Epidemiologic Reviews Vol. 31, No. 1 ? The Author 2009.Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. DOI: 10.1093/epirev/mxp011 This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.5/uk/), which permits unrestricted non-commercial use, Advance Access publication October 21, 2009 distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Environmental Contributions to Disparities in Pregnancy Outcomes Marie Lynn Miranda, Pamela Maxson, and Sharon Edwards Accepted for publication September 15, 2009. One of the most persistent disparities in American health status is the pronounced difference in birth outcomes between non-Hispanic black and non-Hispanic white women. Poor pregnancy outcomes have a substantial impact on mortality, morbidity, and health care costs. Increasing evidence indicates that environmental exposures are associated with poor birth outcomes. This paper reviews the latest research on how environmental exposures affect pregnancy outcomes and then discusses how these exposures may be embedded within a context of significant social and host factor stress. The analysis suggests that environmental, social, and host factors are cumulatively stressing non-Hispanic black women and that this cumulative stress may be a cause of the persistent disparities in pregnancy outcomes. environment; environmental pollution; health status disparities; infant, low birth weight; pregnancy outcome; premature birth; public health INTRODUCTION learning disabilities (14, 15), behavioral disabilities (16), and motor impairment (17). Of similar importance is the One of the most persistent disparities in American health impact of lower birth weight on increased risk of diabetes, status is the pronounced difference in birth outcomes be- obesity, cardiovascular disease, and other health problems in tween non-Hispanic black and non-Hispanic white women. adulthood (18?20). In 2006, high rates of adverse outcomes Striking and persistent racial disparities exist in the rates of meant that 454,583 infants were born preterm and that low birth weight (<2,500 g), very low birth weight 267,218 infants were born low birth weight (4), creating (<1,500 g), preterm birth (<37 weeks of gestation), very a sizable population starting life with an increased risk preterm birth (<34 weeks of gestation), and infant mortality of short-term and long-term health and developmental (livebirth with infant death before 12 months of age) (1?4) complications?a population disproportionately represented (Table 1). (Please note, to better assess disparities in preg- by children of color. Thus, understanding, and subsequently nancy outcomes, unless otherwise stated, we restricted our intervening to prevent, these adverse outcomes is of critical analysis to women carrying singleton pregnancies. Unlike importance to the overall health of the nation. multifetal gestations, it is reasonable to have a public health In addition to the adverse health impact of poor preg- expectation that singleton pregnancies can be carried to term nancy outcomes, economic costs are substantial. In 2006, and delivered at appropriate birth weights.) In 2005, while the Institute of Medicine estimated that the annual cost of the overall leading cause of infant mortality in the United preterm birth in the United States was approximately $26 States was congenital anomalies, disorders related to short billion, or approximately $51,600 per preterm infant, with gestation and low birth weight were the leading cause for two-thirds of the costs related to medical care (6). These non-Hispanic black infants (5). figures underestimate the true costs because minimal data Poor pregnancy outcomes have a significant impact on exist on the costs of long-term disabilities specifically at- mortality, morbidity, and health care costs. Preterm birth tributable to preterm birth. Many of these conditions impose and low birth weight are leading causes of neonatal and significant financial costs on families and on the health care, infant mortality, as well as short-term and long-term mor- public education, and social welfare systems. bidity (6, 7). Conditions associated with poor pregnancy Although it is widely agreed that maternal and fetal health outcomes include respiratory distress syndrome (8), variable and well-being are determined by multiple forces, surpris- heart rate (9), cerebral ventriculomegaly (10), cerebral palsy ingly little is known about how those forces combine in (11), mental retardation (12), blindness (13), deafness (12), certain subpopulations. For example, elevated physical Correspondence to Dr. Marie Lynn Miranda, Nicholas School of the Environment, Duke University, A134-LSRC, Box 90328, Durham, NC 27708 (e-mail: mmiranda@duke.edu). 67 Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 68 Miranda et al. Table 1. Birth Outcomes Among US Singleton Livebirths in 1996 and 2006, by Maternal Race (4) 1996 2006 Outcome No. % No. % Total births 3,784,805 4,121,930 Preterm birth 364,356 9.63 454,583 11.03 Non-Hispanic White 183,652 8.02 214,935 9.68 Non-Hispanic Black 90,333 16.11 98,251 16.54 Hispanic 67,319 9.87 112,006 11.03 Very preterm birth 104,550 2.76 121,122 2.94 Non-Hispanic White 46,524 2.03 50,910 2.29 Non-Hispanic Black 33,442 5.96 33,221 5.59 Hispanic 18,442 2.70 29,611 2.92 Figure 1. Forces shaping pregnancy outcomes. Low birth weight 228,062 6.03 267,218 6.48 Non-Hispanic White 112,099 4.90 119,122 5.36 Non-Hispanic Black 64,656 11.53 70,308 11.84 Hispanic 36,404 5.34 58,725 5.78 Very low birth weight 41,045 1.08 46,961 1.14 psychosocial stressors on the physical health and general well-being of black women (24?27). The weathering hy- Non-Hispanic White 17,858 0.78 18,818 0.85 pothesis argues that cumulative insults to the physical and Non-Hispanic Black 14,516 2.59 15,480 2.61 emotional health of African-American women accelerate Hispanic 6,408 0.94 9,947 0.98 their biologic aging (as evidenced by earlier onset of chronic degenerative health problems such as hypertension, diabe- tes, and heart disease), compromising their ability to carry environmental exposures often occur in communities facing fetuses to term (23, 24, 28, 29). multiple social stressors such as deteriorating housing, in- Figure 1 depicts environmental, social, and host factors as adequate access to health care, poor schools, high un- 3 sides of an integrated triangle. Health disparities arise employment, high crime rates, and high poverty rates?all when the forces exerted by the triangle?s sides are asymmet- of which may compound the effects of physical environ- ric for different population groups. In this review, we use the mental exposures. This phenomenon is especially severe heuristic presented in Figure 1 to consider how environmen- for low-income and minority pregnant mothers, with signif- tal exposures affect pregnancy outcomes and how these ex- icant health implications for the fetuses they carry. posures may be embedded within a context of significant Although some reviews on the relation of environmental social and host factor stress. In this way, we attempt to factors and pregnancy outcomes exist, none offer a frame- expand Geronimus?s notion of cumulative stress (23) to work for understanding environmental exposures within the include physical environmental exposures. We conducted larger context of social and host factors (21, 22). To garner literature searches of both the biomedical and social science an understanding of the current literature on environmental fields using key terms associated with pregnancy outcomes factors linked to pregnancy outcomes, we conducted a care- ??low birth weight??, ??very low birth weight??, ??preterm ful exploratory review using the PubMed/MEDLINE data- birth??, ??very preterm birth??, ??infant mortality??, as well as base (National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, Maryland). interacting each of those terms with the term ??environmental A search for articles with the 2 Medical Subject Headings exposures?? for articles through 2008. (MeSH) terms ??pregnancy?? and ??environmental exposure?? returned 5,960 results (June 2009). We further explored TRENDS IN ADVERSE PREGNANCY OUTCOMES the database and citations in the articles we found and then compiled the most relevant and timely articles in key Nationally, the rate of preterm birth among singletons environmental-emphasis areas: air quality, metals, water rose from 9.59% to 11.03% from 1990 to 2006. At the same quality, pesticides, environmental tobacco smoke, and time, the respective rates rose from 7.49% to 9.68% for non- neighborhood environment. Finally, we supplemented the Hispanic whites, increased from 10.10% to 11.03% for literature with primary data analysis that enabled us to con- Hispanics, and decreased from 17.68% to 16.54% for non- sider the extent to which those persons subject to elevated Hispanic blacks (4). It is important to note that the rates for environmental exposures concurrently face significant low birth weight and preterm birth in the entire US popula- social and host factor stressors. tion, and when separated by race, are all well above the To understand the complex etiology of black birth out- Healthy People 2010 targets (30). From 1990 to 2000, comes relative to those for whites, Geronimus proposed the non-Hispanic black women experienced a decrease in the ??weathering hypothesis?? (23), which postulates that poor rates of preterm birth and low birth weight, resulting in birth outcomes for African Americans are in part due to the a smaller disparity between the race groups (Figure 2A cumulative and interactive effects of negative material and and 2B). Since 2000, however, rates for non-Hispanic blacks Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 Environmental Contributions to Pregnancy Outcomes 69 A) 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 All Non-Hispanic White 4 Non-Hispanic Black 2 Hispanic 0 Year B) 14 12 10 8 6 4 All Non-Hispanic White 2 Non-Hispanic Black Hispanic 0 Year Figure 2. Rates of A) preterm birth and B) low birth weight among singleton livebirths, United States, 1990?2006 (31). have increased, as have the rates for both low birth weight comes than non-Hispanic white and Hispanic women. and preterm birth for non-Hispanic white and Hispanic Whereas documenting the pattern of geographic variation in women. The disparities have remained similar because of preterm birth may provide important clues to understanding all groups experiencing an increased risk (31). the etiology and developing effective interventions, the Even within racial groups, geographic variation in adverse geographic variation itself also illustrates the degree to which pregnancy outcomes is significant. Figure 3 shows the the burden of disease is unequally distributed across the United percentages of preterm births in 2006 among all singleton States and across racial/ethnic groups. pregnancies to women and by major race/ethnicity groups As a further illustration, using North Carolina data (32; (4). This figure illustrates the dramatic variations in the burden contact the authors for more information about this data set), of preterm birth across the United States. When analyzing all Figure 4 demonstrates the geographic variability in preterm preterm births, outcomes in the Southeast are worse than in birth that becomes apparent at increasingly resolved geo- other areas of the country. When considering outcomes by graphic scales, from county rates to zip code rates and fi- race, non-Hispanic black women have dramatically worse out- nally to US Census tract rates for one county in the state (in Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Percentage Percentage 1990 1990 1991 1991 1992 1992 1993 1993 1994 1994 1995 1995 1996 1996 1997 1997 1998 1998 1999 1999 2000 2000 2001 2001 2002 2002 2003 2003 2004 2004 2005 2005 2006 2006 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 70 Miranda et al. Figure 3. Rate of preterm birth among singleton livebirths, by maternal race, United States, 2006 (4). The Healthy People 2010 target rate of preterm birth is 7.6% (30). this case, Durham County). Note that the values in the boxed Air quality key for this figure are the same as those for Figure 3, making the additional insight from more resolved geographic scale Air quality throughout the gestational period, as well as clearer. A rich area of current investigation revolves around during specific windows of vulnerability, has been shown to how the geographic pattern of poor birth outcomes may influence the risk of low birth weight, preterm birth, fetal correlate with environmental exposures (V. Berrocal, Duke growth restriction, and fetal and infant death (33, 77?92). University, unpublished manuscript) (33?35). Minority populations, who are already at risk of adverse birth outcomes, are additionally more likely to be exposed to and experience the effects of poor air quality (2, 77, 93, CHARACTERIZING DISPARITIES 94). In comparison to white children, a substantially higher percentage of African-American children aged 0?5 years The relative differences in adverse birth outcomes have were found to live in poor households located in relatively remained fairly constant over the past few decades, narrow- close proximity to one or more industrial sources of air ing only slightly because of the increase in white multifetal pollution (95). Furthermore, certain subpopulations may gestations (36). Numerous studies have found that socioeco- be even more susceptible to air pollution?those whose nomic status and income inequality are correlated with birth general health status is compromised or those with social outcomes (37?40). A variety of other social factors have disadvantages that translate into increased environmental or been linked to poor birth outcomes, including maternal ed- occupational exposure to toxins, adverse behaviors (poor ucation (41?45), marital status (46), pregnancy intention diet, alcohol consumption, and smoking), and lack of ade- (47), and teenage pregnancy (48). In addition, host factors quate access to health care and preventive health measures such as maternal obesity (49, 50), maternal comorbidities (96). (M. L. Miranda, Duke University, unpublished manuscript) Several components of air pollution have been associated (51), and genetic vulnerabilities (52?69) have each been with adverse birth outcomes. Ritz et al. (97), in their South- linked to poor pregnancy outcomes. Here, we review the ern California sample, found an increased risk of preterm environmental factors that may contribute to disparities in birth with increasing levels of carbon monoxide and partic- poor birth outcomes. Given that non-Hispanic black women ulate matter less than 2.5 lm in aerodynamic diameter dur- tend to be more systematically exposed than non-Hispanic ing pregnancy. Also in California, Huynh et al. (98) found white women to adverse environmental conditions (70?74), that the top 2 quartiles of exposure to particulate matter less the physical environment likely interacts with adverse social than 2.5 lm in aerodynamic diameter induced a modest environments (75, 76), as well as host factors, to contribute effect of preterm birth following adjustment for maternal to the observed poorer birth outcomes for non-Hispanic age, race/ethnicity, education, marital status, and parity, black women. with the quartile with the highest measurements of Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 Environmental Contributions to Pregnancy Outcomes 71 Figure 4. 2006 preterm birth rates among North Carolina and Durham County singleton livebirths, by county (top), zip code (middle and bottom left), and US Census tract (bottom right) (32). The Healthy People 2010 target rate of preterm birth is 7.6% (30). particulate matter less than 2.5 lm in aerodynamic diameter ated with maternal exposure to sulfur dioxide, nitrogen di- having the most effect on preterm birth. oxide, and carbon monoxide during the first month of Timing of exposure during pregnancy has been associated pregnancy (87). with outcomes as well. Increased exposure to sulfur dioxide In addition to ambient air concentrations of pollutants, and particulate matter less than 10 lm in aerodynamic di- areas of locally poor air quality associated with mobile ameter during the last 6 weeks of pregnancy has been asso- sources may impact pregnancy outcomes. A Taiwan study ciated with an increased risk of preterm delivery (99). found that mothers living within 500 m of a freeway were Conversely, an increased odds ratio was observed for low significantly more likely to deliver preterm than mothers birth weight with maternal exposure to sulfur dioxide during living 500?1,500 m from the freeway (100). In Los Angeles the first month of pregnancy and an increased risk of pre- County, California, researchers determined a 10%?20% term birth with exposure to sulfur dioxide and carbon mon- increase in low birth weight and preterm birth risk for oxide during the last month of pregnancy. An increased risk women living near high-traffic roads (100, 101). Impor- of fetal growth restriction has also been shown to be associ- tantly, many more minorities (60% of Hispanics and 50% Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 72 Miranda et al. of non-Hispanic blacks, compared with 33% of non- ularly among those newborns with the highest exposure. Hispanic whites) live in areas failing to meet 2 or more of Birth weight was lower among those with the highest com- the national ambient air quality standards (102). bined cord plasma chlorpyrifos and diazinon exposure levels. High levels of exposure to polycyclic organic matter Metals increased the odds of small-for-gestational-age births (131). Proximity to agricultural areas has also been associated Exposure to metals increases the risk of adverse birth with adverse birth outcomes. Increases in the risk of neural outcomes (69, 103, 104). The effects of the heavy metals tube defect have been associated with maternal residence cadmium and manganese, the exposure routes of which in- within 1,000 m of agricultural applications of benomyl, clude cigarette smoke and food consumption, have been methyl carbamate or organophosphorus pesticides, or pesti- poorly studied, but rodent studies indicate the occurrence cides listed as endocrine disruptors, cholinesterase inhibitors, of birth deformities and fetal growth restriction (103). Sev- or developmental toxins (132). Schreinemachers (133) found eral human studies have shown a significant correlation be- that in rural, agricultural counties, where wheat acreage tween cadmium and decreased birth weight (105, 106). occupies a larger percentage of the land and where frequency Arsenic and lead have been shown to increase incidence of use of chlorophenoxy herbicides is higher, anomalies of of low birth weight and preterm birth (105, 107?110). Ex- the circulatory/respiratory and musculoskeletal/integumental posure to high concentrations of arsenic has also been asso- system significantly increased. ciated with a 6-fold increase in stillbirth after adjusting for potential confounders (111). Non-Hispanic black women Environmental tobacco smoke experience greater exposure to environmental lead over the life course (112?116), which may aggravate their risk Tobacco smoke can contain as many as 4,000 different of both hypertension and poor birth outcomes (110, 117, chemicals (134). Exposure to environmental tobacco smoke 118). Furthermore, long-term child outcomes for prenatal may begin in utero and continue throughout development. lead exposure include cognitive effects at 12 and 24 months One in 5 American children less than 7 years of age lives in of age (119). a home in which someone, usually a parent, smokes regu- larly (135). Despite lower general exposure to environmen- Water quality tal tobacco smoke compared with non-Hispanic white children, non-Hispanic black children have higher rates of Water quality may be associated with low birth weight, tobacco-related illnesses and levels of cotinine, the major fetal growth restriction, and risk of spontaneous abortion nicotine metabolite (136). Inner-city children have a greater and stillbirth. Recent evidence has suggested that chlorina- likelihood of environmental tobacco smoke exposure, with tion by-products such as trihalomethanes from water disin- 70%?80% of them reported to have levels of cotinine in- fection may increase the risk of low birth weight and dicative of environmental tobacco smoke exposure (137). stillbirth (120, 121). Water contamination caused by waste Prenatal and childhood exposure to secondhand tobacco disposal increases the risk of low birth weight. Rodenbeck smoke is known to increase risk of outcomes such as low et al. (122) found that the odds ratio for very low birth birth weight (138, 139), birth defects (140), sudden infant weight compared with normal birth weight was 3.3 for ma- death syndrome (141?143), and asthma and respiratory ill- ternal exposure to trichloroethylene via contaminated drink- nesses (135). Combined prenatal exposure to environmental ing water from waste-disposal practices. Proximity to tobacco smoke and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons at landfill sites is associated with a slight statistically signifi- levels currently found in several major US cities has been cant increased risk of neural tube defects, low birth weight, associated with decreased birth weight and head circumfer- and very low birth weight, with adjusted risks of 1.05, 1.03, ence (144). In addition, exposure to polycyclic aromatic and 1.05, respectively (123). Herbicide-contaminated drink- hydrocarbons is likely to contribute to the occurrence of ing water in Iowa has been associated with fetal growth small-for-gestational-age as well as preterm birth among restriction for births occurring between 1984 and 1990 African Americans (145). Refer to Figure 5 for rates of (124). In addition, there are incidents and general evidence tobacco use across the United States (146). of racial (and class) inequities in exposure to contaminants Smoking during pregnancy may be linked to home- in water, as well as proximity to potential water contamina- environment conditions (147, 148) or to physical abuse tion sources (125?127). (138). The combination of physical abuse, smoking, and alco- hol consumption/illicit drug use is significantly related to birth Pesticide use weight (138). In the United States in 2006, women reporting tobacco use during pregnancy delivered preterm at a rate of The use of pesticides is ubiquitous, and many women 14.0% compared with 11.0% among women not reporting continue to use pesticides during pregnancy (128). Prenatal tobacco use. Low infant birth weight is also significantly pesticide exposure has been associated with adverse birth higher among smokers, with rates of 11.0% among those using outcomes. Increased levels of dichlorodiphenyldichloro- tobacco and 6.1% among those not using tobacco (4). ethane have been associated with lower birth weight and Rates of self-reported tobacco use during pregnancy de- smaller head circumference (129). Whyatt et al. (130) found clined in all race groups from 1996 to 2006. There remains a significant inverse relation between organophosphates in racial disparity in maternal smoking during pregnancy na- umbilical cord plasma and birth weight and length, partic- tionally, with non-Hispanic white women more likely than Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 Environmental Contributions to Pregnancy Outcomes 73 Figure 5. Tobacco use by US state, 1996 and 2006 (146). non-Hispanic black women to smoke, who in turn are more Neighborhood economic conditions can influence pre- likely than Hispanic women to smoke (4). Refer to Figure 6 term birth through differences in access to health care, qual- for self-reported tobacco use among pregnant women across ity and type of food available in grocery stores, amount of the United States. green space, number of safe places for exercise, and amount of environmental pollutants (161, 162). Neighborhood dis- Neighborhood environment advantage is often quantified by using neighborhood-level poverty rate or income level. Areas of concentrated poverty, Elements of the built environment can also influence ma- typically defined as neighborhoods with poverty rates ternal health (149) through direct exposure and by limiting higher than 20%, are associated with diminished quality the effectiveness of traditional medical care and outreach of the neighborhood?s social and physical environment, strategies (150). Neighborhoods with higher concentrations high rates of neighborhood turnover and mobility, crime, of non-Hispanic blacks and Hispanics have higher levels of social disorder, and attenuation of both individual socio- physical environmental contaminants than economically economic attainment and upward mobility (76). Mothers comparable neighborhoods with higher concentrations of from neighborhoods with lower median household in- non-Hispanic whites (151). Research has shown that anxi- comes have been found to be at greater risk of adverse ety, depression, and psychological distress more generally birth outcomes (163). increase with number of housing problems (152, 153). Living in tracts with high unemployment, low educa- Higher neighborhood problem scores have been associated tional levels, poor housing, a low proportion of managerial with poor self-rated health, psychological distress, and im- or professional occupations, and high poverty levels in- paired physical function, independent of age, sex, neighbor- creases the odds of preterm birth for non-Hispanic whites. hood socioeconomic status, individual deprivation, and Interestingly, effects were still significant, but smaller, for social capital (154). The built environment can also restrict non-Hispanic blacks. Tract-level low educational levels, residents? physical activity (155, 156). Non-Hispanic blacks high unemployment, low-level occupations, and high disproportionately live in low socioeconomic status neigh- poverty rates increased the odds of preterm birth for borhoods suffering from problems such as dilapidated build- non-Hispanic blacks (164, 165). Masi et al. (166) found that ings, lack of space for exercise, and lack of public services, tract economic disadvantage was associated with signifi- which in turn negatively affect health (157?160). cantly lower birth weight for all maternal racial/ethnic groups. In a recent study, women who lived in more disadvantaged neighborhoods had greater stress levels, reported less inter- nal locus-of-control and emotional support, and were more likely to smoke, drink alcohol, use hard drugs, and have later or no prenatal care and inadequate weight gain. Strongest associations with neighborhood risk were observed for smoking, hard-drug use, and net weight gain during preg- nancy (167). Conversely, neighborhoods with high levels of residential stability may be conducive to strong ties among residents, lower levels of perceived stress, and more positive health outcomes. Residential stability, then, may be protective of mental and physical health (151) and has been associated with an increase in birth weight (168). Neighborhood racial composition has been related to birth Figure 6. Self-reported tobacco use by pregnant women with US outcomes. The risk of low birth weight increases with degree singleton livebirths, by state, 2004 (31). of residential segregation at the census tract level after Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 74 Miranda et al. adjusting for individual-level risk factors and census tract neighborhoods that have high crime or unemployment rates poverty (169). Birth weight is lower and preterm birth rates or are violent, are overcrowded, or have high median rents is are higher in metropolitan statistical areas with moderate to associated with low birth weight and very low birth weight high levels of isolation (170). Small-for-gestational-age births (42, 177, 178). In 2007, dramatic disparity existed in pov- were most likely in neighborhoods with the lowest and high- erty rates by race group: 24.5% of non-Hispanic blacks and est immigrant populations, representing isolation and segre- 21.5% of Hispanics were living in poverty compared with gation, respectively (171). 8.2% of non-Hispanic whites. There is also geographic dis- parity in poverty rates. The poverty rate in 2007 was 14.2% in the South, 11.4% in the Northeast, 11.1% in the Midwest, DISCUSSION and 12% in the West (179). We argue that psychosocial stressors shape the effects of Health disparities arise through differences in levels of environmental exposures. Recent animal studies indicate exposure, combinations of exposures, and response to expo- that enriched environments may reverse some of the long- sures originating from all 3 sides of the triangle shown in term deficits in learning associated with lead exposure. In Figure 1. Considering how all 3 sides operate simulta- this study, lead-exposed rats were randomly assigned to neously is critical to disentangling the complex etiology ??isolation?? cages or ??environmental enrichment?? cages of poor pregnancy outcomes. Social stressors that have been after exposure. Results indicate that lead-induced spatial linked to poor maternal health may co-occur with, or even learning deficits may be reversed by stimulating postexpo- cause, disparities in environmental exposures. For example, sure environments?with obvious implications for treat- the effects of institutionalized racism can segregate African ment of childhood lead intoxication (180). In addition, Americans into neighborhoods that are more polluted, have a feedback loop may exist in that the psychosocial stress higher rates of unemployment and crime, and have lower induced by symptomatic and asymptomatic behaviors and levels of resources (172). At the same time, host factors, participation in a treatment regime may affect the attributes such as presence of maternal complications and personality of the child?s environment that might otherwise serve a pro- traits related to the stress response, may amplify or mitigate tective role. For example, children exposed to lead place heavy the effect of the environmental exposure in some individuals burdens on caretakers and may overwhelm the personal, pro- within the community. fessional, and financial resources available to parents, signif- Within the framework of Figure 1, the area within the icantly affecting their ability to provide a supportive home triangle represents the ??space?? that has been carved out environment (K. Joyner, United Parents Against Lead, for any particular maternal-child pair to prosper. The area personal communication, 1999). of the triangle is larger for women with few social and In another example, one of the key contaminants of con- environmental stressors and more protective host factors cern in tobacco smoke is cadmium (181). Even after control- and, of course, is smaller for those who experience social ling for potential confounders, cadmium has been negatively or environmental stress or who have host factor vulnerabil- correlated with children?s psychometric test scores. Cadmium ities. Imagine a new environmental exposure that affects has an even greater negative effect than lead on verbal IQ a particular individual or group of individuals (Figure 7, scores (182). Importantly, diets often associated with those in left). The force of that exposure will reduce the space/area lower socioeconomic brackets?namely, those high in fat or of the triangle available to that individual/group (Figure 7, low in calcium, protein, or iron?promote absorption of cad- top right). If, however, the individual or group has protective mium in the body (183). Although these examples relate social factors in place, then the resiliency created by the more to child development, it is plausible that similar phe- positive social factors may mitigate in whole or in part nomena may be playing out with respect to pregnancy against the adverse environmental exposures. This resil- outcomes. iency essentially increases the space available, although Maternal stress?defined by any physical or psychologi- not necessarily equal to the area that was available prior cal challenge that threatens normal homeostasis?plays an to the exposure (note the bowing out of the social-factors important role in the maternal and fetal immune or inflam- side of the triangle (Figure 7, bottom right)). matory response. (So a stressor on the social-factors side of Poverty status can act as an indicator of a whole suite of the triangle can induce or coengage a stress on the host- risk factors for poor pregnancy outcomes, as well as a mea- factor side of the triangle, in the form of an immune or sure of potential resiliency to other stressors, especially so inflammatory response.) For example, bacterial vaginosis, on the social-factors side of the triangle in Figure 1. Mothers a microbial genital tract infection, is a known risk factor for living in poverty have higher rates of clinical depression, are adverse birth outcomes and is clearly associated with, and more likely to suffer from chronic stress, and experience possibly the cause of, a heightened maternal and fetal in- more negative life events than do nonpoor mothers (173, flammatory response. High levels of chronic stress have 174). They are nearly 3 times as likely to suffer from do- been associated with bacterial vaginosis in pregnant women mestic violence and have more negative health behaviors, (162, 184, 185). Low socioeconomic status, young, or un- such as smoking and inactivity (148, 175). They are also married women are more likely to develop bacterial vagi- more likely to be unmarried and solely responsible for rais- nosis, after controlling for known risk factors such as ing their children (176). Furthermore, they may lack ade- income, education, and history of sexually transmitted dis- quate social networks, which can act as a buffer to the ease (186). Ten percent of women with bacterial vaginosis detrimental effects of stress and depression (46). Living in experience adverse pregnancy outcomes such as Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 Environmental Contributions to Pregnancy Outcomes 75 Figure 7. Conceptual representation of social/environmental interactions. spontaneous preterm delivery, premature rupture of mem- (172, 202?204) as well as encourage unhealthy behaviors branes, and amniotic fluid infection (186). as a coping mechanism for stress (148, 205, 206). Inflammation in gestational tissues more generally is To explore the extent to which non-Hispanic black a major risk factor for adverse birth outcomes. Proinflam- women tend to cluster more on the higher-risk end of envi- matory cytokines stimulate the synthesis and release of ronmental, social, and host factor stressors, we constructed 1) maternal prostaglandins and metalloproteases; 2) fetal Table 2. For each category of stressor (environmental, so- inflammatory cytokines, cortisol, and dehydroepiandroster- cial, and host), we include a series of risk factors and show one sulfate; and 3) placental corticotrophin-releasing hor- how non-Hispanic blacks and non-Hispanic whites are dis- mone (187?190). These effects may be one of the pathways tributed across the risk spectrum for each factor. whereby stress can lead to adverse birth outcomes (191). In terms of environmental stressors, we begin with air A major contribution of maternal ??immune stress?? to ad- quality, including both ozone and particulate matter. These verse fetal outcomes is likely stimulation of production and air quality grades are taken from the American Lung Asso- secretion of corticotrophin-releasing hormone, which then ciation?s State of the Air 2009 report (207). A greater pro- has multiple effects that promote preterm birth and retard portion of non-Hispanic black women living within the fetal growth. American Lung Association study area were exposed to Evidence from both animal models and human epidemi- high ozone levels (89.5% compared with 82.9% for non- ologic research underscores the important role that prenatal Hispanic whites) (207, 208). This differential is not espe- stress plays in a broad range of fetal developmental out- cially great, likely resulting from the fact that, according to comes (192). Environmental exposures may be some of the guidelines developed by the American Lung Associa- the ??physical challenges?? that contribute to maternal im- tion, most American communities that are part of the air mune stress given that several environmental contaminants quality monitoring network are exposed to unhealthy levels including heavy metals, air pollution, and environmental of ozone. The contrast for particulate matter is much more tobacco smoke have been linked to alterations in the host dramatic. Of non-Hispanic blacks in the study area, 52.7% inflammatory response (193?201). In addition, the stressors lived in communities receiving a grade of ??F?? from the faced by African-American women as a marginalized group American Lung Association, compared with 38.3% of may directly compromise their physiologic functioning non-Hispanic whites (207, 208). Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 76 Miranda et al. Table 2. Distribution (%) of Select Risk Factors for Disparities in Pregnancy Outcomes, by Maternal Race and Housing Status Data Source Risk Factor High Risk Low Risk (Reference No.) Environmental Factors Air quality grade?ozone F D C B A County grades from the American Lung Non-Hispanic White 82.9 3.1 8.4 3.1 2.6 Association?s State of Non-Hispanic Black 89.5 3.3 5.1 1.2 0.9 the Air 2009 (207); 2000 US Census (208) Air quality grade?daily F D C B A County grades from the PM2.5 exposure American Lung Association?s State of Non-Hispanic White 38.3 13.3 27.3 13.1 7.9 the Air 2009 (207); Non-Hispanic Black 52.7 14.3 21.5 9.3 2.2 2000 US Census (208) Tenure status Renter Owner American Housing Survey 2007 (209) Non-Hispanic White 24.4 75.6 Non-Hispanic Black 52.9 47.1 Primary source of water No Yes American Housing safe to drink Survey 2007 (209) Owner-occupied 6.5 93.5 Renter-occupied 11.6 88.4 Opinion of the Worst Best American Housing neighborhood Survey 2007 (209) Owner-occupied 0.9 1.7 9.5 41.0 46.9 Renter-occupied 2.4 4.3 16.9 42.0 34.5 Serious crime in the Yes No American Housing neighborhood in Survey 2007 (209) the last 12 months Owner-occupied 13.2 86.8 Renter-occupied 21.6 78.4 Bars on windows of Yes No American Housing buildings within Survey 2007 (209) 300 feeta Owner-occupied 6.8 93.2 Renter-occupied 16.9 83.1 Street in need of repair Yes No American Housing Survey 2007 (209) Owner-occupied 36.7 63.3 Renter-occupied 44.5 55.5 Table continues Unlike for air quality, especially good national data are port that a serious crime has occurred in the neighborhood in not available on quality of drinking water or the built envi- the last 12 months (21.6% compared with 13.2% for owner- ronment that are broken out by race subgroups. We can occupied units). Renter-occupied housing units are also indirectly assess these measures, however, by noting that more likely to have bars on the windows of buildings within non-Hispanic blacks are much more likely to be renter- 300 feet (90 m) (16.9% vs. 6.8%); be on a street in need of occupants (52.9%) as opposed to owner-occupants, com- repair (44.5% vs. 36.7%); or have trash, litter, or junk on the pared with non-Hispanic whites (24.4%). In turn, in terms street or properties within 300 feet (14.5% vs. 6.5%) (209). of water quality, 11.6% of renter-occupants do not have a safe Again, because non-Hispanic blacks are much more likely primary source of drinking water compared with 6.5% of to live in renter-occupied housing, we can reasonably con- owner-occupants (209). Because non-Hispanic blacks are clude that non-Hispanic blacks are also more likely to be much more likely to be renter-occupants, we can reasonably dealing with a depauperate built environment. conclude that non-Hispanic blacks are also much less likely In addition to documenting differences in environmental to have a safe primary source of water to drink. exposures, Table 2 also provides data on racial differences in Table 2 shows similar patterns regarding measures of the host factors. Non-Hispanic black women aged 20?44 years built environment. Those living in renter-occupied housing are more likely to rate their overall health status as poor or units are more likely to rate their neighborhoods as being on fair (10.4% compared with 6.5% for non-Hispanic white the bottom end of the scale (6.7% compared with 2.6% for women) and are more likely to have hypertension (15.3% owner-occupied units). Renters are also more likely to re- compared with 5.5% for non-Hispanic white women) (210). Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 Environmental Contributions to Pregnancy Outcomes 77 Table 2. Continued Data Source Risk Factor High Risk Low Risk (Reference No.) Trash, litter, or junk on Yes No American Housing the street or Survey 2007 (209) properties within 300 feet Owner-occupied 6.5 93.5 Renter-occupied 14.5 85.5 Host Factors Overall health status Poor Fair Good Very good Excellent Females aged 20?44 years in the Current Non-Hispanic White 1.6 4.9 18.8 36.8 37.9 Population Survey Non-Hispanic Black 2.5 7.9 27.1 35.5 27.0 2007 (210) Hypertension Yes No Females aged 20?44 years in NHANES Non-Hispanic White 5.5 94.5 2003?2006 (211) Non-Hispanic Black 15.3 84.7 Overweight/obesity Obese Overweight Healthy Females aged 20 years in NHANES Non-Hispanic White 32.2 27.2 38.2 2003?2006 (211) Non-Hispanic Black 53.2 26.5 19.2 Social Factors Marital status Not married Married National Vital Statistics, 2006 (CDC) (4) Non-Hispanic White 26.6 73.4 Non-Hispanic Black 70.7 29.3 Educational attainment No high Some high High school Some college College National Vital Statistics, school school 2006 (CDC) (4) Non-Hispanic White 1.5 10.0 26.4 26.8 35.3 Non-Hispanic Black 2.2 21.5 36.4 26.9 13.0 Income-to-poverty ratio <50% 50%?<75% 75%?<100% 100%?<125% 125%?<150% 150%?<175% 175% Females aged 20?44 years in the Current Non-Hispanic White 5 3 3 3 4 4 78.7 Population Survey Non-Hispanic Black 12.8 7.2 6.0 6.1 5.1 5.2 57.5 2007 (210) Abbreviations: CDC, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; NHANES, National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey; PM2.5, particulate matter <2.5 lm in aerodynamic diameter. a One foot ? 0.3 m. Non-Hispanic black women aged 20 years or older are also posures are likely embedded within a setting in which both more likely to be overweight/obese (53.2%/26.5% vs. 32.2%/ social and host factors are less likely to serve as mitigating 27.2% for non-Hispanic white women) (211). In the social- forces. So, the resiliency to environmental exposures that factors category, non-Hispanic black women giving birth are can be created by positive social and host factors is more more likely to be unmarried (70.7% vs. 26.6% for non- likely to be absent for non-Hispanic blacks compared with Hispanic white women) and are more likely to have less than non-Hispanic whites. a high school education (23.7% vs. 11.5% for non-Hispanic Despite extensive public policy efforts to maximize ac- white women) (31). Although data on pregnant women spe- cess to prenatal care, significant racial disparities in preg- cifically are not available, non-Hispanic black women gener- nancy outcomes persist. The systematic and consistent ally are more likely to have a low income-to-poverty ratio disproportionate exposure of non-Hispanic blacks to both (12.8% at <50% of the poverty line vs. 5.0% for non- environmental and social stressors, especially within the Hispanic white women) (210). context of greater presentation of overweight/obesity and Table 2 demonstrates that, for the multiple factors that comorbidities on the host-factor side, may account for the affect pregnancy outcomes, non-Hispanic blacks cluster on persistent race-based disparities. We argue that research that the high-risk end of the spectrum. This finding is consistent carefully examines the joint effects of social and environmen- with Geronimus?s notion of cumulative stress (23) as de- tal stressors?conducted at the individual level so that we scribed in the weathering hypothesis, where cumulative truly know who is experiencing multiple stressors?holds stress is now defined to include physical environmental ex- potential for revealing the complex etiology that likely drives posures. In terms of the rubric presented in Figure 1, envi- disparities in pregnancy outcomes. Such understanding is ronmental exposures/stressors are compressing the ??space?? critical to the development of successful intervention available for maternal-child pairs to prosper?and these ex- programs aimed at narrowing the health disparities in Epidemiol Rev 2009;31:67?83 Downloaded from epirev.oxfordjournals.org at University of Pittsburgh on July 26, 2011 78 Miranda et al. pregnancy outcomes, which will need to jointly address the 15. 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