ABSTRACT 
 
Title of Thesis:        DATA AGAINST YOUTH OF COLOR IN THE 
            INFORMATION POLICING ERA 
 
         Sydney Mariel Triola, Master of Science, 
2020 
 
Thesis Directed by: Associate Professor, Dr. Katie Shilton, Information Science 
 
This paper examines how labeling gang members without consistent criteria for inclusion in law 
enforcement?s gang databases systemically leads to negative outcomes, also known as data violence. The concept of 
data violence allows for an analysis of the systemic consequences of the overrepresentation of adolescents of color 
in gang databases. Current gang data collection practices within law enforcement have at least one major problem, a 
culture of presumed criminality when interacting with adolescents of color. Data maintenance processes were also 
found by ProPublica to have inconsistent labeling practices. Additionally, when looking through the data made 
available by ProPublica, it is clear that there is disregard for a law entitled, 28 C.F.R. ? 23. This law mandates all 
gang database entries that have not been renewed as a result of a criminal investigation, conviction, or adjudication, 
must be destroyed after five years. Another major finding, particularly emphasized by Forman and Vitale, is that 
police gang-tracking initiatives have an overly punitive focus for individual adolescents. In order to mitigate the 
need for overly punitive practices, the author recommends additional research tracking demographic trends within 
push factors, also known as reasons why a person might be motivated to join a gang, in order to better utilize 
intervention methods. Ida B. Wells and the National Black Census serve as examples of how people and 
communities of color have managed their own datasets when law enforcement?s criminal justice data inaccurately 
overrepresented their community members as criminals. The author concludes that libraries have an opportunity to 
disrupt data violence through education initiatives for both victims and perpetrators of data violence. Future research 
should continue to analyze and improve potential interventions for this data violence, both inside and outside of law 
enforcement.   
 
 
  
 
 
DATA AGAINST YOUTH OF COLOR IN THE INFORMATION POLICING ERA: HOW GANG DATABASES 
ARE DEEPENING INEQUALITY 
 
by  
 
Sydney Mariel Triola  
 
Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the  
University of Maryland College Park, in partial fulfillment  
of the requirements for the degree of  
Master of Library and Information Science 
2020 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Advisory Committee:  
Professor Katie Shilton, Chair 
Professor Dan Greene 
Professor Ana Ndumu 
Professor Maggie Dull 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
? Copyright by  
Sydney Mariel Triola 
2020 
 
 
Table of Contents 
 
Chapter 1: How is a gang database constructed?         1 
  The Role of the Information Life Cycle        1 
 Section 1: The Current Major Critiques of Gang Databases       2 
  How to Get Included in Gang Databases        3 
  The problem with Gang Databases Being Considered Intelligence     3 
 Section 2: What are the rights afforded to those who are included in gang databases    4 
  Freedom of Information Act         4 
   The Right to Know         4  
   The Right to Contest         5 
  28 C.F.R. Part 23: The Right to Be Forgotten                    5 
 Section 3: Where to Go From Here          6 
Chapter 2: What are the potential negative impacts of gang databases?       7 
 Section 1: Gang Database Defenses: Public Safety        8 
 Section 2: When Gangs were No Longer Funded by Local Government: the Rise of Gangs of Color 8 
   The Birth of the Superpredator        9 
 Section 3: Adultification and Criminalization of African-American Adolescents     10 
 Section 4: What Gangs Provide Adolescents in Historically Marginalized Communities    11 
  Gangs Form as Protective Measure         12 
   Neglectful Families         12 
   Police Brutality          13 
  When it is Time to Leave the Gang: Push and Pull Factors      13 
Chapter 3: What record keeping practices could mitigate negative impacts?      14 
 Section 1: Data Entry & Racial Profiling         15 
 Section 2: Data Maintenance & Removal of Outdated Entries       16 
  Data Cleaning           16 
  Data Labeling           17 
Chapter 4: How can librarians or knowledge from library science mitigate negative impacts?    18 
 Section 1: Consequences of Being in a Gang Database       18 
  Pre-Trial Detention, Bail          18 
  Immigration and Asylum          19 
   Data Violence Comparison: Holocaust and Immigration Detention Centers   20 
 Section 2: Lessons to Be Learned From Good Data Keeping and Counter Story-Telling    20 
  Counter Storytelling Exemplars         20 
 Section 3: Outlets for Intervention          21 
  Fairness: International Association of Chiefs of Police      22 
  Accountability: Department of Justice and the Community      22 
   The Changing Role of the State Attorney General       23 
  Transparency: The Role of Information Professionals       23 
   Libraries and Victims of Data Violence       24 
   Libraries and Law Enforcement Professional      24 
Chapter 5: What other public institutions are keeping data on youth of color?      35 
 
Appendix A: Law Enforcement Code of Ethics         27 
Appendix B: Lack of Concern About White Gangs         28 
Bibliography             33
 ii 
1. Introduction: How is a gang database constructed? 
 A gang database is an information system, maintained by law enforcement officials that identifies details 
about individuals who are suspected or confirmed to be involved in illegal gang activity. Criminal justice 
information systems, such as gang databases, intend to help solve crimes that are committed (Department of Justice, 
2019, b).When individuals are incorrectly identified as gang members, or continue to be suspects of gang crime 
when they are no longer involved in gangs, this creates what is referred to by Hoffman (2018) as data violence; Or 
data use that systemically leads to negative outcomes.  
Each section of this paper is designed to answer one of the four research questions that guided this 
literature review. Section one, the introduction, explains how gang databases are constructed and the laws that 
regulate these information systems. Section two, What are the potential negative impacts of gang databases on the 
people they document, illustrates the potential unwarranted negative outcomes for the people that are documented in 
gang databases. Section three, what record keeping practices could mitigate negative impacts, details record keeping 
practices that could mitigate some of the harm that is illustrated in section two. Section four, how can librarians or 
knowledge from library science mitigate negative impacts, addresses the final research question of how can 
librarians or knowledge from library science can mitigate the negative impacts of gang databases.  In this fourth 
section, a Fairness, Accountability, and Transparency framework is borrowed from library and information science 
in order to balance reform recommendations between the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the 
Department of Justice and information professionals.  
The Role of the Information Life Cycle 
Many of the topics in this paper are also organized around the information life cycle, also known as a way 
that information professionals collect, maintain, and discard information collections (Government of Canada, 2019). 
While much of the current criminal justice reform research overlooks the role of information maintenance, this paper 
argues that proper record keeping methods are crucial to ending the data violence that is often associated with the 
age of big data. The first step in the iterative information life cycle is identifying an information need and collecting 
data accordingly (Government of Canada, 2019). In the realm of gang databases this would be the act of recording 
information on any suspected gang member. The second step in the information life cycle is recording and sharing 
this information in a way that fits the information need (Government of Canada, 2019). Information professionals 
1 
  
 
working with gang databases would understand this step as recording potential gang member entries into the gang 
database and sharing the database with other law enforcement professionals working within gang-related units. The 
third step is to organize the information in a consistent manner that is easy for the information seeker to find 
(Government of Canada, 2019). In database work this means that the criteria that qualifies an individual as a gang 
member is clearly and consistently labeled and evidenced in the database. The fourth step is to when the information 
seeker uses the information recorded in the information system (Government of Canada, 2019). This fourth step is 
more applicable to law enforcement officers who are actively searching the database for useful information. In 
library science, librarians will use search terms, and circulation records to determine what information sources are 
being used the most and which sources may be discarded from the collection. The fifth step is to maintain and 
update any existing information in the information system (Government of Canada, 2019). In gang databases, 
updates could include additional information about the suspected member or criminal justice involvement of the 
individual. The final two steps in the information life cycle are the disposal of outdated information and analysis of 
the information quality and organization as a whole (Government of Canada, 2019). After these two steps are 
complete, the information life cycle starts all over again. Similar to librarians discarding unused information 
sources, law enforcement officers are required by law to discard any files about gang members that have not been 
adjudicated in five years (28 CFR Part 23, 1998). If law enforcement officers analyzed the commonalities between 
unused suspected gang member profiles, they might be able to utilize less racial profiling and more accurate 
indicators of gang membership.  
The continuation of the information life cycle is essential to maintain relevant information. This is 
particularly true when the information represents the lives and livelihood of real people. In the case of gang 
databases the information life cycle provides an opportunity to better respond to the fluid nature of gang 
membership (DeVito, 2019; Vitale, 2018). 
1.1.Current Major Critiques of Gang Databases 
 There are two predominant criticisms of gang databases that they are based on racial profiling and they are 
often inaccurate.  
 2 
 
How to Get Included in Gang Databases  
 Unfortunately, there is not a consistent set of criteria that qualifies a person for entry into a gang database 
(Barrows & Huff, 2009). This lack of consistent criteria is partially due to inconsistent definitions of gangs between 
jurisdiction and states (Barrows & Huff, 2009). There is also the issue of inconsistent methodology for identifying 
gang members that further complicates inaccurate identification of gang members. It has been found that sometimes 
by merely being associated with a gang member (Smith, 2018), or living in a gang-afflicted neighborhood, is enough 
evidence to be included in a gang database (Chabria, 2019).  
The Problems with Gang Databases Being Considered Intelligence 
 In the age of big data policing, gang databases intend to serve as a part of the intelligence process. 
According to the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, intelligence is defined as, ?Analysis of raw 
information to provide synergistic knowledge about a threat? (Carter, 2009, p. 10). What should be derived from the 
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services?s definition is that the mere entry of suspected gang members into 
a police database does not meet the qualifications for intelligence. In order for the database entry to be considered  
According to The Gang Intelligence Strategy Committee, Global Intelligence Working Group, Criminal 
Intelligence Coordinating Council & Global Justice Information Sharing Initiative (2008), ?the intelligence process 
takes different pieces of information and turns them into actionable intelligence? (p. 23). This statement implies that 
any information that is included within the database is usable within a criminal investigation or a court of law. This 
is particularly problematic when many journalistic expos?s currently have shown that gang member identification 
practices are often based on racial profiling and not a widely understood or justified set of criteria  (Winton & 
Puente, 2020; Sweeney, 2020; Dumke, 2019 Speri, 2018; Dumke, 2018a; Dumke, 2018b, Smith, 2018). This 
presumption is further complicated by the fact that gang definitions, and gang database regulations vary by state and 
jurisdiction (Barrows & Huff, 2009; The Gang Intelligence Strategy Committee, Global Intelligence Working 
Group, Criminal Intelligence Coordinating Council & Global Justice Information Sharing Initiative, 2008).  
 Scholars, as well as particular government agencies within the United States Department of Justice, have 
concluded that these varying definitions have created circumstances that are unfit for data sharing across state 
boundaries  (Barrows & Huff, 2009; The Gang Intelligence Strategy Committee, Global Intelligence Working 
Group, Criminal Intelligence Coordinating Council & Global Justice Information Sharing Initiative, 2008). Despite 
this professional recommendation, there is substantial evidence that sharing the information contained in gang 
 3 
 
databases is a regular practice (Chabria, 2019; Speri, 2018; Howell, 2011; del Bosque, 2019).  Anna Lauren 
Hoffman (2018) describes the term data violence as ?processes of gathering data and using algorithms ? that 
implicitly and explicitly lead to harmful or fatal outcomes (para. 15). Some identified forms of data violence that 
experts attribute to inclusion in gang databases include: unwarranted surveillance (Chabria, 2019), wrongful 
convictions (Speri, 2018), difficulty gaining employment (O?Neill, 2017), additional pre-trial detention time 
(Howell, 2011), and denial of asylum (del Bosque, 2019). It is also possible that there are more underreported forms 
of data violence that result from sharing gang database information. While proponents of gang databases may argue 
that there are systems in place to contest inclusion within gang databases, many victims of this particular form of 
data violence report that their requests to be removed from these databases are often denied (Speri, 2018; Attorney 
General, 2018). Denial of removal within these databases means that data violence continues to be perpetuated 
against individuals who are targeted by anti-gang policing.1  
1.2. What are the rights afforded to those who are included in gang databases 
 While many of those who experience data violence as a result of gang databases report difficulty getting 
access to the records at the crux of their systemic woes, the Freedom of Information Act and 28 C.F.R. Part 23 
should enable victims to be able to disrupt this cycle of harm.  
Freedom of Information Act: The Right to Know and the Right to Contest Gang Classification 
The Right to Know 
 The Freedom of Information Act states that, ?each agency, upon any request for records which (i) 
reasonably describes such records and (ii) is made in accordance with published rules stating the time, place, fees (if 
any), and procedures to be followed, shall make the records promptly available to any person.? (Office of 
Information Policy, 2016, para. 25). This law allows those that have been included in gang databases to request the 
police department to release any documentation held by their jurisdiction that indicates if the individual specified in 
the FOIA report is included in a gang database. The only reason that law enforcement may deny a Freedom of 
Information Act request is due to involvement in a current investigation or adjudication (Barrows & Huff, 2009.  
 
1 Anti-gang policing refers to any part of law-enforcement that is specifically dedicated to eradicating the presence 
of gangs. This includes both preventative and reactive measures. Katz and Webb (2004) found that Black and Latinx 
adolescents are predominantly targeted by these efforts. This is in spite of the fact that white gangs make up 40% of 
all gang activity in the United States (Ladd, 2018).  
 4 
 
The language of this act, however, emphasizes the rights of those unjustly impacted by law enforcement 
intelligence. Specifically the Freedom of Information Act that the rights enabled by this legislation do not apply to  
?records or information compiled for law enforcement purposes, but only to the extent that the 
production of such law enforcement records or information (A) could reasonably be expected to interfere 
with enforcement proceedings, (B) would deprive a person of a right to a fair trial or an impartial 
adjudication, (C) could reasonably be expected to constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy, 
(D) could reasonably be expected to disclose the identity of a confidential source, including a State, local, 
or foreign agency or authority or any private institution which furnished information on a confidential 
basis, and, in the case of a record or information compiled by a criminal law enforcement authority in the 
course of a criminal investigation or by an agency conducting a lawful national security intelligence 
investigation, information furnished by a confidential source, (E) would disclose techniques and 
procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions, or would disclose guidelines for law 
enforcement investigations or prosecutions if such disclosure could reasonably be expected to risk 
circumvention of the law, or (F) could reasonably be expected to endanger the life or physical safety of 
any individual? (Office of Information Policy, 2016, para. 118). 
 
What is particularly intriguing about the above paragraph is that it emphasizes the original intention of criminal 
justice information to support American citizen?s constitutional rights to a fair trial, and to privacy in the absence of 
a search warrant (Office of Information Policy, 2016). If, however, that criminal justice information or intelligence 
is obstructing these constitutional rights, then there should be a way to contest the information, regardless of the 
accuracy.  
The Right to Contest 
 Gang databases are regulated by state definition of a gang member, and state procedure for removal. Not all 
states within the United States currently have systems for requesting removal from a gang database. Fortunately, 
California currently does have a process to request removal from law enforcement's gang database (Davis, 2019). It 
appears, however, that each police department has the right to implement their own process to request removal from 
the gang database (Davis, 2019). Davis (2019) reports that due to this inconsistency and some bullying tactics used 
by law enforcement requests for removal from gang databases have largely been under-utilized, ultimately leaving 
those impacted by gang databases powerless. 
28 C. F. R. Part 23: The Right to Be Forgotten 
The Department of Justice has an executive order entitled 28 C.F.R. part 23, that regulates how criminal 
justice information systems must be updated (28 CFR Part 23, 1998). The response for more specific legislation in 
order for criminal justice departments to satisfy the requirement of periodic review includes the following:   
 5 
 
?The periodic review requirement is designed to insure that system information is accurate and as up-to-
date as reasonably possible. When a review has occurred, the record is appropriately updated and 
notated. The explanation of decision to retain can be a variety of reasons including ?active investigation?, 
?preliminary review in progress?, ?subject believed still active in jurisdiction?, and the like. When 
information that has been reviewed or updated and a determination made that it continues to meet system 
submission criteria, the information has been ?validated? and begins a new retention period. The 
regulation limits the retention period to a maximum of five years without a review and validation of the 
information.? (28 CFR Part 23, 1998, p. 12) 
 
In relation to gang databases, this executive order has been interpreted as, all gang database entries that have not 
been renewed as a result of a criminal investigation, conviction, or adjudication, must be destroyed after five years 
(Barrows & Huff, 2009, p. 693). It has been found, however, that records are kept well past this expiration date in 
Baltimore (Smith, 2018), Boston (Dooling, 2019), New York (Gullapalli, 2019), Cook County, IL (Dumke, 2018, 
b), Los Angeles (Chabria, 2019), and Portland (Bernstein, 2018). This finding is not just problematic because it 
violates the law and the rights of those who are included in gang databases, but it is an inaccurate form of police 
intelligence, that often has catastrophic results for those who are targeted by gang databases.  
1.3. Where to Go From Here 
Gang databases have been traditionally used as a law enforcement evidence justifying surveillance, and 
incarceration. Western (2018) points out, the criminal justice system currently targets individuals who have not been 
served through the educational systems, public health systems, family services, and other forms of social welfare. 
Public information institutions, such as libraries and schools, have historically disrupted cycles of incarceration by 
providing access to the appropriate public amenities such as education programs, instruction on how to fill out 
government assistance forms, and direction toward the appropriate social welfare programs. While information 
professionals do not have the authority to disband law enforcement?s gang databases, they do have the ability to hold 
educational programs that teach victims of data violence how to mitigate the negative consequences of being a part 
of gang databases. After those individual education paths are more clearly identified, information professionals are 
better able to  identify appropriate partnerships with welfare organizations in order to lessen criminal justice system 
involvement.2  
 
2 This effort would be greatly supported by greater levels of transparency than the current system of filing Freedom 
of Information Act to disclose all requested records, which is permissible as long as the records are not a part of an 
active investigation (Davis, 2019; Attorney General, 2018).    
 6 
 
2. Literature Review: What are the potential negative impacts of gang databases? 
 For this research, I used an iterative process as the research project evolved from a wide scope view of law 
enforcement documentation practices, to a more specific focus on gang databases and their effects on communities 
of color. The initial search term for this research was law enforcement documentation through history. This 
prompted academic articles predominately on immigration databases and gang databases. Of particular interest was 
how the legalization of gangs changed over time as the racial demographics of American gangs changed. This 
change in illegalization of gangs in the 1980s, prompted the creation of gang databases. Law enforcement?s gang 
databases have repeatedly appeared in news for racial profiling. What is interesting about news articles? critiques of 
gang databases is that there are few information structure remedies offered, that are often discussed in information 
science. While abolition of racist systems is a necessary goal, it is potentially unrealistic to disband big data systems 
due to the power they provide institutions. Instead, the author recommends a stricter set of data management steps in 
order to mitigate the presence of data violence within law enforcement data.  
In this section I address the cultural myths, history, and circumstances that led to gang databases 
overrepresenting adolescents of color. The primary cultural myth that will be explored in this section is that gang 
databases make communities safer. The following two subsections will explain the hyper criminalization and 
documentation of African-American adolescents, and the final subsection will illuminate why some adolescents in 
underserved communities rely on gangs for resources.  
2.1. Gang Database Defenses: Public Safety  
 Barrows & Huff (2009) argue that while gang databases clearly have flawed documentation practices, they 
are necessary to protect the public from the violence of gangs. In this view Barrows and Huff (2009) assert that 
missing a dangerous gang member, by spending time and resources tracking those who are not gang involved but 
merely associates or misidentified,  poses a significant threat to the public. Barrows and Huff (2009) therefore 
advocate for keeping gang databases but restructuring them in a way that accurately defines and identifies gang 
members. The authors of this paper address that their advocacy for restructuring gang databases, as opposed to 
removing these information systems altogether, violates the advice of many scholars (Barrows & Huff, 2009, p. 
679). The primary argument for resisting the advice to ban the use of gang databases is the fear of violent offenders 
who are sometimes captured by gang databases (Barrows & Huff, 2009, p. 680). According to Barrows and Huff 
(2009), gang members are ??significantly more likely to have been arrested for violent felony offenses (42.5% 
 7 
 
compared to 18.9%)? than were documented gang associates, who were in turn ?significantly more likely to have 
been arrested for violent offenses (45.3% compared to 28.5%)? than were non-gang delinquent youth (Katz, et al., 
2000, p. 429). The authors concluded that these findings suggest that gang information systems may be more helpful 
to the police than first believed (Katz, et al., 2000: 432)? (p. 680).  
What is not captured by these findings, however, is if incarceration disrupts patterns of violence after the 
individual is released from prison or jail. While many argue that the public is safer with violent criminals 
incarcerated, this topic is still heavily debated by experts. Western (2018) argues that the criminal justice system 
picks up those who were not served by public welfare and inequitable economic structures. Individuals involved in 
the criminal justice system incur additional hardships such as finding a job, being able to leave the home before or 
after certain hours due to restrictions placed by curfews, and difficulty filing for particular forms of assistance such 
as student financial aid. With this consideration, it should become more apparent that incarcerating violent offenders 
could deepen inequality and the violence that follows. This would imply that incarceration is not the solution, but an 
additional stressor, creating a more extreme need for the large sums of money that illicit forms of work bring, and 
the violence that also follows.  
2.2. When Gangs Were No Longer Funded By Local Government: The Rise of Gangs of Color  
Gangs are currently associated with low-income neighborhoods of color within the public consciousness. 
Gangs originally began, however, as a way for European immigrants to work for local politicians as an unofficial 
police force (Adamson, 2000). In this way, local government was able to enforce racial segregation, spend less of 
the municipal budget on law enforcement, and not take on responsibility for any unofficial law enforcement 
measures that the public didn?t approve of (Adamson, 2000). While these local politicians that funded European 
immigrant gangs did not approve of some of the actions that these young people performed, politicians treated gangs 
as a necessary evil in order to achieve law enforcement goals (Adamson, 2000).3 By reinforcing the racial order in 
neighborhoods, as prescribed by these government officials, immigrant populations were able to achieve 
?whiteness? in America (Adamson, 2000). Additionally the money made in this role allowed for immigrant 
populations to make wages higher than they would have made in legitimate work settings due to the prevalent 
discrimination against immigrant workers at the time (Adamson, 2000).  
 
3 What those law enforcement goals are remains uncertain due to the unofficial nature of this type of organization.  
 8 
 
As White immigrants gained more wealth, many of these populations moved out of the sometimes violent 
city, and into suburbia (Adamson, 2000). This vacancy allowed many African-Americans from southern states to 
begin moving into these neighborhoods and gang-related occupations. Since politicians in these neighborhoods used 
gangs to segregate, and oftentimes further oppress people of color, there was not much interest in funding young 
people of color to function as unofficial law enforcement the way that European immigrants previously functioned 
(Adamson, 2000). There was still, however, a market for many of the illicit activities that gangs performed, 
especially with street territories opening up as white flight became more prevalent throughout urban neighborhoods 
(Adamson, 2000). This financial opportunity was especially attractive as funding for public assistance became 
increasingly depleted (Adamson, 2000).  
While particular gang activities have almost never been celebrated, Caucasian gangs were tolerated, while 
African-American gangs were demonized (Adamson, 2000). The sensationalized view of these young African-
American gang members being irrational and senseless killers, and not the necessary evil that White gangs were, 
came with racial transition of inner-city gangs being predominantly black and hispanic participants instead of 
european immigrants attempting to gain whiteness (Adamson, 2000).  
The Birth of the Superpredator 
When racial demographics in major northern American cities began to change and many southern Black 
people relocated to northern cities in the hope for more opportunities, also known as white flight from 1940s-1970s, 
the connotations of gangs also began to change (Adamson, 2000). Since these young white immigrants moved onto 
suburban life and primarily gave up gang activities, there was suddenly very lucrative gang control and business 
opportunities available in certain city streets and neighborhoods. Simultaneously, the racism that many African-
Americans had hoped to escape in the North was still very prevalent, particularly in relation to the resistance of 
white employers to hire people of color (Adamson, 2000). This resistance created large populations of 
unemployment and poverty in African-American communities that were simultaneously being attacked by white 
gangs that were attempting to maintain the old racial order in these city neighborhoods (Adamson, 2000). These 
 9 
 
potentially lethal4 conditions led to the creation of Black youth gangs as a measure of protection against poverty, and 
violence from white gangs (Adamson, 2000). 
 Due to the fact that politicians did not fund these gangs, the adolescent organizations became a problem for 
the city to deal with. One way the major cities addressed the increasing presence of Black gangs, was to create a 
divergence between white and Black gangs. Media outlets and racist researchers picked up on this story as a way to 
sell newspapers, magazines, and stories. Note, there was minimal work demonstrating how to address this problem 
(Vitale, 2018), merely fanatical accusations of these young Black people as antisocial killers (Vitale, 2018). Of 
particular popularity was the writing of James Q. Wison in the 1990s, ?He described these young people as hardened 
criminals: ?radically impulsive, brutally remorseless? elementary school youngsters who pack guns instead of 
lunches? and ?have absolutely no respect for human life.? (Vitale, 2018, p. 56). This became known as the 
superpredator phenomenon amongst believers of this extremist media (Vitale, 2018). It became extremely influential 
not only among the public, but also amidst lawmakers (Vitale, 2018). Perpetrators of this superpredator fallacy 
argued that there was nothing that these emotionally disturbed young people were beyond help and the best possible 
outcome was to separate these populations through incarceration (Vitale, 2018, p. 56). Ultimately the social pressure 
that these falsehoods created resulted in legislation that made it easier to try young people as adults, and have 
heavier police presence in schools, which reinforces the us vs. them mentality that prompts gang membership in the 
first place.  
2.3. Adultification and Criminalization of African-American Adolescents 
 The legacy of disparate treatment of African-American gangs, and White gangs has continued into present 
day. Some psychologists theorize that this difference in treatment is partially due to Adultification, also known as 
the process by which adolescents are given the expectations and responsibilities of adults (Nebbitt and Lombe, 
2018). Nebbitt and Lombe (2018) theorize that African-American adolescents report the highest rates of 
adultification as a result of being most likely to live in impoverished neighborhoods.  
Perceiving African-Americans as older and more responsible than their white counterparts, has serious 
ramifications for their involvement in the American criminal justice system. In a government report published by the 
 
4 While street gangs, comprised of young people of color, are a manner for young people in neglected 
neighborhoods to get the resources that these neighborhoods are seriously lacking, white supremacist gangs are 
designed with the goals of killing an entire race of people.  
 10 
 
National Gang Center in 2010, this adultification can be seen in the way the government regards gang activity to be 
more dangerous when it is perpetrated by adolescents of color, when compared to their white counterparts. While 
violence asserted by white gangs was described as ??They engaged in violence, but violence was a normal part of 
their always-contested environment; turf warfare was a condition of the neighborhood? (Sante, 1991, p. 198). Gangs 
formed the ?basic unit of social life among the young males in New York in the nineteenth century? (Sante, 1991, p. 
198)? (Howell and Moore, 2010, p. 2). However when gang activity of Latinx and African-American people is 
described, the violence is considered to be inherently criminal, with an automatic association with drugs and other 
illicit activity(Howell and Moore, 2010, p. 2). This clear disparity in tolerance of violence in association with gang 
activity, demonstrates how the criminal justice system holds Black adolescents with higher levels of responsibility 
and punishment as a result of adultification.  
While particular gang activities have almost never been celebrated, caucasian gangs have been tolerated, 
African-American gangs have been demonized (Adamson, 2000). The sensationalized view of these young African-
American gang members being irrational and senseless killers, and not a necessary evil fails to recognize the human 
needs that the formation of gangs respond to. Where White gangs are granted forgiveness for inhabitable conditions 
as immigrants, Black gangs are surveilled and punished. 
2.4. What Gangs Provide Adolescents in Historically Marginalized Communities 
There is currently a lack of consideration that gangs are most often a result of providing necessary means 
for survival to adolescents that have been grossly underserved (DeVito, 2019). The missing resources to survive can 
be absent from both inside and outside the home (Devito, 2019). In this section consideration and explanation is 
given to push factors, or social circumstances that lead people to get involved in gang activity. Two major push 
factors that are discussed are neglectful families and police brutality. Focus is given to these two push factors due to 
the fact that families and law enforcement are intended to provide the young person protection instead of the trauma 
that they experience. This systemic trauma fuels what Vitale (2018) refers to as the Us versus the World Complex; 
this phenomenon is when a young person bonds themselves with other neglected and police-targeted adolescents, 
which turns into involvement in gang activity. The final topic for this section combats the myth that gang involved 
youth are invested in gangs for the rest of their life. This is essential for consideration, especially as the 
superpredator myth still creates adverse circumstances for former gang members.  
 11 
 
Gangs Form as Protective Measure 
 While gangs have lost their appeal and respect among local politicians (Adamson, 2000), they still serve a 
number of protective measures for residents of poverty-stricken neighborhoods throughout the United States 
(Alleyne & Wood, 2014; Vitale, 2018; DeVito, 2019). In order to understand the range of wide-reaching public 
services, it is critical to remember that when it was light-skinned immigrants occupying these same neighborhoods 
the municipality would find ways to provide public services for these people (Adamson, 2000). Now that local 
governments have reallocated funding for public assistance to police forces (Vitale, 2018), who are overwhelmingly 
trained to react as if these young people are deadly killers (Patriot Act, 2019), it makes sense that young people who 
are neglected by their families, and government, band together with other targeted adolescents experiencing similar 
circumstances (DeVito, 2019).  
Neglectful Families 
 DeVito (2019) conducted a study that explored how young people involved in gangs could benefit from 
psychological knowledge in attachment theory.5 In this study DeVito (2019) found that gangs would often provide 
family structures for young people who lacked that support (p. 3). Specifically, participants noted that gangs allow 
them to feel safe, receive positive affirmation and affection, and give the individual a sense of belonging (DeVito, 
2019, p. 3). This ability to meet underserved adolescents? emotional needs is particularly attractive due to the fact 
that people residing in low-income neighborhoods, ?experience more stressful life events as compared to those who 
are more affluent, including family conflict, violence, discrimination, traumas, and frequent moving (Santiago et al., 
2011). If one does not have means for basic necessities, it can cause significant stress, feelings of demoralization, 
and a lack of hope in life (Santiago et al., 2011). Fewer options could lead to turning to a gang to earn income to 
help family? (DeVito, 2019, p. 2-3). In the study conducted by DeVito (2019) researchers found that poverty made it 
difficult to both be physically present in the household due to working multiple jobs, as well as emotionally present 
due to issues like addiction (DeVito, 2019, p.6-8). Most of the participants in this study reported that gang members 
functioned as a replacement family due to the fact that ?they were willing to offer protection, unity and love to one 
another? (DeVito, 2019, p. 8).  
 
5 Attachment theory is a psychological explanation for why a given individual chooses to develop relationships with 
certain people and not others (McLeod, 2017).  
 12 
 
Police Brutality and Neighborhood Violence  
In neighborhoods plagued by high crime rates, high levels of policing and high levels of incarceration, it 
can be fairly difficult to form meaningful and emotional bonds with fellow community members (DeVito, 2019, p. 
3). DeVito (2019) also notes that ?those with insecure attachments [to caregivers] may have difficulty with affect 
and emotion regulation, which can lead to behavior problems (Blwlby, 1988; Parrigon et al., 2015)? (p. 4). This 
difficulty with affect and emotion regulation, while considered a problem outside of gangs is an asset in a warzone-
like6 environment such as gang-afflicted neighborhoods.7 Many of the participants in DeVito?s (2019) study 
reported that they did not feel like they had a choice but to join a gang due the large percentage of community 
members that were also involved in gangs (P. 11). One participant said that due to the fact that police officers 
patrolling the neighborhood assumed that he was part of a gang, he felt unsafe and didn?t know who else would 
protect him if he didn?t join a gang (DeVito, 2019, p. 11). A different participant reported similar sentiments of not 
feeling safe if he didn?t join a gang, ?I didn?t choose to grow up [where I did]. At the end of the day, walking up and 
down the streets, I was going to have to pass by the gangs. And eventually, I did the one thing that I always said 
when I was a kid I wouldn?t do and it was to join the gang. ?Oh, I?m not going to join the gang. I?m not going to put 
them in charge of my life.? And bam? (DeVito, 2019, p. 11).  
When It is Time to Leave the Gang: Push and Pull Factors 
 While Hollywood, and gang databases alike, have illustrated gang membership as a lifelong commitment 
that requires serious danger and violence to escape, this is usually not the case (DeVito, 2019; Alleyne & Wood, 
2014; Esbensen, Winfree, He, & Taylor, 2001). Many criminologists have found that not only are gang hierarchies 
very fluid (Esbensen, Winfree, He, & Taylor, 2001), but involvement in gangs changes as their members grow older 
(DeVito, 2019). Devito (2019) found that there were a multitude of reasons that former gang members left the gang 
lifestyle including but not limited to: 
?getting tired of the gang lifestyle, being a victim of violence, witnessing violence, gang 
disillusionment, stable employment and relationships, moving away, and aging and maturing, 
which will promote marriage, having children, and family responsibilities (Berger et al., 2017; 
 
6 Once again returning to Vitale?s (2018) concept, that every time a youth is not accepted into communal life such as 
schools it reinforces the concept of us against the world that pushes young people into gang life.  
7 One participant in DeVito?s (2019) study reported, ?The gang I?m from, you?re taught you don?t love nobody and 
you don?t trust nobody because anybody can be your friend one minute and be ready to kill you the next over 
money, or cars, or jewelry, so they wasn?t my family members? (p. 10). While this deviates from the theory that 
gangs provide a sense of family, in this instance the gang provides a sense of purpose and acceptance for a social 
affect that would otherwise be considered inappropriate.  
 13 
 
O?Brien et al., 2013; Pyrooz and Decker, 2011). Former gang members may have been searching 
for an attachment figure initially in gangs but realized that this lifestyle could not continue forever. 
All participants wanted a life where they were not in danger of getting killed or incarcerated. All 
participants reported experiencing incarceration for crimes and suffered abandonment by fellow 
gang members, creating a sense of disillusionment. Their search for a more stable attachment figure 
did not end positively. In leaving, all participants wanted a better life and to bring something 
positive to the world? (p. 14).  
 
All of these reasons for leaving are recognized as pull-factors because they encourage individuals to get involved in 
gang activity out of this particular lifestyle (DeVito, 2019). Social elements that encourage gang activity such as 
giving participants a sense of family and protection, are push factors because they push young people into gang 
activity (DeVito, 2019).  
Gang databases that justify and encourage police to surveil, and question people for living in a gang-
afflicted neighborhood is a push factor, even for people who have left the gang lifestyle. A former resident of a 
gang-associated neighborhood in Los Angeles describes this sentiment of being associated with gangs, even though 
he was never involved in gang activity, and merely resided in a gang-afflicted neighborhood decades earlier 
(Chabria, 2019).  
3. Analysis: What record keeping practices could mitigate negative impacts? 
 This section aims to pair the three most prevalent critiques of gang databases with the data best practice 
that could serve as an intervention. At the beginning of any information cycle, there is data entry. The Department of 
Justice recommends that data entry begins with clear communication to all data collectors what information to look 
for, and by what means it is appropriate and legal to do so (Department of Justice, 2019, b). Despite this urging, a 
consistent theme in reporting on gang databases, is that people of color are often profiled as gang members without 
sufficient evidence, also known as racial profiling. After data is entered into an information system, the data should 
not be left there forever without maintenance. In the same way that librarians follow the guidelines of the American 
Library Association in order to know when a book should no longer be in circulation, law enforcement is guided by 
the laws set forth by the Department of Justice in order to know how to maintain and purge database records 
(Department of Justice, 2019, b). Despite these laws, it has become apparent in many cities and jurisdictions that 
these guidelines are not being followed, and disastrous data violence has followed in the wake of this negligence 
(Winton & Puente, 2020; Sweeney, 2020; Chabria, 2019; Dumke, 2019; Vitale, 2018; Dumke, 2018a; Dumke, 
2018b; Speri, 2018; Bernstein, 2018; Smith, 2018; Kravets, 2016). In the following two sections, missteps in the 
 14 
 
information lifecycle will be reviewed in order to examine possible places of intervention within the discussion 
section of this paper.  
3.1. Data Entry & Racial Profiling  
In the report, Police Response to Gangs, Katz and Webb (2004) reported that, ?almost all individuals 
stopped by the gang unit during our observations were minority residents? (p. 276). When asked about the apparent 
bias that goes into questioning someone?s gang involvement, a sergeant replied, ?You have to walk a fine line, 
because we do target particular kids. While there are White, Asian, etcetera, gang members, we just do not run into 
them. We primarily deal with Blacks and Hispanics. You have to have an administration that backs you up and our 
department does. It is a very tough issue?. If you have 15 Black kids hanging out on a corner and 15 white kids 
also hanging out on a corner, the Blacks are more likely to be questioned? (Katz & Webb, 2004, p. 276). There are 
two immediately apparent problems with this response. The first dilemma is that the sergeant fails to address that 
neighborhoods of color are strategically targeted, and this level of targeting is made easier due to the fact that 
neighborhoods in the United States are more segregated than ever before (Vitale, 2018, p. 171). This sergeant, not 
unlike many law enforcement responses to this question, address the issue of racial profiling as if it happened by 
accident. Given, the amount that the amount of nationwide protests, newspaper articles, sousveillance of racial 
profiling and police brutality, academic papers on the prevalence and effects of racial profiling (Dumke, 2018; 
Legewie, J. & Fagan, J., 2019; Dumke, 2019; Sweeney, 2020), it seems unfathomable that this is the first time that 
the officer has been asked to consider the role of racial profiling of young men of color. The second matter in this 
response that urgently needs addressing, is that it reveals a presumption of white innocence. Given, the drastic 
overrepresentation of people of color in these gang databases it is clear that the instances of racial profiling have not 
ceased despite various media outlets condemning the practice (Chabria, 2019; Dumke, 2019; Vitale, 2018; Dumke, 
2018; Bernstein, 2018; Smith, 2018) 
While law enforcement underestimates the pervasiveness of White gangs, gangs  made up of caucasian 
people are silently growing in rural locales, beyond the attention or perception of gang suppression efforts (Ladd, 
2018). In national surveys of young people who identify as gang members, studies have shown that approximately 
forty percent are white (Ladd, 2018). It has been reported, however, that law enforcement often underestimates the 
prevalence of white gangs. Studies show that police report approximations of ten to fourteen percent of gang 
members in the United States identifying as White (Ladd, 2018). It has also been shown from a 2012 study that 
 15 
 
documentation patterns within gang databases plays a significant role in a police officer?s perception of White gang 
membership; since White gangs are overwhelmingly underreported in gang databases, officers assume they are less 
prevalent than they actually are. The underreporting, however, is a result of racial profiling that overwhelmingly 
targets people of color. There are three recognized groups of organized crime:8 white supremacist prison gangs, 
outlaw biker clubs, and criminal street gangs (Ladd, 2018). Unsurprisingly, street gangs are not only written as more 
dangerous, but they also receive harsher judicial judgments, sentences, and charges (Ladd, 2018). White gangs are 
just as violent as inner-city gangs but receive less media attention (Ladd, 2018) due to the fact that whiteness falls 
outside of the cannon of presumed Black criminality.  
3.2. Data Maintenance & Removal of Outdated Entries 
 While it is unfair to presume that law enforcement officers are trained as data scientists, it is impossible to 
have effective data-based methods without guidelines advising consistent practices across various police 
departments, jurisdictions, and states. Consistent practices become exceptionally important when sharing this data 
with venues such as: courts, private attorneys, schools, and immigration. Some of these prospective data recipients 
are unaware of the breadth of these inconsistencies and might judge gang data from one police department, based on 
another jurisdiction, or state?s guidelines. The two most consistent outcries from journalists are ridding of old data 
after a certain amount of time, also known as data cleaning, and inconsistent definitions of gangs. While the 
Department of Justice has recommended that law enforcement agencies share the information they capture with 
other law enforcement and intelligence agencies (Department of Justice, 2019, b), this becomes inadvisable when 
the laws regulating this information encourage inconsistent capture of data that when compiled contradicts the other 
data included in the set. .  
Data Cleaning 
In order to have effective data-based initiatives, there needs to be extensive data cleaning measures taken in 
order to mitigate the bias in a dataset. If these data cleaning measures are not taken, what will result is a dangerous 
feedback loop that repeats historical patterns of over-policing people of color living in low-income neighborhoods 
(Lum and Isaac, 2016, p 16). The Department of Justice has a law entitled 28 C.F.R. ? 23, that states all gang 
database entries that have not been renewed as a result of a criminal investigation, conviction, or adjudication, must 
 
8 Interestingly enough, many of the historically notorious white gangs such as La Cosa Nostra, also known as the 
Mafia, are not officially considered organized crime the way other street gangs that Ladd (2018) describes are.  
 16 
 
be destroyed after five years (Barrows & Huff, 2009, p. 693). In 2018 Illinois Propublica found that police were 
utilizing a gang database in Cook County that had not taken measures to remove data entries much older than the 
five year limit would allow (Dumke, 2018, a). This lack of attention to the police dataset led to continuous 
surveillance of individuals well into their 70s and 80s, most of whom left gang life or never even participated in 
gang activity (Dumke, 2018, a).  
Cook county was not the only place in which law enforcement officers were found to be not maintaining 
their databases. Similarly flawed databases have been found in Baltimore (Smith, 2018), Boston (Dooling, 2019), 
New York (Gullapalli, 2019), Cook County, IL (Dumke, 2018, b), Los Angeles (Chabria, 2019), and Portland 
(Bernstein, 2018). If datasets are not maintained to reflect the fluid nature of gangs, then the databases are not only 
violating law, but also serving as justification to punish anyone who has ever lived in a gang-afflicted neighborhood 
as if they had committed crimes of gang violence  (Chabria, 2019).  
Data Labeling 
The Department of Justice (2019, b) recommends that any data-based policing initiatives identify the type 
of data that will be collected, the reason for its collection, and the methods that are appropriate to assemble this data 
before any data enters the information system. This homogeneity in data collection, entry, and labeling processes 
mitigates the potential for flawed analyses that result from unreliable data, or maintenance processes. Barrows & 
Huff (2009) assert a prudent precaution in regard to the varying definitions of gang members across various states. 
While the Department of Justice (2019, b) encourages the sharing of law enforcement data across state lines, this is 
extremely problematic when the criteria that qualifies a gang member in each state varies greatly from one another 
(Barrows & Huff, 2009). This is particularly true in the age of artificial intelligence?s incorporation into the United 
States Justice system. If inconsistent gang data is entered into artificial intelligence sentencing, probation, or parole 
algorithms, there can be catastrophic consequences for those who are identified as a gang member in these 
databases. This is particularly true, when being a known gang member is listed as a risk factor for recidivism in 
these algorithms, which results in harsher forms of sentencing, probation and parole (Vitale, 2018; Hutson, 2018; 
Barrows & Huff, 2009). Therefore, if an individual is identified as a gang member in one state, and is tried for a 
crime in a different state, the accused individual can suffer extremely harsher punishments due to the fact that they 
have been labeled as a gang member from inconsistent criteria (Barrows & Huff 2009).  
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4. Discussion: How can librarians or knowledge from library science mitigate negative impacts? 
 This discussion section looks to identify some of the specific forms of data violence that result from these 
gang databases and potential interventions to mitigate these consequences. A brief review of Ida B. Wells and the 
National Black Census serves as an illumination as to how community based data efforts have helped mitigate 
systemic oppression in the past. These examples will serve as frameworks for how community information centers 
such as libraries can function as mitigators of data violence.  
4.1. Consequences of Being in A Gang Database 
Since the incorporation of automation and computers into criminology and law enforcement, these common 
and incomplete datasets are fed into algorithms and create more incomplete and misleading datasets. Additionally, 
due to data sharing these gang databases are becoming a more pervasive and interconnected problem (Del Bosque, 
2019; Hutson, 2018; Kravets, 2016; Howell, 2011; Jacobs, 2009). While information professionals, have long 
argued that sharing unverified data can potentially violate individuals? civil liberties (Jacobs, 2009), law 
enforcement continues to create, implement and share these databases (Winton & Puente, 2020; Sweeney, 2020; 
Chabria, 2019; Dumke, 2019; Vitale, 2018; Dumke, 2018a; Dumke, 2018b; Speri, 2018; Bernstein, 2018; Smith, 
2018; Kravets, 2016).  
Pre-Trial Detention, Bail 
 While a person might not receive a harsh sentence or conviction as a gang member, an area that is often 
overlooked in the impact of gang databases is the negative consequences that result from pre-trial detention. 
Howell?s (2011) surveyed sixty four defense attorneys from forty jurisdictions in twelve different states regarding 
the impact of gang association allegations on bail outcomes. Howell (2011) found that even in the court of law gang 
allegations are typically not verified through evidentiary hearings. Additionally, the study found that eighty percent 
of the accusations of gang association were levied against defendants who were not gang involved (Howell, 2011, p. 
632). Oftentimes these allegations of gang affiliation were a legal tactic to ask for a higher amount in bail (Howell, 
2011, p. 632-633).9 When the bail is so high that a person may not be able to afford it, as is typical for someone 
living in a low-income, and gang afflicted neighborhood, the defendant is more likely to take a plea deal (Howell, 
 
9 This frequently occurs despite the fact that non excessive bail is a constitutional right (Howell, 2011, p. 641-642). 
 18 
 
2011, p. 642-643).10 If the defendant accepts the plea deal, that often means that they must carry around a criminal 
conviction (Howell, 2011, p. 642-643). If the defendant does not accept the plea deal, however, that could mean that 
the individual is stuck in jail for years (Howell, 2011, p. 643). This additional time in jail could result in a loss of an 
income, which can be catastrophic in low-income families.  
Immigration and Asylum 
Sensationalist journalism, and uninformed political leaders like Donald Trump,11 would lead Americans to 
believe that gangs are predominately made up of immigrants and asylum seekers that are the greatest threat to 
American prosperity. For this reason, asylum seekers and immigrants are often entered into gang databases without 
any involvement or association with gang activity (Del bosque, 2019). What is frequently misunderstood about 
individuals who are seeking asylum, is that they are doing so because, ??their own government can?t protect them or 
is complicit in the [gang] violence [prevalent in foreign countries]?? (Del Bosque, 2019, para. 20). This systematic 
violence, in which international governments are either associated or defenseless, allows for police to become 
extensions of organized crime and brutality (Del Bosque, 2019). In particular, those who resist the power of 
organized crime may find themselves on a retaliatory list, ironically referred to as a gang database (Del Bosque, 
2019).12 Due to the non-existent inclusion criteria for gang databases, it is very easy to include a person?s name with 
no justification as to why it is believed that they are a gang member (Del Bosque, 2019). In 2017, the United States 
funded a fusion center for all of this problematic data called, Grupo Conjunto de Inteligencia Fronteriza (Del 
Bosque, 2019). This center limits the mobility of anyone listed in these gang databases, under the presumption that 
they have been correctly identified as a gang member by their local law enforcement (Del Bosque, 2019). This 
unverified, and rightfully suspicious information is shared both with United States border patrol, and local United 
 
10 The jail conditions that an alleged gang member faces are often much harsher than that of a non-gang affiliated 
member (Howell, 2011, p. 635). Oftentimes these defendants are placed in jails where they are locked in their cell 
for 23 hours of the day, which has been proven to cause severe mental distress (Howell, 2011, p. 635).  
11Trump has a long documented history of misreporting the prevalence of central american and southern american 
gang members attempting to cross the border and claim asylum (Dreier, 2018). Ultimately these speeches prove to 
be racist scapegoating.  
12 ??There?s a lot of gang infiltration and influence on the police force in El Salvador,? said Geoff Thale, vice 
president of programs for the Washington Office on Latin America, a nonprofit human rights group. ?Do I think 
there?s retaliatory data that gets entered because cops are pissed off at somebody or because a street guy is paying 
off a cop to only put down names of his rivals on the gang list? Yeah, I think that?s very likely,? said Thale, who has 
worked on issues involving human rights, security and law enforcement in El Salvador since the mid- ?80s? (Del 
Bosque, 2019, para. 13-14).  
 19 
 
States police departments (Del Bosque, 2019). This essentially gives police reasonable suspicion to continue to 
question an asylum seeker?s criminal history, without any evidence of previous crime. This is a violation of due 
process as it applies to United States law (Jacobs, 2009). If someone received a criminal classification without 
notice, a hearing or the ability to appeal this classification and the individual is still able to land in a detention center 
without evidence that they committed a crime, then it is a violation of due process (Jacobs, 2009).  
Data Violence Comparison: Holocaust and Immigration Detention Centers 
Experts note that the holocaust did not begin with genocide but with discussions of asking Jewish people to 
emigrate, and when they did not placing them in concentration camps (Beorn, 2018). By describing the majority of 
Latinx immigrants and asylum seekers as dangerous gang members, Trump is creating an ethnic myth that Latinx 
people are inherently dangerous and thereby justifying placing them in immigrant detention centers. Beorn (2018) 
states that the warehousing of an ethnic or racial group in often inhumane conditions, based on an ethnic myth, is 
what allowed many of the atrocities of the Holocaust to occur. Many experts in Holocaust studies claim that this is a 
keen and important comparison due to the fact that hateful chapters of history rarely start with genocide (Beorn, 
2018). Often eugenicist movements begin through scapegoating a particular group that can be blamed for a large 
social issue such as unemployment (Beorn, 2018).   
4.2. Lessons to Be Learned From Good Data Keeping and Counter Story-Telling 
 In this section Ida B. Wells and the National Black Census serve as examples that illustrate how 
communities of color have historically kept their own records, in order to counter stories within mainstream policing 
and academia that were used to justify the systematic oppression that government structures placed on their 
communities. These examples are useful references for community organizations that are looking to disrupt the data 
violence that gang databases create in their communities.  
Counter Storytelling Exemplars 
Ida B. Wells 
While academics like Frederick Haller and Nathaniel Shaler attempted to justify inequality towards 
African-Americans as a result of biological inferiority through incomplete data that failed to highlight the 
inequitable conditions that African-Americans and Caucasions lived in, Ida B. Wells kept accurate records 
highlighting these inequitable instances of violence toward the African-American community. This act of counter-
 20 
 
story telling prevents these historical white supremacists from being the only historical records. Wells? work 
exemplifies the importance of community collected data. This level of data collection allows for data that is 
important to the community to be collected.    
National Black Census 
 The National Black Census is a survey that seeks to highlight the trends, beliefs, and concerns of Black 
people living in the United States (Black Futures Lab, n.d.). Some of the themes reviewed in this survey include: 
concerns of economic disparity, desired changes within current criminal justice system protocol, and responses to 
political parties (Black Futures Lab, n.d.). Within the most recent report done by the National Black Census in 2019, 
Gun violence is highlighted as a major concern (Black Futures Lab, n.d.). In particular, African-Americans are twice 
as likely to die from gun violence than their white counterparts (Black Futures Lab, n.d.). This concern is often 
manipulated into political figures spewing anti-black narratives that paint communities of color as the problem 
(Black Futures Lab, n.d.). Using gangs as the sole perpetrator of gun violence is a fairly common scapegoating 
method that does not hold law enforcement shootings as a contributing factor responsible for perpetuating systems 
of gun violence within Black communities (Black Futures Lab, n.d.).    
4.3. Outlets for Intervention 
Corruption of data is not currently detailed in any legislation or code of ethics guiding law enforcement. In 
the era of what Hooper (2014) refers to as the information age of policing, it seems particularly pertinent that law 
enforcement be guided on best practices of data collection, storage, cleaning, and reporting. Fairness, accountability, 
and transparency (F.A.T.) is a public accountability framework that is particularly relevant in machine learning and 
artificial intelligence contexts (Malliaraki, 2018). The F.A.T. acronym allows creators of machine learning and 
artificial intelligence programs to measure: if the positive and negative outcomes are distributed evenly across 
demographic groups, fairness, if there is a way to report and remedy systematically unfair outcomes, accountability, 
and if there is a way to for users to know how the program came to the result that it did, transparency (Keyes, 
Durbin, Hutson, 2019).  While the F.A.T. acronym has traditionally been related to artificial intelligence and 
machine learning, F.A.T. also lends itself well to big data collection with life-altering ramifications, as can be seen 
within gang databases.  
 21 
 
Fairness: International Association of Chiefs of Police 
 In response to this differentiation in both legislation and expectation, the International Association of 
Chiefs of Police (I.A.C.P.), an organization that acts as a leading organization in law enforcement ethics, published a 
code of ethics that many law enforcement agencies adopt into their department?s oath of policing13 (International 
Association of Chiefs of Police, n.d.). The I.A.C.P.?s  code of ethics emphasizes the primary duty of police officers 
to serve the community and avoid any action that would detract from responsibility (International Association of 
Chiefs of Police, n.d., para. 2). Some of the examples of corruption within their code of ethics include: activities in 
their personal lives, self-control, following all legal precedents, not breaking confidentiality, engaging in bribery, 
witnessing other law enforcement officers engage in corruption and not reporting and, using unnecessary force 
(International Association of Chiefs of Police, n.d., para. 2). As law enforcement transitions to rely more heavily on 
data-based initiatives, it would be wise for I.A.C.P to expand their code of ethics to include data best practices so 
that positive and negative outcomes are distributed evenly across demographic groups. 
Accountability: Department of Justice and the Community 
 The Department of Justice has both a set of best data practices for law enforcement that deals with gang 
data (Department of Justice, 2019, b; The Gang Intelligence Strategy Committee, Global Intelligence Working 
Group, Criminal Intelligence Coordinating Council & Global Justice Information Sharing Initiative 2008), and an 
established set of consequences for law enforcement departments that do not comply with these best practices 
(Department of Justice, 2019, a). The question remains these standards already exist, why are inconsistent criteria 
continued to be utilized by law enforcement who wish to establish a gang database? Journalists in Chicago, have 
come out with new stories for the last two years, reporting that despite being charged by the inspector general to fix 
the flawed data collection and maintenance practices in their gang databases, these information systems continue to 
flourish with inaccuracies feuled by racial profiling (Dumke, 2018; Dumke, 2019; Sweeney, 2020). New York City 
(Gullapalli, 2019; Sweeney, 2020) and Los Angeles (Chabria, 2019) have similarly horrifying stories demonstrating 
the ceaseless nature of data violence erupting from law enforcement?s gang databases.  
 
13The Oath of Policing is supposed to act as a guiding ethical light for police officers. Similar to the way that the 
Hippocratic Oath is intended to remind healthcare professionals what their primary concern should be while on the 
job.  
 22 
 
The Changing Role of The State Attorney General 
 Before Donald Trump nominated Jeff Sessions to serve as the United States Attorney General, the process 
for investigating practices of inequitable or unlawful conduct was handled through consent decree (Madigan, 
Hendrickson, & Bass Ehler, 2020, p. 133). Sessions changed the role of the Department of Justice in police 
accountability by placing this responsibility on state, local, and tribal law enforcement leaders (Madigan, 
Hendrickson, & Bass Ehler, 2020). According to Madigan, Hendrickson and Bass Ehler (2020) ?Sessions? view was 
that police misconduct is not systemic or structural but is limited to a few bad cops? (p. 133). This current policy 
urges the state to deal with instances of police misconduct (Madigan, Hendrickson, & Bass Ehler, 2020).  
While data management is not always one of the primary examples of police misconduct it is an inequitable 
policing practice that would typically be handled by the Department of Justice. By disaggregating the responsibility 
of handling systemic police misconduct to the state level, both the responses and the data that results from these 
resolutions becomes more disparate and difficult to evaluate on a national scale. By charging state and local leaders 
with the responsibility of managing policing practice it becomes exceptionally more difficult for researchers to 
evaluate the effectiveness of these reforms on the national scale. The same issues with lack of uniformity in 
definition, labeling, and data cleaning in gang databases is likely to arise with police misconduct data. Without 
acknowledging that many inequitable policing practices actually come from other law enforcement departments 
across the country, law enforcement agencies will inevitably be held to different standards of performance and 
equity.  
Transparency: The Role of Information Professionals 
 While the Department of Justice currently negates the part of their mission that holds law enforcement 
agencies accountable, State Attorney Generals must advocate for the necessary support needed in order to hold law 
enforcement practices to the highest standard. In many instances information professionals and institutions could 
potentially fill that role by teaching community members how to tell if they are victims of data violence, and 
teaching law enforcement best data practices.  
Libraries and Victims of Data Violence 
 In the age of big data and e-government, the role of libraries has changed from book warehouses to 
information centers of public amenities. While the traditional services of loaning out books and media are still 
 23 
 
available, there is a lot more opportunity for librarians to intervene with social injustices that are seen in their 
respective communities. While the American Library Association prevents legal librarians from providing patrons 
with legal counsel (Maryland Courts, 2020), librarians are encouraged to show patrons how to find the information 
they are looking for. Oftentimes certain information needs in the community are so prevalent that librarians will 
hold  information sessions within public libraries to show or teach skills such as how to file for public assistance, 
resume building workshops, etc. Filing a Freedom of Information Act request could be a daunting task for someone 
who has never done so before. Library programs that teach community members what their rights are under the 
Freedom of Information Act, what the limitations of this law are, and how to file a Freedom of Information Act 
request could be an additional layer of transparency that empowers a community to mitigate data violence 
committed against them.  
Libraries and Law Enforcement Professionals 
 While it is popular and common for witnesses of data violence to retort that the criminal justice system is 
broken, that sentiment alone doesn?t provide reparations, mitigation, or restoration to those who are targeted by 
these information systems. It is possible to presume that the Department of Justice is overwhelmed by police 
departments inundated with information illiteracy, or not knowing the best source for an information need. In this 
context, the information needed would be what Barrows and Huff (2009) refer to as accurate gang member 
identifiers. In order to truly be able to understand this problem in its entirety, additional research would have to be 
done to identify the information seeking habits of law enforcement professionals who work for units that are 
specifically concerned with gang violence in order to see how the varying definitions of gangs (Barrows & Huff, 
2009), impact this trend of racial profiling that is currently seen in gang databases (Winton & Puente, 2020; 
Sweeney, 2020; Dumke, 2019 Speri, 2018; Dumke, 2018a; Dumke, 2018b, Smith, 2018). If that research is 
conducted there could be a unique opportunity for information professionals to cultivate and lead community 
restorative justice interventions regarding the appropriate use of collection, and use of data in a criminal justice 
context.    
5. Future Research: What Other Public Institutions are Creating Condemning Datasets on Youth of Color? 
 Various whistleblowing reporters (Winton & Puente, 2020; Sweeney, 2020; Chabria, 2019; Dumke, 2019; 
Vitale, 2018; Dumke, 2018a; Dumke, 2018b; Speri, 2018; Bernstein, 2018; Smith, 2018; Kravets, 2016) have given 
 24 
 
community readers insight into an institutional form of data violence14 that are currently being kept in the form of 
gang databases. What remains unclear, however, is what additional public institutions are sharing data with law 
enforcement, and the longitudinal effects of this form of data sharing on young people.15 As Ferguson (2017) points 
out in this sixth chapter of The Rise of Big Data Policing, there is a myriad of data sources that are known 
contributors to law enforcement information including but not limited to: cell phone application metadata, website 
metadata, cell phone location data, social media profiles, and social media user metadata.16 What remains unclear is 
what public institutions (schools, hospitals, government assistance programs, child welfare agencies, etc.) are 
participating in this current era of data sharing. Future research should also look into the developing legislation 
guarding against data sharing amongst public institutions in the age of big data.  
In particular, there are risks of certain classifications within mental health services, special education, and 
academic remediation to serve as an increased risk factor for early involvement with the criminal justice system. 
Students of color who are special education students are statistically more likely to become involved in the criminal 
justice system (Sullivan, 2017).17 Since special education, however, is such a large field, it is exceptionally difficult 
to disrupt the school to prison pipeline without knowing which classifications are leading to various types of 
 
