SELF-CONCEPT EDUCATION : AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A RESIDENTIAL SCHOOL AND TREATMENT CENTER FOR EMOTIONALLY DISTURBED AND DELINQUENT ADOLESCENTS by Kenneth Diller Witmer , Jr . Ir \ dr Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland in partial fulfillment of t he requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1983 Cc)(~ ( APPROVAL SHEET Dissertation : Se l f - Concept Educati on : An Title of Ethnography of a Residential School and Treatment Center for Emotionally Disturbed and Delinquent Adolescents Name of Candidate : Kenneth Di l ler W itmer , Jr. Doctor of Philosophy , 1983 rtation and /) ? /J ?) 1( ,.,1_ Disse tract Approved : ~ l1 <1 :-; i :~ 1?1 I , "111 L1 11q ,,the r things , the s oc ial er c Lion 0? ! l e' s1 , JCi ?-?:; ted that the self is the produc L of t l, i I rd iv i cl u.i l ' :.; : ;oc _i :tl interactions . A parent m Y angcrr:cl b y c1 l 11 i l rl ' ,: ,H ,_, i d ental spilling o f a drink c.1 n d bc,9_i_n to hc1 i-: ;1l l y s cn l cl l/ 1, ' c?h.i l d . This behavior r e - P r S ' nLs Lhc 11 1 11 f)<1 1?t () f ll 1t? :,,, I E impulsively reacting to urbancc . 'l' ll l' 11 r r' , 11 , J l1 I l1e other hand , emerge s and Lh t?a cnL may I r'cl l i ,-:L' l,rn?1 I, 11 : ; !1 he has been with the child <- n c h c k hi ~; 1<'c1cl i o n . 'l ' l 1, ' 11 M1i ," as illustrate d above, is Phc1se o[ r1 p <' 1 ,, rn1 ' s c?o 11 :; , ? _i ,, 11::ness wh erein he views h ' in?c l ? as a n cc 1 () 1" ill l / 1(' :: , ,c ?i . 1 l situation. Mead said : 'T' h e j n i v i d t1 c.1 l r? 11 i, ' 1 , .. 1: ; s u c h into his own e xpc 1- i cncc 0 1, I y 0 11 I I 1c, h , .sis o f social e l a jo11:; ,1 1Hl i 11i(' L,?1,?i i , 11.s , only by means of h i_ s c :-: 1i c' 1 i m1' 11!ci l l 1c1 11: a c tio ns with oth c 1 i1 1cl i v i clu.1 I:: i r1 . 111 ,,rgani zed social e n v i ron n1<' 11 l . I 'l 'h i ? cJoes n o l s1 1:; 1,c' 11cl I IH' n o l i r, 11 that the individual --------- 1 l\n s I 0 111 '.il 1?c111:; :; , ' I' ll, ? :;,)(' i a l Psyc hology of George ~ b rL '1 c d ( l' i1i c t1q t1 : 'i ' l ir' u 1,i v, ?1sity of Chicago Press , 1959) , 2T 17 s ubj ective ly ma n ipul ates t he experiences he encounters , but rath e r c l a rifie s that it i s wi thin t h e con text of his soc i a l world tha t the i nd i vidual acqu ires t h e ability to r e spo nd subject i ve l y as a n actor (parti c i pan t ) i n that wo rld , " taking the att i tud e of other indiv i d u a l s toward hims e lf within t h e soc i a l e nv iro nme n t or con text of expe rie nc e a nd b e h avi or in whic h b o th h e a nd t h ey a r e i. n v o l v e d . ' ,1 Meltzer f ur t h er c larifies t he soc i a l c r eat i o n of the "Me " in stating : Th e "Me " repre s e nts the incorpor a t e d other wi t hin t h e indiv idua l. Thus , i t compr i ses t h e o rga ni zed s e t of attitude s and d ef ini - t i o n s , und e rstanding s and e xpec t at i o n1--or s imply meaning s - -common t o the g r oup . According to Mead , the " I " and t h e "Me " phases of con sc i ous n e ss colla b o r ate to help the i ndiv idual c on t r o l his impul s i ve r eactio n to hi s s ocial world ; t h at i s , t h e soc i a l ly wi se "Me " pha s e he lps the r e a c tionary pha se o f self , the " I , " to b e ma ni fest in a s oc ially acc e pta b l e ma nner . He wi tt r e f ers to Me a d ' s notion o f the c oop e ra t ive natu re of the "I" a nd "Me " whe n he writes : The "Me " d oe sn' t a tte mpt to block t h e " I" but orga niz e s a nd direc ts i t s a c tivi t i es . 3 1 Ibid. 2 Bern a rd Me l tzer, "Mead ' s Soc i a l Psych o l ogy , " in Symbo lic Inte r ac tio n : A Read e r In Soc i a l Psych o l o gy , 2nd e d ., e dited by J . C . Manis a nd B. N. Me ltzer (Bos t o n: Ally n a nd Bacon, Inc . , 1 972 ), p . 8 . 3 J"o hn P . He witt , Se lf a nd Soc i e t y : A Symbo lic Int e r - ac tion i st Soc i a l Psycholo gy (Bo s ton: Ally n a nd Bacon , I nc ., 1 976 ), p . 63 . 18 Theoret i ca lly speaking , that whi c h influenc e s the "Me" p h a s e of a person's s e lf-con sc ious n e ss, social interaction for e x ampl e , will indirec tly influe nce the activity of the "I" p hase of s e lf . Man's ability to view himself and to consider o ther p e r sons a nd things in his environment is implie d in the thinking o f John Dewey . In particular , Dewey 's explanation of the proc e ss for building a moral life rests upon the assumption that man can reflect upon his being. In his discussion of Dewey's ideas of morality formation , William Frankena remarks: For h im (Dewey ) the moral life --including conduct , choice , and se l f-making -- should be precise l y a habit of reflective thought. 1 Dewey, greatly influenced by the thinking of William James, atte nds to the impulsive nature of man as well as to human potential to reflect upon, and as h e suggests , control conduct and being. Dewey maintains the impulsive a nd reflective components of the self , the "I" and "Me, " act cooperatively to produce t h e character of the person. This notion is apparen t in his words: ... character consists of an abiding ide n t ific ation of impulse with thought , in which impulse provides the drive while thought supplies cons e cutiveness , patience , and persistence, leading to a unified course of conduct . 2 1william K. Frankena, Three Historical Philosophies o f Education (Chi cago : Scotts Foresman, 1964), p. 143. 2 John Dewey, Theory of the Moral Life (Ne w York: Holt , Rinehart and Winston, 19 34 ), p . 36 . 19 wey's thought about the nature of the huma n being as De an impulsive creature controlled by reflec tive thought supparts the important symbolic interaction ist premise that man has the capacity to view himself as a social member , desires , and other impulsive characteris tics with drives that he must consider . Like Mead , Charles Horton Cooley argues th at the ocial self emerges in the context of the individ ual's s ion , as influenced by others in t h e social setting . interact In formulating the famous "looking- glass t heory ," Cooley compared the reflective nature of self to a looking glass : We see out face, figures and dress in the glass , and are interested in them because they are ours, and pleased or otherwise wit h t h em according as they do or do not answer what we should like t h em to be ; so in imag in- ation we perceive in a nother 's mind some thought of our appearance , manners , aims , deeds , character , friends , a nd so on , a nd ly affected by it. 1 are various f t he most important points Coo l ey adds to the concept On e o of self is t h e idea that one ' s consciousne ss of himself is a reflection of the image of hims e l f he attributes to the minds of oth ers . Cooley emphasizes th e imagination social sit- characteristic the individual brings to th e uation wherein his self emerges. Cooley ' s notion of the emerg ing self , as c on- d in the l ooking-gl ass t h eory , is composed of ceptualize 1c harles H. Cooley , Human Nature and Social Order (Ne w York : Scribner ' s , 1902), p . 5 . 20 three principle elements : The imagination of our appearance to the other person, the imagination of his judgement of that appearance and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or mortification.l He calls attention to the fact that within the soci al inter- action process , an individual's perce ption of self is closely related to his image of others , his imagination of others ' image of him and a resulting self-evaluation. Even though Cooley compared the individual's look at self with his look at himself in a mirror , he emphasized the imagined judgement of one ' s appearan ce oth ers is not a mechanical process . The subjectiv e , to interpretive nature of t he emerging self is represe nted by Cooley ' s words when he writes: Society is an interweaving and interworking of mental selves. I image your mind, and especially what your mind thinks about my mind, and what your mind thinks a bout what my mind thinks about yours . I dress my mind before yours and expect that you will dress yours before mine.l The point is that the individual's perception of an other's thoughts influences how he thinks about himself. In considering the social formation of the self, W.I. Thomas argues that canmonality exists b etween th e social group members varied perceptions of others ' thought s and 1charles H. Cooley , Human Nature and Social Order (New York : Scibner's, 1902), p . 5 . 2charles H. Cooley , Life and the Student (New York : