

objectification, in addition to lower thin-ideal internalization and lower self-comparison to others 

(Andrew et al., 2016). However, while recent studies have extended objectification theory to 



 

 

 

4 

 

include Asian Americans, still no studies to our knowledge have investigated how positive body 

image itself may manifest distinctly for Asian Americans. 

Body Image Among Asian Americans 

 Given the complex and multiple factors that comprise body image within Asian 

Americans, it is important to take a comprehensive approach to conceptualizing body image 

within this understudied group that draws upon multiple theoretical foundations. One theory that 

may provide a framework for understanding the body image experiences of Asian Americans 

includes minority stress theory. Minority stress theory posits that individuals from oppressed 

social groups experience exacerbated stress and negative life events that stem from their 

marginalized status in society, which in turn leads to or increases the severity of mental health 

problems (Meyer, 2003). According to this theory, these forms of stress are socioculturally based 

and chronic, such that they may continually accumulate and persistently affect marginalized 

individuals’ health over time. While minority stress theory was originally conceptualized with 

sexual minority populations, it has also been used as a framework to understand how 

discrimination is associated with health outcomes such as depression and general psychological 

distress in people of color and Asian Americans specifically (Cyrus, 2017; Szymanski & Sung, 

2010). In line with minority stress theory, experiencing increased racism is associated with 

increased negative body image within Asian American women and men, such that overt and 

covert acts of racism may make Asian Americans internalize negative racial messages about 

themselves that carry over into dislike of and feeling uncomfortable about their bodies (Cheng 

2014; Cheng et al., 2017; Le et al., 2020; Liao et al., 2019).  



 

 

 

5 

 

 Minority stress theory further suggests that the stress experienced by marginalized 

individuals carries more weight and intensity when compared to general life stressors, given the 

inherently personal nature of identity-based discrimination (Meyer, 2003). This aspect of 

minority stress theory is important in the context of body image for Asian Americans. While 

white individuals may experience negative body image, Asian Americans also contend with 

negative messages they receive related to racially-specific body parts. For example, Asian 

American women report body dissatisfaction related to having smaller eyes and a markedly 

different facial structure than white people (Brady et al., 2017; Javier & Belgrave, 2019), and 

women of color both in the United States and in India report appearance dissatisfaction as a 

consequence of having less smooth hair texture compared to white women (Harper & Choma, 

2019). Asian American men also report body dissatisfaction, in terms of how due to biological 

differences they are unable to acquire the same large builds and muscular physiques that white 

men can attain, as well as how they have smaller eyes and flatter noses compared to white men 

(Kelly et al., 2015; Liao et al., 2019). To our knowledge, no measures that examine body 

positivity take into account these racially-specific features and concerns that are central to Asian 

Americans’ conceptualization of their body image. Furthermore, while studies have examined 

the extent to which Asian Americans feel negatively about these racially-specific body parts, 

more research is necessary to understand and quantitatively assess what may predispose Asian 

Americans to feel positively about their Asian American physical features. 

 A more specific manifestation of minority stress theory for Asian Americans pertaining 

to body image includes the supremacy of whiteness and as a consequence internalized racism. 

Whiteness is conceptualized as the overt and covert socialization practices and processes, 

institutions, laws, privileges, and life events that advantage the white racial group over all others 



 

 

 

6 

 

(Helms, 2017). Whiteness operates such that white heterosexual males, who possess the most 

privilege in society, maintain the power and authority to determine who benefits from whiteness 

and how (Helms, 2016). Critical race theorists assert that everyone in contemporary society is 

socialized to adhere to whiteness and to value whiteness as part and parcel of existing in an 

environment in which whiteness reigns supreme. For Asian Americans, this prioritization of 

whiteness often manifests as internalized racism, or the process in which Asian Americans 

accept and internalize white culture’s oppressive actions and beliefs about racial minorities 

(Choi, Israel, & Maeda, 2017). Internalized racism can manifest in many different ways, 

including acceptance of negative stereotypes, overtly racist ideologies, feelings of self-

inferiority, and general support of white supremacy (David, 2013; Pyke, 2010).  

 In terms of body image specifically, recent quantitative and qualitative studies provide 

robust evidence to the extent in which Asian Americans’ internalized white supremacy and 

racism manifest as a desire for whiter, lighter skin and a distaste for darker skin. Both Asian 

American women and men report feelings of defeat and dissatisfaction regarding unable to meet 

the white ideal of beauty, as well as subsequent coping strategies to compensate for not looking 

white, such as Asian American women trying to become thinner whereas men aim for enhanced 

muscularity (Javier & Belgrave, 2019; Keum, 2016; Liao et al., 2019). The predominance of the 

white beauty ideal also manifests in specific behaviors, such as the increased use of skin-

lightening products by people of color both in the United States and in countries worldwide as an 

attempt to acquire the opportunities and prestige attached to white skin, even though use of these 

materials is associated with increased depression and a sense of low personal mastery (Peltzer, 

Pengpid, & James, 2016). This internalized white supremacy and racism in regard to valuing 

white appearance and wanting to look white have been associated with increased depressive 



 

 

 

7 

 

symptomology and reduced self-esteem both within Asian Americans broadly and with Filipino 

Americans specifically (Choi et al., 2017; David & Okazaki, 2006). Given the prevalence of 

whiteness and the negative repercussions of its internalization in regard to body image for Asian 

Americans, it may be worthwhile to investigate the extent to which Asian Americans can reject 

valuing white skin and white appearance and instead find beauty and appreciation for their 

distinctively Asian American features.  

 While body image has often been conceptualized as one’s feelings, thoughts, and actions 

about one’s own body, the literature surrounding Asian Americans’ body image suggests that, 

when examining Asian Americans’ pride in physical appearance, it may be important to 

investigate who Asian Americans feel attracted to as well. Both Asian American heterosexual 

women and gay men express a greater interest in dating white partners over nonwhite partners, 

and even more specifically expressed less of a preference to date another Asian person compared 

to their heterosexual male counterparts (Tsunokai, McGrath, & Kavanagh, 2014). Darker 

skinned Asian Americans report less of a desire to date fellow Asian individuals (Tsunokai, 

Kposowa, Carroll, & Karamoko, 2019). This perceived undesirability of one’s own racial group 

may stem both from the privileges given to those with lighter skin (Hunter, 2008; Rondilla & 

Spikard, 2007), as well as from how the media depicts Asian men as asexual and sexually 

undesirable, whereas Asian American women are portrayed as submissive, exotic, and sexually 

available to white men (Larson, 2006). Gay Asian American men are further marginalized such 

that they are portrayed as perpetual foreigners who are passive and nonmuscular, qualities 

perceived as especially unattractive in the gay community which often prioritizes 

hypermasculinity over femininity (Han, 2008; Sanchez, Vilain, Westefeld, & Liu, 2010). Taken 

together, these findings speak again to the prevalence of whiteness and internalized racism 



 

 

 

8 

 

within the Asian American community. Furthermore, they highlight how in regard to positive 

body image for Asian Americans, it is important to investigate the extent to which Asian 

Americans find other Asian Americans attractive, which may reflect how they view their own 

bodies within the larger context of white supremacy.  

Body Positivity Among Asian Americans  

 While recent studies have investigated risk factors that may increase negative body image 

within Asian American populations, to our knowledge there is no research at this point that has 

specifically examined positive body image within this understudied population. Researchers 

within the field of body positivity and body image have also highlighted the importance of 

studying positive body image among racial/ethnic minority individuals, given how body image 

itself is influenced by individuals’ unique social and cultural contexts (Tiggemann, 2015; Webb, 

Wood-Barcalow, & Tylka, 2015). While some qualitative studies have suggested that Asian 

Americans can resist negative body image concerns through methods such as using peer support, 

focusing on academics instead of body image, and valuing health over appearance (Brady et al., 

2017; Javier & Belgrave, 2019; Liao et al., 2019), it remains unclear as to what mechanisms may 

promote positive body image as opposed to adaptation to and acceptance of negative body image 

concerns. Investigating Asian Americans’ positive regard for their racialized physical features 

advances equity and antiracism by showing that this population possesses unique strengths as 

well as the capacity to celebrate their bodies, instead of assuming that Asian Americans only feel 

negatively about their bodies (Smith, 2006).  

 One socioculturally pertinent construct that may promote positive body image within 

Asian Americans race-related collective self-esteem. Past studies have found that collective self-



 

 

 

9 

 

esteem, or the extent to which Asian Americans feel positively about their own racial group and 

racial identity, is associated with reduced depression and internalized racism (Choi et al., 2017). 

Furthermore, collective self-esteem is positively associated with increased use of adaptive coping 

strategies as well as taking action to resist and empower oneself against racism (Suyemoto et al., 

2020). Perhaps Asian Americans who feel more positively about their racial group and identity 

may also possess greater positive affect about the Asian American characteristics of their 

physical appearance, such that they may extend their feelings of confidence about their racial 

group and identity to apply to their Asian American physical features. Given the extent to which 

collective self-esteem has been associated with a reduction in negative health outcomes and an 

increase in positive health outcomes for Asian Americans, it is important to examine how this 

culturally-specific construct may relate to positive body image for this population.  

 Another pertinent sociocultural construct in relation to Asian Americans’ body image 

may include racial identity. Racial identity is often conceptualized as the differing ways in which 

people of color react to and negotiate contexts of oppression (Helms, 1995). Past studies have 

shown that generally, Asian American individuals with racial identity statuses that involve 

conforming to white supremacy or feeling unsure about their racial identity exhibit reduced 

psychological well-being and collective self-esteem, as well as increased race-related stress 

(Alvarez & Helms, 2001; Chen, LePhuoc, Guzman, Rude, & Dodd, 2006; Iwamoto & Liu, 

2010). However, no studies thus far have examined how differing racial identity statuses may be 

associated with Asian American’s body image. Racial identity may be relevant to Asian 

American’s body image given that for black women, those who possessed a more positive and 

affirming racial identity experienced less body dissatisfaction and disordered eating in response 

to sexism, racism, and sexual objectification (Hesse-Biber, Livingstone, Ramirez, Barko, & 



 

 

 

10 

 

Johnson, 2010; Watson, Ancis, White, & Nazari et al., 2013). These studies suggest that black 

women with more accepting and affirming racial identities may be less likely to internalize 

dominant standards of beauty given their enhanced racial consciousness, thus preventing them 

from feeling negatively toward their bodies or engaging in disordered eating behaviors to try to 

fit a white beauty ideal. By incorporating racial identity in the present study, we seek to 

investigate if Asian Americans with a more affirming racial identity status may then possess 

increased positive body image, given their ability to reject predominant white and Eurocentric 

standards of beauty. 

 Examining previous measures of body positivity as well as measures of body image 

among Asian Americans may further highlight the necessity of developing a scale of body 

positivity for Asian Americans specifically. In terms of body positivity, the Body Appreciation 

Scale (BAS), and its subsequent iteration the Body Appreciation Scale-2 (BAS-2), are the most 

widely used measures to assess body positivity. The psychometrics of the BAS-2 have been 

upheld across several diverse populations including sexual minority individuals as well as across 

ethnic groups including Danish, Portuguese, and Swedish samples (Kling et al., 2019; Soulliard 

& Vander Wal, 2019; Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015b). However, no studies have examined the 

BAS-2 among Asian American populations and none of the items on the BAS-2 address race or 

ethnicity specifically, which undermines its ability to assess how body image can uniquely 

manifest for Asian Americans. For example, while the BAS-2 contains two items that assess 

whether individuals feel positively toward their bodies in regard to their bodies’ uniqueness (e.g., 

“I appreciate the different and unique characteristics of my body) and how their body may differ 

from popular media images (e.g., “I feel like I am beautiful even if I am different from media 

images of attractive people (e.g., models, actresses/actors”) even these items do not name race, 



 

 

 

11 

 

an important component of body image for Asian American individuals. The present study seeks 

to build upon the BAS-2 by incorporating items that are more culturally-relevant to Asian 

American individuals.  

 Two measures exist that assess body image within Asian American populations, though 

both of these measures assess body image within a negative context. The Colonial Mentality 

Scale (CMS) for Filipino Americans measures the various ways in which internalized 

colonialism manifests for Filipino Americans (David & Okazaki, 2006). The measure consists of 

five factors, including within-group discrimination, physical characteristics, colonial debt, 

cultural shame and embarrassment, and internalized cultural/ethnic inferiority. The physical 

characteristics scale in particular examines the extent to which Filipino Americans prefer white 

physical characteristics over physical characteristics specific to Filipino Americans, and higher 

scores on this subscale were correlated with increased depressive symptoms and decreased self-

esteem. Additionally, the Internalized Racism in Asian Americans Scale (IRAAS) assesses the 

extent to which Asian Americans internalize hostile and negative messages toward their own 

racial identity (Choi, Israel, & Maeda, 2017). This scale is comprised of three factors, including 

self-negativity, weakness stereotypes, and appearance bias. The appearance bias subscale in 

particular assesses the extent to which Asian Americans wish that they looked whiter and 

homogenize the appearances of fellow Asian Americans, and higher scores on this subscale were 

negatively associated with participants’ self-esteem in regard to their ethnic/racial group 

membership. Thus, both of these subscales provide a valuable starting point in which researchers 

can examine how negative body image manifests with Asian Americans. This study attempts to 

build on these subscales by examining how positive body image may manifest within this 



 

 

 

12 

 

understudied group, to provide an avenue for researchers and practitioners to understand how to 

bolster Asian Americans’ appreciation of and warm feelings toward their bodies.  

Present Study 

 Scholars have advocated for the importance of studying positive body image in 

underrepresented racial/ethnic minority groups (Tiggemann, 2015; Webb, Wood-Barcalow, & 

Tylka, 2015), though no studies to our knowledge have examined Asian Americans’ positive 

body image specifically. A growing number of recent research studies exemplify the complexity 

of Asian Americans’ body image concerns and how such concerns manifest in racially specific 

ways that include the influences of whiteness and representations of Asian American in broader 

culture (e.g., media). Efforts to examine body image within Asian Americans thus far seem to 

have focused more so on negative body image, as opposed to highlighting the positive ways that 

Asian Americans may view their bodies as well as Asian American physical appearance 

generally. Given the importance of examining strengths in marginalized groups to highlight their 

resiliency as opposed to pathologizing them (Smith, 2006), this study presents the development 

and evaluation of the Pride in Asian American Appearance Scale (PAAAS), designed to measure 

the degree to which Asian Americans experience positive body image in relation to themselves 

and other Asian Americans.  

Hypotheses  

 First, it was hypothesized that the PAAAS would consist of three factors (i.e., resisting 

white and Eurocentric beauty standards, Asian American physical appearance as beautiful, and 

perceptions of other Asian Americans as attractive). Second, we hypothesized that the PAAAS 

would exhibit robust psychometric properties, such as a distinct factor structure and adequate 



 

 

 

13 

 

reliability and validity so that the measure can be used to study positive body image with Asian 

American individuals. Third, to assess convergent validity, we hypothesized that the PAAAS 

would be positively correlated with a general measure of body positivity and negatively 

associated with internalized racism, based on past research that suggests an association between 

appearance-related internalized racism and more general forms of internalized racism (Choi et 

al., 2017). In terms of convergent validity, we also hypothesized that the PAAAS would be 

positively correlated with collective self-esteem and more affirming racial identity statuses, 

based on the predominant literature that suggests collective self-esteem is associated with 

positive health outcomes for Asian Americans (Choi et al., 2017; Suyemoto et al., 2020), as well 

as literature that suggests that more affirming racial identity is protective of the effects or racism 

on body image and disordered eating (Hesse-Biber et al., 2010; Watson et al. 2013). 

 Fourth, in terms of criterion-based predictive validity, we hypothesized that the PAAAS 

would be negatively related with both disordered eating as well as psychological distress. We 

hypothesized that the PAAAS would be negatively associated with disordered eating based on 

past research that has shown that positive body image is associated with reduced disordered 

eating (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015a). We hypothesized that the PAAAS would be 

negatively associated with psychological distress based on research that has shown a positive 

association between internalized racism and depressive symptoms (Choi et al., 2017; David & 

Okazaki, 2006), whereas our scale seeks to capture one facet in which Asian Americans can 

resist and overcome internalized racism. 

 

 



 

 

 

14 

 

Chapter 2: Method 
 

Participants 

 The final sample for this study consisted of 796 Asian American adults. 1496 participants 

accessed the survey. However, 695 participants answered at least one validity check item 

incorrectly and were thus excluded from the study for not meeting the inclusion criteria of 

answering both validity check items correctly, and five participants were excluded from the 

study due to nonsensical responses to open-ended demographic questions (e.g., writing ten feet 

tall for their height), which left us with a sample of 796 participants. Their ages ranged from 18 

to 91 (M = 44, SD = 16.18). Ethnic composition was about 35% Chinese, 11% South Asian, 11% 

Japanese, 11% Filipino, 7% Korean, 6% Vietnamese, 5% multiracial or multiethnic, 3% 

Taiwanese, and less than 3% of the following: Singaporean, Cambodian, Thai, Hmong, Laotian, 

Indonesian, Malaysian, or option not listed. In terms of gender, 55% identified as women, 44% 

identified as men, .3% identified as genderfluid, and .1% identified as agender. Most participants 

(99%) identified as cisgender while 1% identified as transgender. In regard to sexual orientation, 

the majority (88%) identified as heterosexual, 6% identified as bisexual, and less than 2% 

identified as lesbian, gay, uncertain, questioning, asexual, or an option not listed.  

 About half of participants (51%) were born in the United States whereas half (49%) were 

born outside the United States, with one participant (.1%) stating that they did not know. In 

terms of generational status, 42% identified as first, 37% as second, 13% as third or beyond, 6% 

as 1.5, 1% as adoptee and 2% as option not listed. In regard to educational attainment, 47% 

reported having a college degree, 24% reported a professional or graduate degree, 19% reported 

having completed some college, 10% reported having a high school diploma, and 1% identified 



 

 

 

15 

 

as an option not listed. In terms of income, 28% of participants reported a family total yearly 

income of under $10,000 to $49,999, 35% reported an income of $50,000 to $74,999, 31% 

reported an income of $100,000 or more, and 5% reported that they were unsure. Participants 

had spent an average of 33.44 years (SD = 17.58) living in the United States. Participants’ 

average BMI was 24.17 (SD = 4.56). Due to rounding, not all percentages add up to exactly 

100%. 

Procedure 

 The study received approval by the Institutional Review Board of the authors’ home 

institution. Participants were asked to complete an online survey comprised of study variables, 

demographic items, and an informed consent administered via Qualtrics. Participants were 

collected via Qualtrics recruitment online server. In this process, respondents on Qualtrics 

choose to join different “panels” through a double opt-in process, in which after they enter 

demographic information about themselves, they are invited to participate in surveys that they 

are qualified for based on the information they provided. For the present study, participants were 

invited through a generic email with no specifics regarding the topic of the survey itself, with a 

link to complete the survey as well as information about the given incentive and the duration of 

the study. Qualtrics was paid at a rate of about $6 per participant. After participants completed 

the survey, they were given “Qualtrics points,” or points that are collected and later redeemed in 

the form of gift cards, sky miles, credit for online games, etc. The inclusion criteria for the study 

included: 1) identify as 18 years old or older and 2) identify as Asian American. The survey took 

approximately 30 minutes to complete and included two validity check items (e.g., “Please 

choose ‘strongly agree’ for this item’.”)  



 

 

 

16 

 

Item Development and Content Validation 

 Items. First, a review of the empirical and theoretical literature examining positive body 

image and the body image experiences of Asian Americans was conducted. From this review of 

the literature, an initial pool of 50 items was be generated to measure the degree to which Asian 

Americans demonstrate positive body image attitudes about themselves and other Asian 

Americans. Three thematic categories were identified in regard to positive body image for Asian 

Americans that will guide the creation of these items, including:  

 Resisting white and Eurocentric appearance standards. This dimension included global 

statements that represent participants’ capacity to appreciate their Asian physical appearance over 

aspects of body image that are valorized within white supremacy (e.g., “I would rather have Asian 

American physical features than white physical features.”) The literature pointed to how Asian 

Americans internalizing messages about the superiority of white and Eurocentric beauty standards 

was an integral part of negative body image formation (Javier & Belgrave, 2019; Liao et al., 2019), 

thus, resisting those messages and embracing Asian American physical features may be associated 

with more adaptive body image beliefs and overall mental health functioning.  

 Asian American physical appearance as beautiful. These items focused on endorsement 

of positive feelings about one’s Asian American physical appearance broadly (e.g., “I take pride 

in my appearance as an Asian American person.”) The literature on whiteness and ethnic identity 

suggests that feeling positively toward one’s racialized features may serve as an important 

mechanism in promoting overall positive body image for marginalized groups in the United States, 

given that viewing these prominent features in high regard may negate participants’ desire to 



 

 

 

17 

 

adhere to and internalize white and Eurocentric beauty standards (Rakhkovskaya & Warren; 2016; 

Sladek et al., 2018). 

 Perceptions of other Asian Americans as attractive. Items in this dimension addressed 

the extent to which participants find other Asian Americans attractive (e.g., “I feel physically 

attracted to Asian Americans.”) This factor’s inclusion reflects the research that suggests that 

oftentimes, Asian Americans in the United States are socialized to view white people as the most 

attractive given aspects of colorism that favor lighter skin, as well as how whiteness can be 

associated with general enhanced power and privileges, rendering it more attractive (Helms, 1990; 

Tsunokai et al., 2014). Thus, this factor seeks to give voice to Asian Americans’ capacity to find 

other Asian Americans physically attractive despite racist socialization, another way to 

demonstrate pride in Asian American physical appearance. 

 Cognitive interviews. To test the initial items, cognitive interviews were conducted with 

four Asian Americans, as done in Choi et al., 2017. Cognitive interviewing is an interdisciplinary 

qualitative approach used to collect phenomenological information about how participants respond 

to survey items at the cognitive level (Lee & Lim, 2008). This method allows for an in-depth 

exploration of how participants view survey items to assess if they are perceived, comprehended, 

and responded to in line with the researcher’s intentions. Four Asian Americans with a diverse set 

of social identities across ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation were recruited through the first 

author’s personal and professional networks. These Asian American participants met the following 

eligibility criteria: 1) be at least 18 years old or older, 2) reside in the United States, and 3) identify 

as Asian American. After they provided informed consent, they were offered a $15 gift card to 

participate in a 60-minute interview. Participants were asked to read and respond verbally to survey 

items. They were also asked probing questions to explore their understanding of items and items’ 



 

 

 

18 

 

perceived relevance. At the end of each of their interviews, participants were asked for general 

feedback on how to improve the scale. Ten items were revised for clarity after feedback, and three 

items were added to assess additional racialized components of attraction toward Asian Americans, 

resulting in 53 items that were sent to expert reviewers. 

Topic-Specific Expert Feedback. We solicited feedback from four Asian American 

psychology researchers who are experts on race, racism, and body image issues within the Asian 

American community. These experts provided feedback related to face validity, content validity, 

and item qualities such as grammar and clarity. Each expert rated every item on a Likert-scale and 

were also asked for suggestions on how to improve the items and the instrument overall. Based on 

expert review, 13 items were removed that were either low in content and face validity or were 

repetitive. 21 items also underwent minor revisions (e.g., items were revised to say “Asian physical 

features” instead of “Asian American physical features.”) Then, 11 items were added based on 

reviewers’ recommendations on how to help the scale assess the overarching construct more 

rigorously, bringing the total number of items to 51.  

General Expert Feedback. For the final round pre-survey administration item revision, 

we solicited feedback from three additional university faculty who reviewed the items for 

readability and appropriateness for the target sample. These faculty members possess experience 

with measure development methodology as well as research related to Asian Americans and 

other people of color.  Based on their feedback, one item was deleted and six items were revised 

to maximize clarity, bringing the total number of items to 50. 

Measures 



 

 

 

19 

 

 Demographics. Participants responded to survey items that assessed age, sex assigned at 

birth, gender, education, ethnicity, generational status, nativity status, years spent living in the 

United States, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, height, and weight. 

 Pride in Asian American appearance. The preliminary 50-item PAAAS was 

administered to assess participants’ feelings of positivity toward their own Asian physical features 

as well as Asian Americans’ attractiveness overall. Responses were measured using a 6-point 

Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree to 6 = strongly agree). Responses across all items were 

summed, with higher values indicating greater pride in Asian American appearance. The directions 

included the following instructions, with the ellipses replaced with a paragraph break in the 

measure itself: “When you see the term Asian American, the term refers to all individuals who 

have origins in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Indian subcontinent. Please consider whoever 

comes to mind for you, including the full range of Asian Americans in the United States… When 

you see the term Asian physical features, please consider the full range of physical features that 

you believe are associated historically with your ethnic/racial group…When you see the term white 

physical features, please consider the full range of physical features that you believe are associated 

historically with people of European ancestry.” 

 Body appreciation. The 10-item Body Appreciation Scale-2 (BAS-2, Tylka & Wood-

Barcalow, 2015b) was used to measure body appreciation. The BAS-2 measures body appreciation 

using a five-point scale (1= Never, 5= Almost always). A total body appreciation score was 

calculated by summing participants’ responses across all items, with higher scores indicating a 

higher level of body appreciation. A sample item includes “I take a positive attitude towards my 

body.” The BAS-2 demonstrated adequate three-week test-retest reliability with an intra-class 

correlation of .90. Convergent validity was demonstrated through significant positive correlations 



 

 

 

20 

 

with self-esteem and proactive coping, and criterion-related validity was demonstrated through a 

significant negative association with eating disorder symptomatology and a significant positive 

association with intuitive eating. Scores on the BAS-2 have demonstrated high internal consistency 

among a racially diverse sample of adult women (α = .92) as well as among college student 

populations (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015b; Winter, Gillen, Cahill, Jones, & Ward, 2019). 

Cronbach’s alpha for the present study was .95. 

 Internalized racism. The 14-item Internalized Racism in Asian Americans Scale (IRAAS; 

Choi et al., 2017) was used to measure internalized racism. The IRAAS assesses internalized 

racism using a 6-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree to 6 = strongly agree). A total 

internalized racism score is calculated by summing participants’ responses across all items, with 

higher scores indicating greater internalized racism. A sample item includes “I sometimes wish I 

weren’t Asian.” The scale consists of three factors, including self-negativity, or general negative 

attitudes about being Asian and negative feelings toward other Asians, weakness stereotypes, or 

endorsement of popular misconceptions about Asians grounded in racism, and appearance bias, or 

negative ideas related to Asians’ physical features especially in relation to white supremacy. 

Because we are interested in examining internalized racism broadly, a global score will be 

calculated by adding total scores from each of these three factors. The scale has shown convergent 

validity through significant negative associations with collective self-esteem related to race, and 

the scale has shown predicative validity through significant positive associations with depressive 

symptoms. Scores on the IRAAS have demonstrated high internal consistency in a sample of Asian 

American adults (α = .92) (Choi et al., 2017). Cronbach’s alpha for the present study was .93. 

 Collective self-esteem. The 16-item Collective Self-Esteem Scale (CSE; Luhtanen & 

Crocker, 1992) was used to assess collective self-esteem about one’s race. The CSE assesses 



 

 

 

21 

 

feelings about one’s membership in particular groups based on four subscales: membership 

esteem, private esteem, public regard, and importance to identity. Participants respond to items on 

a 7-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree). The original measure was 

modified to assess participants’ feelings about their racial/ethnic group (e.g., “my social group” 

became “my racial/ethnic group”), as done in a previous study related to Asian Americans’ self-

worth (Choi et al., 2017). Because we were interested in examining collective self-esteem broadly, 

a total collective self-esteem score was calculated by summing participants’ answers across all 

items as done in past research (Hassan et al., 2013; Nguyen, 2017), with higher scores indicating 

increased collective self-esteem. A sample item includes “I feel good about the race/ethnicity I 

belong to.” The CSE subscales have demonstrated high internal consistency in a large sample of 

Asian American adults (α = .72 to .83) (Choi et al., 2017). Cronbach’s alpha in the present study 

for the scale as a whole was .85. 

 Racial identity. Three subscales of the revised People of Color Racial Identity Attitudes 

Scale (PRIAS; Miller et al., 2016) scale were used to assess participants’ attitudes about their racial 

group within the context of racial oppression. We used the revised version of the original PRIAS 

(Helms, 1995) given that this version demonstrated superior fit specifically for Asian Americans. 

The three subscales include (a) Conformity (“People of my race should learn to think and act like 

Whites”), (b) Dissonance (“I’m not really sure where I really belong”), and (c), Immersion-

Emersion (“I feel unable to involve myself in Whites’ experiences, and am increasing my 

involvement in experiences involving people of my race”). Each item was rated on a five-point 

scale (1=Strongly disagree to 5= Strongly agree). Items within each subscale were summed, with 

higher scores reflecting a stronger endorsement of that respective identity status. PRIAS scores 

have been associated with Asian Americans’ awareness of racism and psychological well-being 



 

 

 

22 

 

(Alvarez & Helms, 2001; Iwamoto & Lui, 2010). This scale has shown adequate internal 

reliability, such that in a sample of Asian American and Asian international college students, the 

internal consistency estimate for the Conformity scale was .71, Dissonance was .70, Immersion 

Emersion was .82 (Iwamoto & Liu, 2010). For the present study, Cronbach’s alpha for each 

subscale were Conformity = .77, Dissonance = .85, and Immersion Emersion = .69. 

 Eating disorder symptomatology. The 26-item Eating Attitudes Test-26 (EAT-26; 

Garner, Olmsted, Bohr, & Garfinkel, 1982) was used to assess disordered eating symptomatology. 

The EAT-26 evaluates the frequency of engaging in disordered eating behaviors and attitudes and 

includes items such as “I avoid eating when I am hungry” and “I vomit after I have eaten.” 

Participants respond to items on a 6-point Likert scale (1 = never to 6 = always). Responses to all 

items were summed, with higher scores indicating an increased presence of behaviors and attitudes 

that are associated with eating disorders. Convergent validity for this scale has been established 

through positive correlations with body surveillance and body shame in Asian American women 

(Cheng et al., 2017; Phan & Tylka, 2006). The EAT-26 has demonstrated solid internal consistency 

among Asian American adult women (α = .90-.91) (Cheng, 2014; Le et al., 2020). Cronbach’s 

alpha for the present study was .90. 

 Psychological distress. The 6-item Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K6) was used to 

measure psychological distress (Kessler et al., 2003). The K6 assesses the presence of non-specific 

psychological distress over the past 30 days using a 5-point Likert scale (0 = none of the time to 4 

= all of the time). The six questions inquire about how often respondents feel sad (1), nervous (2), 

hopeless (3), restless (4) everything was an effort (5), and worthless (6). Individual item responses 

were summed, with higher scores indicating a greater presence of psychological distress. This 

scale has demonstrated convergent validity through a positive correlation with serious mental 



 

 

 

23 

 

illness as assessed through the DSM-IV (Kessler et al., 2003). The Kessler Psychological Distress 

Scale has demonstrated solid internal consistency among a large sample of Asian American adults 

(α = .88) (Zhang, Hong, Takeuchi, & Mossakowski, 2012). Cronbach’s alpha for the present 

sample was .93. 

Data Analytic Plan 

Data Screening and Preparation 

 Missing data were analyzed using SPSS. Less than .5% of the values for each variable in 

the PAAAS and the other study measures were missing. Within the entire sample, 781 

participants (98.12%) were not missing any data. Little’s missing completely at random (MCAR) 

test was significant, suggesting that missing data in our sample were not completely at random, 

χ2(1904) = 2494.92, p < .01. We inspected our dataset more closely and found that no items on 

any of the scales of the PAAAS, nor items on any of the other study scales, were missing more 

than two data points. Thus, we determined that the significant MCAR test could perhaps be due 

to respondent fatigue, given the overall length of the questionnaires. Following best practices 

(Parent, 2013), given the miniscule amount of missing data, we utilized pairwise deletion to 

account for missing data, such that available data was used for analyses and missing data points 

were excluded only for analyses that directly involved those missing data points. The total 

sample was randomly divided, such that participants were randomly assigned to the development 

(N = 398) and validation (N = 398) samples. Our study met the minimum sample size (i.e., 300) 

established by best practices related to scale development (Worthington & Whittaker, 2006). 

   



 

 

 

24 

 

Chapter 3: Results 

 

Step 1: Exploratory Factor Analysis 

 A Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) test of sampling adequacy and Bartlett’s test of sphericity 

were first conducted to determine if the matrix was appropriate for factor analysis (Worthington 

& Whittaker, 2006). Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant (ᵪ2(1225, N = 398) = 17,220.23, p 

< .001, and the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) test yielded a value of .96, suggesting that the 

sample was adequate and sufficiently factorable (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). A parallel analysis 

with 1000 simulations was conducted to determine the appropriate initial number of factors to be 

retrained and interpreted, in alignment with best practices (Hayton, Allen, & Scarpello, 2004).  

Factor Structure  

 The parallel analysis based on 1000 random data sets showed that the first five factors 

had raw data eigenvalues (20.08, 4.55, 4.10, 2.11, 1.71) greater than simulated random 

eigenvalues (1.84, 1.74, 1.68, 1.62, 1.57). The scree plot showed a sharp bend of the elbow both 

at the second factor mark and the fourth factor mark. Based on the scree plot both one and two 

factor solutions were extracted and examined, and both lacked conceptual interpretability and 

clarity. Thus, based on best practices (Kahn, 2006), we extracted and examined the three to five 

factor solutions.  

Principal axis factoring with direct oblimin rotation was employed for our EFA, given 

that we expected the factors to correlate with each other as facets of pride in Asian American 

appearance (Worthington & Whittaker, 2006). The pattern matrix coefficients for each model 

were examined, so that items that were psychometrically and conceptually inadequate were 



 

 

 

25 

 

removed to maximize scale utility. For each solution variation, items were maintained or deleted 

based on three criteria: (1) an item’s largest structure coefficient must be greater than or equal to 

|0.45| and (2) the magnitude difference between an item’s two largest structure coefficients must 

be greater than |0.20|, and (3) that the presence of the item contributed to conceptual clarity for 

its respective factor and the scale overall. These criteria were used to set a relatively high 

minimum value for the factor loadings of each item as well as their cross-loading differences in 

order to have more clear and distinct factors, as recommended by Worthington and Whittaker 

(2006).  

Of the three-, four-, and five-factor models, the three- and four-factor models each 

exhibited a lack of factor interpretability and a lack of conceptual clarity. Ultimately, the process 

yielded a five-factor model revealed the cleanest pattern matrix and conceptual clarity, while 

most closely aligning to our hypothesized theoretical structure based on past literature. However, 

only one item loaded onto the fifth factor. In hindsight, the “disappearance” of this fifth factor 

was unsurprising. The original themes of resisting white and Eurocentric beauty standards and 

Asian American physical appearance as beautiful had been somewhat overlapping in 

definition/content and thus a few items were subsumed under other factors. The single item (“I 

think that having dark hair is just as attractive as having blond hair”) lacked conceptual clarity in 

terms of its existence as a single factor subscale, so it was deleted. Furthermore, this item that 

loaded under the fifth factor was aligned with several of the items that were later deleted due to a 

lack of conceptual fit, in our transition from a 37-item scale to a 25-item scale. 

Ultimately, the process yielded a four-factor model that displayed the greatest conceptual 

interpretability and clarity. 13 items were deleted for the following criteria: ten items for failing 

to meet the loading threshold of |0.45|, two items for having a cross loading with less than .0.20 



 

 

 

26 

 

difference, and one item for loading onto its own factor and for its lack of conceptual fit. We 

examined the 13 items that were removed from the final scale and did not observe a systematic 

pattern in the removal process, except for the disappearance of the fifth factor.  

This process yielded an initial 37-item, four-factor solution. Together, this four-factor 

solution accounted for 69.19% of the total variance in the 37-item pool (61.66% of the 50-item 

pool). Variance explained by each factor was 42.77%, 11.06%, 10.08%, and 5.28% respectively. 

As shown in Table 1, all 37 remaining items had significant loadings of .55 or higher, with a 

minimum difference of .23 in cross loadings between items. All four of the scales demonstrated 

strong internal consistency (i.e., reliability coefficients for Factor 1 = .97, Factor 2 = .90, Factor 

3 = .95, and Factor 4 = .86). All factors were correlated with one another at moderate to high 

effect sizes.  