14 Anna Lauren Hoffman (2018) describes the term data violence as ?processes of gathering data and using 
algorithms ? that implicitly and explicitly lead to harmful or fatal outcomes (para. 15). 
15 While some app developers have argued that the consumer is responsible for reading their end-license user 
agreement and should be aware that metadata is being shared on the regular, ?Brian Wong, chief executive of Kiip, a 
mobile ad firm that has also sold anonymous data from some of the apps it works with, says users give apps 
permission to use and share their data. ?You are receiving these services for free because advertisers are helping 
monetize and pay for it,? he said, adding, ?You would have to be pretty oblivious if you are not aware that this is 
going on.??(Valentino-DeVries, Singer, Keller, & Krolik, 2018, para. 31). It is exceptionally difficult to argue that 
consent has been given when companies fail to disclose how the information will be used (Valentino-DeVries, 
Singer, Keller, & Krolik, 2018). Elizabeth Warren proved this point in her own studies of overly complicated 
language used in predatory loan agreements. She proved that when people understand the terms of the agreements 
that they are signing they are less likely to sign these loan agreements (Warren, 2014).  
16 Instances of law enforcement continuing to utilize cell phone location data despite the Supreme Court ruling that 
this is a violation of Americans? fourth amendment rights (Liptak 2018) is frighteningly common (Valentino-
Devries, 2019; Ferguson, 2017; Bates, 2017). This is especially true when local police departments have been 
purchasing Stingray technologies that have the capability of tracking individual cell phones without a warrant 
(Bates, 2017). What is most problematic about this purchase is that the F.B.I. has been selling it to police stations 
under the condition of a non-disclosure agreement, even in a court of law. acquirement of Stingray technologies into 
law enforcement communities (Bates, 2017). 
17 There are a couple of different theories as to why this may be. Some argue that students of color are more likely 
to be labeled with a behavioral learning disability as a result of the predominately white teaching staff not 
understanding cultural differences (Levy-Pounds, 2018, p. 202; Sullivan, 2017, p. 245). Other scholars equate this 
disproportionality to be more formulaic. This theory states that when special education students, who are 
predominately students of color, are more frequently suspended, the suspended students are more likely to fall 
behind in school, weaken their bond to the educational environment, and increase the likelihood of becoming 
involved in illicit activities (Bal, Betters-Bubon & Fish, 2019, p. 248).  
 25 
 
involvement with law enforcement. Sullivan (2017) has made the point that the special education classification of 
Emotional Disturbance does not have a specific definition or a quantifiable list of criterion associated with this 
classification (Sullivan, 2017, p. 246-247). This means that for students who carry this label, there is no consistent 
way to give accommodations. Instead Bal, Betters-Bubon, and Fish (2017) found that a diagnosis of Emotional 
disturbance resulted in more suspensions from school, during which time adolescents were more likely to become 
involved with the juvenile justice system (p. 1-2). This is one illustrative example of how classification systems are 
resulting in data violence against our youth. In order to protect adolescents, who may be unaware of the data 
violence being incurred against them, information professionals must advocate for the role of consent in data 
sharing. 
 
  
 26 
 
Appendix A 
Law Enforcement Code of Ethics 
?As a law enforcement officer, my fundamental duty is to serve the community; to safeguard lives and property; to 
protect the innocent against deception, the weak against oppression or intimidation and the peaceful against violence 
or disorder; and to respect the constitutional rights of all to liberty, equality, and justice. 
I will keep my private life unsullied as an example to all and will behave in a manner that does not bring discredit to 
me or to my agency. I will maintain courageous calm in the face of danger, scorn or ridicule; develop self-restraint; 
and be constantly mindful of the welfare of others. Honest in thought and deed both in my personal and official life, 
I will be exemplary in obeying the law and the regulations of my department. Whatever I see or hear of a 
confidential nature or that is confided to me in my official capacity will be kept ever secret unless revelation is 
necessary in the performance of my duty.  
I will never act officiously or permit personal feelings, prejudices, political beliefs, aspirations, animosities or 
friendships to influence my decisions. With no compromise for crime and with relentless prosecution of criminals, I 
will enforce the law courteously and appropriately without fear or favor, malice or ill will, never employing 
unnecessary force or violence and never accepting gratuities. 
I recognize the badge of my office as a symbol of public faith, and I accept it as a public trust to be held so long as I 
am true to the ethics of police service. I will never engage in acts of corruption or bribery, nor will I condone such 
acts by other police officers. I will cooperate with all legally authorized agencies and their representatives in the 
pursuit of justice. 
I know that I alone am responsible for my own standard of professional performance and will take every reasonable 
opportunity to enhance and improve my level of knowledge and competence. 
I will constantly strive to achieve these objectives and ideals, dedicating myself before God to my chosen 
profession? law enforcement? (International Association of Chiefs of Police, n.d., para. 2-7).  
 27 
 
Appendix B 
Lack of Concern About White Gangs 
It is worth noting that when it comes to labeling predominantly white gangs, (i.e. white supremacist prison 
gangs and outlaw biker clubs, there are boundary words18 associated with the group such as biker or prison. These 
assigned boundary words mislead the reader to understand that these groups typically don?t operate outside of their 
assigned boundary word. These misleading terms not only understate the prevalence of white gangs, but they 
overstate the danger of Black gangs. Since most people in the United States will have to interact with a street at 
some point, the phrase street violence seems more pertinent to everyone?s safety and attention. Whereas smaller 
populations deal with large groups of bikers, and even smaller percentages of people are regularly faced with the 
violent dealings inside a prison system. Through this misinformed logic, some will conclude that Black street gangs 
are a more important focus for law enforcement than white gangs. In reality, however, street gangs are more likely 
to commit violence between gangs than against civilians (Ladd, 2018). This trend is greatly contrasted with the 
principle of white supremacist groups who often form with the primary intention of targeting uninvolved minorities, 
in the name of racial cleansing or purity. The fact that these gruesome acts of violence do not have a database for the 
purpose of tracking their daily movements speaks not only to the underlying principle of white innocence (Garcia-
Rojas, 2014), but also shows evidence of how law enforcement understands violence committed by white people as 
an individual acts, and violence committed by people of color as an epidemic (Ladd, 2018).  
The following sections will explore two impactful, but often ignored, instances of white gangs. This 
discussion is essential to consider how discussion of gang violence, and criminality have been predominantly 
associated with people of color. This proves to be problematic as, white populations are also fairly involved in gangs 
throughout America and data collection protocols do not reflect this reality. This will support a later discussion that 
police officers operating as data collectors need continuous training in the scientific methods, so that they don?t 
implement their own biases into gang databases. This is especially important when considering how this data is, 
implemented in predictive policing software. The first discussion looks into the cost of white collar-crime that is 
predominantly committed by white men in their mid thirties to early forties (Klenowski & Dodson, 2016). Then I 
 
18 Boundary words like prison gang or biker gang refer to the presumed locale that they operate in. Prison gangs are 
thought to have originated in prison, but oftentimes they have influence both inside and outside of the carceral 
system. Biker gangs are thought to only operate on motorcycles, as that is how they are identified. Oftentimes, 
however, biker gangs operate without their motorcycles.  
 28 
 
will discuss how Southern Italian immigrants created the blueprint for utilizing gangs to achieve generational 
wealth, after gangs were no longer funded by local politicians (Adamson, 2000). This is essential in order to 
understand why this cycle of gang involvement continues to this day, despite increased levels of incarceration.  
Southern Italians19 as an Important Case Study 
 While contemporary Black and latino street gangs are commonly condemned, it is important to remember 
to remember that American history has not painted in the same manner. Gangs in America began as a way for 
immigrant populations to gain a respectable status from well-respected politicians,20 and community members by 
acting as unofficial forms of law enforcement (Adamson, 2000). In this unofficial capacity gangs overcame the 
weaknesses and corruption that were overwhelmingly present in urban police forces across the country (Adamson, 
2000). It was not until until the second great migration in the mid twentieth century, when large populations of 
African-Americans were moving into previously white, immigrant neighborhoods that Gangs became an opportunity 
for social mobility in Black and Brown neighborhoods. Before white flight presented these territory-based 
opportunities, the aforementioned neighborhoods were largely occupied by Italian and Irish immigrants who laid the 
blue-print for how to gain respect and status through gang life.  
 La cosa nostra, also commonly referred to as the mafia, receives a fair amount of glorification throughout 
popular culture with the justification that this group is an issue of the past. This is simply not true. Docuseries like, 
Inside the American Mob (Druckerman et. al, 2013) allude to the Italian Mafia as an issue of the past. Criminologists 
discuss how the responsibility of classifying and monitoring the Mafia has been moved to the level of FBI (?How 
 
19 There has been a significant rift between Northern and Southern Italian cultures and economies. Southern Italians 
in particular have been living in extreme poverty for the last 250 years (Favarretto, 2018). Some of the reasons that 
this poverty has been secluded to Southern Italy include: an agriculturally based economy that has not advanced 
with time, no places for the most intelligent members of the community to study, presence and influence of 
organized crime within the government, extreme levels of corruption amongst government officials, large 
populations of undocumented immigrants not paying taxes, ineffective nature of law enforcement (Favarretto, 
2018). While these factors can be difficult to prove through empirical study, it should be noted that the presence of 
these circumstances are prevalent in many other low-income communities that have high emigration rates.  
20 This dynamic was complex in that, ?Politically powerful adults did not approve of many of the things that white 
gangs did, such as breaking windows, reporting false fire alarms, cutting cable lines, defacing street signs, disturbing 
the peace at night, insulting people on the sidewalk, pilfering from stores, breaking into private dwellings, and 
looting factory yards and construction sites (Philpott 1978, p. 73). Nevertheless, those adults sponsored white street 
gangs, and rewarded them for playing a key role in neighbourhood defence, especially since urban governments and 
police forces were weak, ineffective and often corrupt. While adults frowned on activities which undermined the 
quality of community life, they approved of the youth gang?s role in keeping strangers, especially Blacks, off their 
streets and beaches, and out of their parks, baseball diamonds, swimming pools, saloons and dance halls (Spear 
1967, p. 206; Kusmer 1976, p. 185)?(Adamson, 2000, p. 278).  
 29 
 
The Mafia Has Survived And Is Involved In International Crime Today,? 2019). While some may attribute this lack 
of concern by local police to the decrease in street killings by the Italian Mob (Jackman, 2019), I would argue that 
this decreased concern is more likely due to the changing racial identity of Italian people in America21 (Staples, 
2019), and the mafia?s ability to infiltrate legitimate business and influence local police forces (Staples, 2019).   
 What is most important in the comparison between Italian immigrants, who came to the United States 
before 1900 when the Italian-American racial identity experienced a shift toward whiteness (Adamson, 2000), and 
African Americans residing in gang-afflicted neighborhoods today is how organized crime allowed individuals to 
jump economic and social strata within the United States. When Southern Italians came to the United States, they 
were escaping levels of poverty so extreme that locals described as ?la miseria? in order to illustrate, ?not just 
poverty, but the seemingly unbreakable vicious circle of precarious employment, inadequate housing, and sanitary 
facilities, malnutrition, disease, and illiteracy that relegates them to a permanent position of marginality and 
subordination with respect to the rest of society and inexorably shapes the passivity and fatalism, broken only by 
spontaneous but short-lived rebellions which characterize their outlook on life and politics? (Chubb, 1982, p. 159-
160). When Italian immigrants came to the united states not only were they met with xenophobia, but they were also 
associated with African Americans due to a long standing tradition of southern Italians working on plantations22 
along-side African American slaves. It was through the organization, advocacy and generational wealth created by 
organizations like la cosa nostra that Italian-Americans were able to break this long-standing association and thet 
systemic oppression that came with this alliance.  
 As Italian-Americans began to gain more status and respect in American society, residents of Italian urban 
neighborhoods began fleeing the city for suburban life (Adamson, 2000). After these light-skinned immigrants left 
impoverished city neighborhoods, politicians funded community resources even less than they did before white 
flight (Adamson, 2000). In place of the meger community resources provided through government funding, and 
 
21 At the height of Mafia crime in the 1970s and 1980s, there was still a hefty amount of discrimination against 
Italian people, which ultimately spurred more young Italian-American men to join La Cosa Nostra (Druckerman et. 
al, 2013). This, of course, affirms Vitale?s (2018) ideas that police harassment breeds gang cohesion and further 
development of ??us against the world?? mentality (Vitale, 2018, p. 162). 
22 It is unclear if these Italian people were working as indentured servants, slaves, or poorly paid workers. It is likely 
that Italian immigrants were paid meger compensations, but were ultimately given freedom of movement, due to the 
fact that many came to the United States of their own volition, and not abducted and forced into slavery as African-
American slaves were. While this is a very important distinction, it is essential to remember that African-Americans 
and Southern Italians were associated with each other, through communal work, living, and a common culture that 
arose from similar mistreatment (Staples, 2019). 
 30 
 
white gangs like la cosa nostra, local politicians advocated for increased funding for militaristic surveillance and 
broken-windows policing23 that ultimately criminalized everyday life (Adamson, 200). This new community 
structure created an even greater need for gang protection in low-income city neighborhoods as African-Americans 
from southern states began occupying formerly immigrant neighborhoods (Adamson, 2000). 
 If governments wish to condemn the current state of gangs in urban life, there must be a recognition in the 
roles that governments played in creating circumstances in which gangs filled a need that the government no longer 
provided through social services (Adamson, 2000; Vitale, 2018). It is impossible to eliminate the influence of gangs 
in American without first reconciling the structural racism that has made gangs an essential part of survival. It is also 
crucial to reflect on the fact that this tradition of gangs did not receive a criminal classification until it was adopted 
by people with a darker skin color (Adamson, 2000). When it was light-skinned immigrants, like Italian-Americans, 
not only were these groups funded by local politicians, but it was ultimately accepted by locals as a necessary evil 
(Adamson, 2000).  
The Cost of White Men Committing White-Collar Crimes  
 In a provocative talk given at Data and Society, Dr. Ruha Benjamin poses an interesting question in regards 
to the hyper-racialized definition of what types of crime are harmful (Data & Society Research Institute, 2019). 
 
?One of my favorite examples of what we might call a Bellian racial reversal is this parody project 
that begins by subverting the anti-Black logics embedded in hi-tech approaches to crime 
prevention. Instead of using predictive policing techniques to forecast street crime, the ?White 
Collar Early Warning System flips the script by creating a heat map that flags city blocks where 
financial crimes are likely to occur. The system not only brings the hidden, but no less deadly, 
crimes of capitalism into view, but includes an app that alerts users when they?ve entered high-risk 
areas to encourage citizen policing and awareness. Taking it one step further, the development 
team is working on a facial recognition program to flag individuals who are likely perpetrators and 
the training set used to design the algorithm includes the profile photos of 7,000 corporate 
executives downloaded from LinkedIn. Not Surprisingly, the average face of a criminal is white 
and male. To be sure, creative exercises like this are only comical when we ignore that all of its 
features are drawn directly from actually existing practices and proposals in the real world, 
including the use of facial images to predict criminality. (Data & Society Research Institute, 2019, 
19:07-20:24). 
 
While Benjamin presents this ?parody project? as a way to examine the implied racial disparity in presumed 
criminality, this exercise also allows the audience to ponder the inherent classism embedded into the criminal justice 
 
23 Broken windows policing is eloquently described by Byfield (2018), ?the concepts behind ?'Broken Windows?' 
policing, according to Kellling and Wilson (1982), separated the idea of ?'safety?' from the concept of ?'the crime 
rate'?; and separated at the community-level ?'disorder?' from the concept of the ?'the crime rate'?. Emphasis would be 
placed on order maintenance (as opposed to law enforcement) because minor crimes were seen as a main contributor 
to disorder, which would lead to the eventual breakdown of the community? (p. 94). 
 
 31 
 
system. Research has shown that white-collar crimes, committed predominantly by white, citizen men, with gainful 
employment in their late thirties to early forties (Klenowski & Dodson, 2016), have much more impactful and far-
reaching effects than street crime that is usually contained to a particular neighborhood. When economists calculate 
the annual victimization costs in the United States of white-collar crimes,24 against those of street gang crimes they 
found that white collar crime costs society a great deal more than street crime does (Cohen, 2016, p, 76). Cohen 
(2016) even asserts that due to ?avoidance behavior, precautionary expenditures, and other costs are not fully 
accounted for? (p. 79),25 it becomes impossible to determine how much more white collar crimes cost communities 
than street gang crimes.  
The powerful positionality of these white-collar criminals, even after conviction of crimes committed, is 
most likely due to many of the affordances built, for wealthy white people,26 into the United States criminal justice 
system. Regardless if one examines this issue from a communal impact perspective, or the potential revenue that the 
criminal justice system seeks to gain from offenders of gang crime the ideal target would be white collar gangs, that 
are readily visible in dominant culture. This should prompt citizens to question what the actual goal of our criminal 
justice system is, to subordinate and control historically marginalized populations or is it to protect the community 
that is affected by crime. If one takes this often disregarded impact of white-collar crime into consideration, the 
values of gang suppression efforts begin to come into question.27  
  
 
24 This study defined white-collar crime as, ??an illegal act or series of illegal acts committed by nonphysical means 
and by concealment or guile, to obtain money or property, to avoid the payment or loss of money or property, tor to 
obtain business or personal advantage? (Edelhertz 1970, p. 3)? (Cohen, 2016, p. 80). 
25 It should be noted that these measures can only be achieved through high-levels of social positionality, expensive 
lawyers, and with membership among more privileged visible identities. 
26 Continuous demographic and ethnographic studies of white collar criminals show that these criminals tend to 
identify as middle to high class, caucasian men with gainful employment in their mid thirties to forties. Due to the 
increasing presence of biased algorithms in sentencing these white upper-class defendants are serving shorter 
sentences (Angwin, Larson, Mattu, & Kirchner2016). 
27 The widely accepted gang definition benchmarks described Esbensen, Winfree, He, & Taylor (2001) poses an 
interesting question, ?(1) youth status, defined as an age classification ranging between 10 and the early 20s or even 
older, and (2) the engagement by group members in law-violating behavior or, at a minimum, ?imprudent? behavior? 
(p. 106). White collar criminals, who often don?t commit their crimes alone, should be considered a gang since their 
criminal activities cost communities much more financial and therefore social destruction (Cohen, 2016). 
 32 
 
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