Step 2: Cross-validation 

For this cross-validation procedure, we used the second half (N = 398) of our randomly 

divided sample. To examine the stability of the four-factor model derived from exploratory 

factor analyses in the EFA, we conducted a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) using the 

structural equation modeling software AMOS 27.0 (IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, USA). In line 

with best practices for scale development, good fit was based on the following guidelines: root 

mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) close to < 0.08 for acceptable fit, the standardized 

root-mean-residual (SRMR) close to < 0.08 for acceptable fit, and the comparative fit index 

(CFI) > 0.95 for good fit, 0.92 to 0.94 for adequate fit (Hu & Bentler, 1999). The results of the 

CFA suggested that the 37-item, four-factor model did not represent good fit based on the 

aforementioned guidelines (RMSEA = .095, 90% CI [.091, .098]; SRMR = .09; CFI = .82). 



 

 

 

27 

 

Given the poor fit of the 37-item four-factor solution, we revisited the 37 items and 

removed items based on principles of parsimony and conceptual validity. Best practices for scale 

development state that after examining items’ structure coefficients as well as the magnitude 

differences between items’ coefficients, it is then appropriate to remove items to optimize scale 

length and conceptual clarity (Worthington & Whittaker, 2006). We thus removed nine items 

that lacked conceptual clarity as well as three items that were unduly repetitive with existing 

items within their respective factors. For example, in terms of the nine items removed that lacked 

conceptual clarity, a few items compared the attractiveness of Asian physical features to white 

physical features in a more neutral way (e.g., “I consider Asian physical features just as attractive 

as white physical features” within factor one) or compared Asian Americans’ attractiveness to 

other people of color (e.g., “Asian American people are just as attractive as other people of 

color” within factor three). Items such as these did not fit as neatly with the rest of the items 

within their respective factor and were thus removed. In terms of the three items removed for 

repetitiveness, an example includes the item “My Asian physical features are attractive” which 

loaded onto factor one, which read similarly to “I take pride in my Asian physical features” and 

“I feel good about my Asian physical features” while having a lower factor loading than both of 

the latter items. 

This process yielded a 25-item, four-factor solution. Together, the four-factor solution 

accounted for 73.66% of the total variance in the 25-item pool (61.66% of the 50-item pool). 

Variance explained by each factor was 42.77%, 11.71%, 12.05%, and 7.14% respectively. As 

shown in Table 2, all 25 remaining items had significant loadings of .59 or higher, with a 

minimum difference of .22 in cross loadings between items. We ran a confirmatory factor 

analysis with this updated 25-item four-factor solution. The results of the CFA suggested that the 



 

 

 

28 

 

25-item, four-factor model represented good fit, based on the aforementioned guidelines 

(RMSEA = .073, 90% CI [.067, .078]; SRMR = .06; CFI = .93). See Table 3 for factor loadings. 

Factor names were selected by discussing content representation as well as items with 

highest loadings within each factor. Furthermore, we drew up past literature related to Asian 

American body image and measures specific to Asian Americans (Choi et al., 2017; David & 

Okazaki, 2006). The first factor contained eight items was named Pride in Asian Features (α = 

.97, as all items reflected positive and self-affirming feelings toward one’s own Asian physical 

features (e.g., “I consider my Asian physical features attractive no matter what other people think 

of them.”). The second factor included six items and was named Preference for Asian American 

Appearance (α = .88), as all the items reflected a favoring of physical features typically 

associated with Asians or Asian Americans overall compared to white features or white people 

(e.g., “I consider Asian physical features more attractive than white physical features.”). The 

third factor included seven items and was named Asian Americans as Desirable (α = .94), given 

that all items reflected a desire toward Asian Americans such as in the realms of dating or 

physical intimacy (e.g., “The thought of being physically intimate with an Asian American 

person excites me.”). The fourth and final factor included four items and was named Action 

Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness (α = .86), such that all the items involved some sort of 

behavioral component related to either seeking out representations of Asians’ attractiveness or 

sharing with others about Asians’ attractiveness (e.g., “When referencing attractive celebrities, I 

make efforts to include Asian American celebrities.”).  

Step 3: Measure Invariance and Validity 



 

 

 

29 

 

Measurement Invariance. Given the sizable number of both women and men in the 

overall study sample, we examined measurement invariance across these two groups. In regard 

to gender, we excluded participants who did not identify as a man or a woman, given that they 

comprised a very small portion of our sample (N = 3). To assess invariance across configural, 

metric, and scalar models, we followed the guidelines established by Chen (2007), which 

recommends changes in RMSEA of equal to or greater than .015 accompanied by changes in CFI 

of equal to or greater than -.010 in each subsequent level as indicative of noninvariance. We did 

not utilize SRMR given that it has been recognized as differentially sensitive at different levels 

of invariance (Chen, 2007). The RMSEA and CFI for each of the models were: configural 

(RMSEA = .060, 90% CI [.056, .064]; CFI = .906), metric (RMSEA = .06, 90% CI [.056, .064]; 

CFI = .901), and scalar (RMSEA = .06, 90% CI [.056, .064]; CFI = .897). These indices for 

∆RMSEA and ∆CFI thus indicated that the model structure, magnitude of factor loadings, and 

item intercepts were invariant across Asian American women and men. 

Convergent Validity. To examine convergent validity, we assessed correlations between 

the PAAAS subscales and total score between body appreciation, collective self-esteem, 

internalized racism, and the different racial identity statuses. Each PAAAS subscale and the total 

scale score were significantly and positively correlated with body appreciation and collective 

self-esteem (see Table 4 for all correlation values). Furthermore, each PAAAS subscale and the 

total scale score were significantly and negatively correlated with internalized racism. In terms of 

the racial identity statuses, each PAAAS subscale and the total score were significantly and 

negatively correlated with conformity. All PAAAS subscales and the total score were 

significantly and negatively correlated with Dissonance, aside from Action Promoting Asians’ 

Attractiveness which was not significantly correlated. Finally, all PAAAS subscales and the total 



 

 

 

30 

 

score were significantly and positively correlated with immersion-emersion, aside from Pride in 

Asian Features, which was not significantly correlated. 

Predictive Validity. To examine predictive validity, we executed a series of regression 

analyses to assess if 1) the PAAAS total score and 2) the PAAAS subscales were significantly 

associated with psychological distress and disordered eating. Prior to running these analyses, we 

checked these scores for normality through examining skewness and kurtosis, as well as for 

multivariate outliers and multicollinearity. All of our variables were within the acceptable range 

for skewness and kurtosis (skewness < 3, kurtosis < 10; Weston & Gore, 2006). In regard to 

multicollinearity, all variance inflation factors were less than 10 and all tolerance coefficients 

were greater than .20, suggesting no significant multicollinearity. Finally, all cases had a Cook’s 

distance less than 1, and therefore we concluded that our analyses were not unduly influenced by 

multivariate outliers given that D > 1 is commonly conceptualized as the signifier of outliers. 

We first ran one regression analysis examining if the PAAAS total score was associated 

with psychological distress, followed by a second regression to discern if the PAAAS total score 

was associated with disordered eating. The PAAAS total score was significantly negatively 

associated with psychological distress (B = .03), t(787) = -2.57, p < .02 and also explained a 

significant amount of variance in psychological distress scores, (R2 = .01), F(1, 787) = 6.62, p < 

.001. The PAAS total score was not significantly associated with disordered eating (B = .01), 

t(783) = .33,  p = .74 and did not explain a significant amount of variance in disordered eating 

scores (R2 = -.001), F(1, 783) = .11, p = 74.  

We then ran a regression analysis with all four of the PAAAS subscales inputted as 

independent variables and psychological distress inputted as the outcome variable, followed by a 



 

 

 

31 

 

final regression to discern with the four PAAAS subscales as independent variables and 

disordered eating as the outcome variable. The PAAAS subscales explained a significant amount 

of variance in psychological distress (R2 = .09), F(4, 786) = 19.31, p < .001. In regard to specific 

subscales, Pride in Asian Features (B = -.26), t(786) = -5.47, p < .001 and Preference for Asian 

American appearance (B = -.13), t(786) = -3.05, p < .01 were significantly negatively associated 

with psychological distress, Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness was significantly 

positively associated with psychological distress (B = .30), t(786) = 7.22, p < .001, and Asian 

Americans as Desirable was not significantly associated (B = -.04), t(786) = -1.02, p = .31. 

The PAAAS subscales also explained a significant amount of variance in disordered 

eating (R2 = .08), F(4, 783) = 17.29, p < .001. In regard to specific subscales, Pride in Asian 

Features (B = -.16), t(783) = -3.83, p < .001 and Asian Americans as Desirable (B = -.10, t(783) 

= -2.37, p < .02 were significantly negatively associated with disordered eating, Action 

Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness was significantly positively associated with disordered eating 

(B = .32), t(783) = 7.54, p < .001, and Preference for Asian American appearance was not 

significantly associated (B = -.01), t(783) = -.26, p = .79. 

 

 



 

 

 

32 

 

Chapter 4: Discussion 

This study’s purpose was to create a psychometrically sound measure of pride in Asian 

American appearance for Asian American individuals. Scale development best practices 

literature guided the creation of this measure (Lee & Lim, 2008; Worthington & Whitaker, 

2006). Content validation consisted of a literature review, cognitive interviews, and expert 

feedback to include a range of perspectives in conceptualizing PAAAS. Although three 

dimensions were hypothesized, factor analysis yielded a correlated model that consisted of four 

factors that were a strong fit to the data, which included Pride in Asian Features, Preference for 

Asian American Appearance, Asian Americans as Desirable, and Action Promoting Asians’ 

Attractiveness. This four-factor model was supported by moderate to high internal consistency 

estimates as well as robust factor determinacies. Initial construct validity of the PAAAS was 

supported by how each of its four factors as well as the total score were positively correlated 

with collective self-esteem and positive body image, whereas they were all negatively correlated 

with internalized racism.  

 Two of the four factors we found were similar to two of the three originally hypothesized 

factors. The first includes the Pride in Asian Features factor, which includes positive feelings 

about one’s Asian features and appreciating these features as they are without modification. The 

presence of this factor and its positive correlation with collective self-esteem and negative 

correlations with internalized racism, conformity, and dissonance build upon past literature that 

suggests that taking pride in one’s Asian features may serve as a particular manifestation of 

rejecting white supremacist standards of beauty even while existing in a country that glorifies 

whiteness (Helm, 2017; Phoenix, 2010). Of note, Pride in Asian Features was the only factor that 

was negatively associated with both disordered eating symptomatology and psychological 



 

 

 

33 

 

distress. This negative association with disordered eating symptomatology perhaps speaks to 

how feeling positively about one’s Asian features may make it so that Asian Americans do not 

feel the need to engage in disordered eating behaviors (e.g., dietary restriction) to compensate for 

negative feelings about their racialized features (Liao et al., 2019; Wong et al., 2017). It is 

possible that Asian Americans who feel positively about their Asian features are more able to 

ground themselves in the present moment, such as the day-to-day experience of their emotions 

and values instead of the pursuit of white beauty ideals, which may protect against disordered 

eating behaviors (Engeln-Maddox, 2006).  

 The second of the four factors that aligned more consistently with one of our three 

hypothesized domains was the Asian Americans as Desirable subscale. The presence of this 

factor aligns with the burgeoning research literature surrounding how both dating preferences 

and preferences related to physical attractiveness are indeed racialized (Tsunokai et al., 2014; 

Tsunokai et al., 2019), in contrast with color-blind ideologies that attraction is race-neutral 

(Eastwick et al., 2009). More specifically, our study suggests that an increased view of fellow 

Asian Americans as desirable is positively correlated with collective self-esteem and negatively 

correlated with internalized racism, highlighting how positive feelings about one’s own racial 

group and identity affects the extent to which one feels attracted to members of one’s racial 

group. These findings are congruent with past research that suggests that increased ethnic 

identity is associated with Asian Americans’ attraction to other Asian Americans (Chan et al., 

2020; Nehl et al., 2014). Furthermore, this subscale’s negative correlation with psychological 

distress and positive correlation with positive body image builds upon this past literature by 

showing how feeling attracted to fellow Asian Americans may portend mental health benefits. 

This subscale contributes to the literature given that the majority of previous studies have 



 

 

 

34 

 

focused on how Asian Americans may be attracted to white people given the prevalence of white 

supremacy, as opposed to exploring the psychosocial correlates and benefits of Asian Americans 

feeling attracted to their own racial group. Furthermore, the presence of this subscale highlights 

the agency that Asian Americans may possess to alter who they feel attracted to such as by 

increasing their racial collective self-esteem, thus subverting the notion that those living in a 

predominantly white country inevitably will feel most attracted to white people. 

 We had originally hypothesized a third factor that centered on resisting white and 

Eurocentric appearance standards. However, items from within this factor diverged into two 

separate factors in our four-factor model, one of which was Preference for Asian American 

Appearance. The presence of this factor may best be explained by drawing from both critical 

race theory as well as queer studies, in particular by examining how queer folks have developed 

pride in the context of heterosexism and heteronormativity. Queer theorists suggest that to 

counter heterosexist and heteronormative messages that instill shame, queer folks have inverted 

these notions of queer inferiority by casting queer bodies, identities, and practices as things to be 

proud of, to form a collective resistance to normative ideologies of heterosexuality (Rand, 2012). 

This same process can apply to the Preference for Asian American Appearance factor. Within 

white supremacy, Asian Americans are taught to idealize whiteness, which can manifest in many 

ways such as viewing Asian culture as “backward,” Asian men as inherently patriarchally 

oppressive, and Asian cultural behaviors as perpetually foreign (Pyke, 2010; Schwalbe et al., 

2000). However, the Preference for Asian American Appearance factor’s positive correlation 

with collective self-esteem and negative correlations with internalized racism, psychological 

distress, and dissonance speak to how prioritizing Asian American appearance over white 

appearance may act as a method of collective resistance against normative ideologies that 



 

 

 

35 

 

espouse whiteness as superior. The items on this factor emerged with robust factor 

determinacies, unlike items that posited Asian physical features as “just as” attractive as white 

physical features, highlighting the potential necessity of framing Asian American appearance 

over white features as a way to cultivate race-based self-esteem and positive body image.  

 The presence of the fourth factor, Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness, articulates a 

more behavioral component of the originally hypothesized factor resisting white and Eurocentric 

beauty standards. This factor aligns with recent research that suggests that engaging in tangible 

action that promotes social justice – in this case, promoting Asians’ attractiveness in the face of 

white supremacy – is distinct from critical consciousness about social justice topics, even if the 

two may be related (Suyemoto et al., 2020). Though this factor was positively correlated with 

collective self-esteem and positive body image and negatively correlated with internalized 

racism, it was also positively associated with both psychological distress and disordered eating 

symptomatology. These nuanced findings may relate to recent research that showed that for 

lesbian, gay, and bisexual people of color, engaging in high-risk activism was associated with 

elevated anxiety (Santos & VanDaalen, 2018). Furthermore, past studies have showed that for 

Black adults, greater experiences of race-related stress as well as greater physiological 

anticipation of racism were positively associated with engagement in activism (Hope et al., 2020; 

Szymanski & Lewis, 2015). It is thus possible that engaging in tangible action to promote 

Asians’ attractiveness to oneself and others may elicit distress, given the additional energy that 

may be devoted to that labor on top of already experiencing racial marginalization as an Asian 

American. Furthermore, those who reported higher Action to Promote Asians’ Attractiveness 

may have also experienced greater experiences of racism, though this idea is speculative given 

that we did not assess external experiences of racism in this study, only internalized racism. 



 

 

 

36 

 

Despite this study’s novelty as the first to examine pride in Asian American appearance 

and body positivity specifically for Asian Americans, there are important limitations to name and 

to address in future research. First, this study did not take into account how different ethnic 

subgroups may cultivate pride in their Asian American appearance, nor did it examine racialized 

experiences of appearance such as colorism that may disproportionately impact ethnic subgroups 

such as South Asians and Filipinx Americans (David & Nadal, 2013; Sims & Hirudayaraj, 

2016). While a few of our study items focused on skin color, future researchers should try to 

assess colorism more specifically, as well as how different Asian ethnic subgroups may develop 

pride in their appearances given their unique histories of intergenerational trauma and 

colonialism. We included a diverse range of Asian ethnic subgroups in this study given that 

subgroups such as South Asians and Filipinx are often ignored when examining the experiences 

of Asian Americans as a general group (Hufana & Morgan, 2020; Mukherjea et al., 2018). 

However, we simultaneously recognize the importance of research that specifically centers these 

ethnic subgroups, as well as other overlooked Asian ethnic subgroups including but not limited 

to Hmong Americans, Cambodian Americans, and Vietnamese Americans.  

Furthermore, this study consisted of a predominantly heterosexual sample, so future 

studies should examine how pride in Asian American appearance may manifest for Asian 

Americans who identify as gay, bisexual, lesbian, and queer. For example, studies have shown 

that lesbian and bisexual Asian American women experience fetishization and objectification in 

romantic and sexual relationships with other women (Sung et al., 2015), whereas queer Asian 

American men are perceived as sexually submissive and othered within the broader gay 

community (Han, 2008). Thus, future research can examine how queer Asian Americans can 

cultivate pride in Asian American appearance despite the oppression they face, as well as how 



 

 

 

37 

 

factors such as community connectedness with fellow queer people of color may promote this 

pride. Additionally, the majority of the Asian Americans within the present study’s sample 

identified as making a middle-class income or above as well as having a college education. Thus, 

future studies may want to examine how Asian Americans who are of a lower socioeconomic 

status or have less education cultivate pride in Asian American appearance, given how the field 

of Psychology has generally focused on middle class Asian American college students or those 

with college degrees. Finally, participation bias and non-response bias restrict the 

generalizability of our results. Given that we recruited our sample through Qualtrics Panels, only 

Asian Americans who were able to access a form of working internet could have completed our 

study. 

Implications for Research and Practice   

 It is essential that researchers continue to investigate how pride in Asian American 

appearance may benefit Asian Americans’ mental and physical health. For example, given that 

the Pride in Asian Features factor was the only factor significantly correlated with reduced 

disordered eating, future research may examine if this factor is correlated or associated with 

more positive eating behaviors such as intuitive eating. Relatedly, given that the majority of 

subscales as well as the total score were correlated with reduced psychological distress, it may be 

beneficial to assess whether these subscales or pride in Asian American appearance overall may 

be correlated or associated with other mental health outcomes such as reduced depression, given 

past research that suggests that body positivity generally is associated with reduced depression 

(Kaufman et al., 2018). Furthermore, future studies may investigate whether pride in Asian 

American appearance moderates the impacts of racial discrimination on Asian American 

individuals’ disordered eating symptomatology, specifically the Pride in Asian Features subscale 



 

 

 

38 

 

given its negative correlation with disordered eating. Overall, the findings of this study 

emphasize the importance of using a strengths-based approach when researching Asian 

American body image (Smith, 2006). The majority of studies examining Asian Americans’ body 

image thus far have focused on factors that contribute to Asian Americans’ negative body image. 

While this research provides an entryway into understanding how Asian Americans feel about 

their bodies, this study demonstrates how it is possible and necessary to investigate the pride 

Asian Americans have about their bodies, to avoid defining Asian Americans only by the racism 

they face or the struggles they have related to self-image.  

 In terms of clinical implications, this measure may serve as a useful way for clinicians to 

assess the extent to which Asian American clients feel pride about their Asian American 

appearance and how that affects their mental health and relationships. Moreover, this study’s 

results emphasize the importance of inquiring about sociocultural constructs such as internalized 

racism, collective self-esteem, and conformity to white societal norms when working with Asian 

American clients who may experience a lack of pride in their Asian American physical features. 

This scale is an especially valuable contribution to the literature on body image given how the 

majority of body image interventions take a race-neutral approach and discuss constructs such as 

body appreciation and self-compassion with no mention of race or race-related factors (Alleva et 

al., 2015). The results of this study suggest that clinicians may guide Asian American clients to 

challenge anti-Asian sentiments they may have internalized throughout their lives, as well as to 

engage in activities such as community organizing or pro-Asian consciousness raising groups to 

elevate their collective self-esteem and thus enhance the pride they feel in their Asian physical 

features. Clinicians may also encourage clients to engage with Asian American media that 

portrays Asian Americans in a positive way, which may bolster the extent to which Asian 



 

 

 

39 

 

Americans confident in their own Asian features as well as Asians’ attractiveness overall (Kuo et 

al., 2020). 

 As the research related to Asian Americans’ psychology expands, it is important to honor 

experiences of oppression as well as Asian Americans’ strengths and collective resiliency. The 

PAAAS acts as a response to the calls for additional investigations of body positivity within 

marginalized and underrepresented racial groups. Importantly, the PAAAS highlights how Asian 

Americans do not need to approximate whiteness to feel positively about Asian American 

appearance. This scale can serve as a tool for future quantitative investigations and theory 

building pertaining to Asian Americans’ body image. Additionally, this scale can aid in the 

development of both individual and systems-level interventions aimed at increasing Asian 

Americans’ pride in their racialized appearance. On a system level, this scale reinforces the 

importance of centering Asian Americans’ pride in their appearance through centering Asian 

Americans themselves in sectors of society such as media and policy, as well as through 

emphasizing the importance of deconstructing practices (e.g., imperialism/colonialism in Asian 

countries) that promote white beauty standards in the first place. 

 

 

 

 
 

 



 

 

 

40 

 

Appendices 
Appendix A: Study Tables 

Table 1 

EFA Factor Loadings (Pattern Matrix Coefficients) for the initial 37-item four factor solution 

  
Item 1 2 3 4 h2 

Factor 1: Pride in Asian Features       

Item 3 .70 -.01 .11 -.04 .58 

Item 10 .71 -.03 .07 -.09 .58 

Item 17 .67 -.14 -.01 -.06 .59 

Item 19 .77 -.07 .04 -.01 .70 

Item 24 .81 -.01  .01 .14 .77 

Item 25 .81 .01 .06 .15 .80 

Item 26 .88 -.06 .03 .01 .86 

Item 27 .61 -.01 -.07 .38 .68 

Item 28 .80 .01 .04 .14 .77 

Item 29 .90 .04 -.02 .12 .84 

Item 30 .89 .01 .01 .08 .87 

Item 31 .79 -.04 .03 -.07 .71 

Item 32 .87 -.03 .04 -.05 .80 

Item 33 .86 -.01 .02 .02 .79 

Factor 2: Preference for Asian American Appearance       

Item 5 .14 .74 -.02 -.12 .60 

Item 7 .07 .78 .04 -.04 .62 

Item 12 .12 .63 .03 .04 .50 

Item 14 -.07 .75 .04 .04 .56 

Item 16 .01 .72 -.01 .07 .58 

Item 18 .10 .76 .01 .05 .68 

Item 43 -.14 .63 -.34 .10 .64 

Factor 3: Asian Americans as Desirable       

Item 36 -.07 .12 -.71 .15 .73 

Item 37 -.10 .12 -.84 .15 .73 

Item 38 .29 -.07 -.63 -.05 .71 

Item 39 .21 -.13 -.71 -.05 .76 

Item 40 .17 -.13 -.75 .05 .77 

Item 41 .21 -.08 -.74 -.12 .82 

Item 42 -.01 .04 -.71 -.02 .59 

Item 44 .07 .04 -.80 -.01 .77 

Item 45 -.11 .15 -.79 .12 .76 

Item 46 -.10 .09 -.85 .07 .80 

Item 47 .10 -.05 -.82 -.01 .78 

Item 49 -.06 -.05 -.80 -.01 .70 

Factor 4: Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness      

Item 20 .11 -.01 .06 .55 .48 

Item 21 .07 -.05 .07 .74 .63 

Item 22 -.01 -.08 .02 .81 .67 

Item 23 .10 -.02 -.02 .76 .63 

Note. Bold indicates which factor item loaded on. 



 

 

 

41 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 2 

EFA Factor Loadings (Pattern Matrix Coefficients) for the final 25-Item PAAAS 

  

Item 1 2 3 4 h2 

Factor 1: Pride in Asian Features       

Item 25 .79 .05 .01 .14 .77 

Item 26 .89 .02 .07 -.01 .86 

Item 28 .81 .02 .01 .10 .75 

Item 29 .91 -.03 -.03 .09 .84 

Item 30 .91 -.01 .01 .05 .87 

Item 31 .83 .04 .04 -.11 .67 

Item 32 .88 .03 .04 -.07 .79 

Item 33 .88 .01 .02 -.01 .80 

Factor 2: Preference for Asian American Appearance        

Item 5 .11 .78 -.01 -.12 .60 

Item 7 .02 .82 -.06 -.03 .63 

Item 12 .07 .64 -.04 .07 .47 

Item 16 -.03 .73 -.01 .09 .58 

Item 18 .05 .75 .01 .07 .65 

Item 43 -.14 .58 .37 .08 .59 

Factor 3: Asian Americans as Desirable      

Item 37 -.03 -.04 .80 .08 .65 

Item 42 .04 .03 .63 .02 .44 

Item 44 .12 .01 .83 -.06 .75 

Item 45 -.05 .12 .81 .06 .73 

Item 46 -.03 .02 .90 -.01 .80 

Item 47 .16 -.10 .83 -.05 .77 

Item 49 .01 -.04 .84 .02 .69 

Factor 4: Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness      

Item 20 .07 .06 -.02 .59 .41 

Item 21 .04 .05 .02 .78 .68 

Item 22 -.06 -.01 .05 .87 .74 

Item 23 .06 -.05 .01 .79 .63 

Note. Bold indicates which factor item loaded on. 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

 

42 

 

 

Table 3 

CFA Factor Loadings for the 25-Item PAAAS 

 Factor 

Item 1 2 3 4  

Factor 1: Pride in Asian Features      

25. I take pride in my Asian physical features. .87     

26. I feel good about my Asian physical features. .91     

28. My Asian physical features help me to feel 

confident in my overall physical appearance. 

.81     

29. I take a positive attitude toward my Asian physical 

features. 

.87     

30. I love my Asian physical features. .90     

31. I do not feel that I have to change anything about 

my Asian physical features to look attractive. 

.74     

32. I consider my Asian physical features attractive no 

matter what other people think of them. 

.83     

33. I appreciate the unique characteristics of my Asian 

physical features. 
.81     

Factor 2: Preference for Asian American 

Appearance 

     

5. I think that having smaller eyes is more attractive 

than having bigger eyes. 

 .76    

7. I think having monolids is more attractive than 

having double eyelids. 

 .72    

12. I think that having darker skin is more attractive 

than having lighter skin. 

 .65    

16. I find people who have flat noses more attractive 

than people with bridged noses. 

 .78    

18. I consider Asian physical features more attractive 

than white physical features. 

 .80    

43. I feel that Asian Americans are more attractive 

than white people. 

 .75    

Factor 3: Asian Americans as Desirable      

37. I would be interested in dating an Asian American 

person. 

  .84   

42. I would be interested in dating an Asian American 

person who does not have physical features typically 

associated with white people (e.g., lighter skin). 

  .63   

44. I would feel proud to have an Asian American 

romantic partner. 

  .84   

45. The thought of being physically intimate with an 

Asian American person excites me. 

  .88   

46. When given the opportunity, I like going out on 

dates with Asian Americans. 

  .87   

47. I would feel proud to have an Asian American 

romantic partner even if they do not have physical 

features typically associated with white people (e.g., 

  .83   



 

 

 

43 

 

lighter skin). 

49. I feel physically attracted to Asian Americans.   .86   

Factor 4: Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness      

20. I actively challenge people’s assumptions that 

white people are more attractive than Asian people. 

   .68  

21. I make efforts to share with others that I find 

Asian people attractive. 

   .80  

22. I actively seek out media that portrays Asian 

people attractively. 

   .84  

23. When referencing attractive celebrities, I make 

efforts to include Asian American celebrities. 

   .84  

Note. All loadings are significant at p < .01 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

44 

 

Table 4 

Bivariate Correlations, Descriptive Statistics, and Reliability Coefficients for PAAAS Scales and Validity Measures (N = 796) 

Scale 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 
1. Pride –             

2. Preference .43** –            

3. Desire .47** .40** –            

4. Action  .43** .52** .40** –          

5. PAAAS  .80** .75** .77** .72** –         

6. EAT-26 -.07* .05 -.05 .21** .01 –         

7. K6 -.17** -.09* -.08* .12** -.09* .44** –       

8. BAS-2  .58** .25** .22** .24** .43** -.12** -.38*

* 

–      

9. CSE .44** .08* .35** .09* .35** -.25** -.32*

* 

.35** –     

10. IRAAS -.50** -.16** -.30** -.16** -.39** .25** .26** -.35** -.46** –    

11. PRI-C -.36** -.08* -.27** -.10** -.29** .29** .19** -.23** -.44** .57** –   

12. PRI-D -.38** -.13** -.22** .01 -.27** .39** .60** -.46** -.53** .51** .45** –  

13. PRI-IE -.07 .10** .12** .14** .09* .24** .20** -.12** -.07 .24** .32** .30** – 

M 38.15 25.41 31.89 14.85 110.22 61.34 11.74 38.65 81.01 29.81 5.90 6.44 7.64 

SD 7.31 6.85 7.08 4.78 19.79 17.65 5.56 8.00 12.86 11.79 2.34 2.83 2.37 

α  .97 .88 .94 .86 .94 .90 .93 .95 .85 .93 .77 .85 .69 

Note. Pride = PAAAS Pride in Asian Features scale; Preference = PAAAS Preference for Asian American Appearance scale; Desire = 

PAAAS Asian Americans as Desirable scale; Action = PAAAS Action Promoting Asians’ Attractiveness scale; PAAAS = Total 

PAAAS scale; EAT-26 = Eating Attitudes Test-26; K6 = Kessler Psychological Distress Scale; BAS-2 = Body Appreciation Scale-2; 

CSE = Collective Self-Esteem Scale; IRAAS = Internalized Racism in Asian Americans Scale; PRI-C = PRIAS Conformity scale; 

PRI-D = PRIAS Dissonance scale; PRI-IE = PRIAS Immersion-Emersion scale  

M = mean; SD = standard deviation; α = Cronbach’s alpha  

** p < .01, * p < .05 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

 

45 

 

Appendix B 

Review of the Literature  

This literature review is presented in three sections: examining body positivity as a 

construct and the necessity to examine body positivity that takes into account race and culture, 

Asian Americans’ body image specifically, and various socioculturally-relevant psychological 

factors that could influence Asian Americans’ body positivity. The review first describes the 

current conceptualizations of body positivity within the available literature, while noting the 

extent to which these conceptualizations are grounded within predominantly white or 

Eurocentric frameworks and findings. The next portion of the review focuses on research that 

has examined Asian Americans’ body image, highlighting ways in which previous studies could 

be extended to examine positive body image. The final section provides an overview of 

constructs including racial identity, ethnic identity, and internalized racism, as well as how each 

of these constructs may relate to Asian Americans’ positive body image. 

Body Positivity: Current Conceptualizations and Limitations 

 Research on body positivity and positive body image burgeoned in the mid-2000’s to the 

present day, with the vast majority of research on body image before then focusing solely on 

negative body image (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015a). Researchers in the field of positive 

body image emphasize the importance of differentiating positive body image from negative body 

image, such that these constructs do not exist on the same continuum, nor does positive body 

image represent low levels of negative body image (Tylka, 2012). Indeed, positive body image 

has been associated with U.S. college women’s well-being after extracting shared variance with 

negative body image (Avalos et al., 2005), and positive body image has also been associated 



 

 

 

46 

 

with Australian women’s reduced weight-loss behaviors and increased skin cancer protective-

behaviors after extracting shared variance with body dissatisfaction (Andrew, Tiggemann, & 

Clark, 2016). Furthermore, African American adolescent girls often report identifying both 

aspects of their bodies that they would like to change, as well as aspects of their body that they 

appreciate, suggesting a limited overlap between positive body image and negative body image 

(Pope et al., 2014; Webb et al., 2014).  Taken together, these findings suggest that the promotion 

of positive body image is worth examining apart from body image and that the construct itself is 

distinct from a mere absence of negative body image. 

 In addition to the more standard definition of positive body image (i.e., the love, respect, 

and acceptance people have for their bodies, regardless of how one’s body compares to popular 

societal ideas), positive body image has been conceptualized with several core qualities in mind, 

such that it is: a) multifaceted, b) holistic, c) stable and malleable, d) protective, e) linked to self-

perceived body acceptance by others, and f) shaped by social identities (Tylka & Wood-

Barcalow, 2015a). Several of these qualities relate to the present study and its importance. In 

regard to being multifaceted, positive body image has been shown to contain several different 

components, including but not limited to body acceptance and love, broadly conceptualizing 

beauty, and adaptive appearance (McHugh et al., 2014). The multidimensionality of positive 

body image suggests that it is not a unidimensional construct that can be entirely assessed 

through one measure of body satisfaction, rather, it is necessary to create multiple measures that 

can assess the unique and distinct forms that positive body image manifests. Furthermore, 

positive body image has shown stability in that women with body image concerns who 

participated in a 3-week self-compassion meditation maintained their gains in body positivity 3 

months after the intervention (Albertson, Neff, & Dill-Shackleford, 2014), while also displaying 



 

 

 

47 

 

malleability, such that college women who endorsed body positivity also reported having 

experienced negative body image during their adolescent years prior to enrolling at university 

(Wood-Barcalow et al., 2010). Thus, examining positive body image may be fruitful given how 

it may promote wellbeing over a sustained period of time, while at the same time being 

modifiable for those who do not yet possess it.  

 The extent to which positive body image is shaped by social identities is one of the most 

understudied facets of positive body image. Though a small yet growing literature has developed 

in regard to examining positive body image across age groups, gender, sexual orientation, people 

in appearance-oriented professions, and people coping with physical change, there is still a 

dearth of research that investigates positive body image specifically related to race (Tiggemann, 

2015). Of the studies that have examined positive body image across different racial/ethnic 

groups, the BAS (the most common body appreciation measure prior to the BAS-2; Avalos et al., 

2005) displayed the expected unidimensional structure in U.S., U.K., Australian, and German 

samples, but it appeared to have a bidimensional factor structure for Malaysian and Indonesian 

women (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008, Swami & Jaafar, 2012). These findings may 

suggest that women who live in less-Westernized or non-Westernized cultures may experience a 

disconnect between more Western ideals of individual control of the body and more traditional 

notions of modesty in Eastern cultures. While the specific sociocultural mechanisms underlying 

these differences in positive body image remain unclear, these findings suggest that positive 

body image may indeed manifest differently for people who inhabit different social identities.  

 Another limitation and further direction of the positive body image research thus far 

includes a lack of ability to measure positive body image specifically related to race. For 

example, African American women have reported increased rates of body positivity compared to 



 

 

 

48 

 

white women (Williams, Cash, & Santos, 2004; Wood-Barcalow et al., 2010). Furthermore, in a 

sample of women living in the United Kingdom, Hispanic women possessed the highest rates of 

positive body image, followed by African Caribbean, white, and South Asian women (Swami, 

Airs, Chouhan, Leon, & Towell, 2009). While these studies help establish that women of varying 

racial backgrounds may possess differing levels of positive body image, the sociocultural 

mechanisms underlying these differences remain unclear, as well as the extent to which these 

women may possess attitudes and feelings about racially-specific features of their bodies, given 

that at this point, to our knowledge, there are no positive body image measures that take into 

account racially-specific features or body parts. Given the extent to which race is an inextricable 

part of both one’s feelings toward one’s own body as well as how one’s body is perceived by 

others (Kwate, N.O.A., & Threadcraft, S., 2015; Pitman, 2000), it is important to more closely 

examine the racialized manifestations of positive body image for underrepresented populations, 

such as Asian Americans.  

Asian Americans’ Body Image 

 Though several studies have documented Asian Americans’ higher rates of negative body 

image compared to white populations, few studies have examined Asian Americans’ body image 

in a way that takes into account their racially-specific features and experiences. Furthermore, to 

our knowledge, no studies have specifically examined positive body image within Asian 

American populations. However, a few qualitative studies have examined Asian Americans’ 

attitudes toward their body image using frameworks that did take into account participants’ 

attitudes toward their racially-specific physical features. Th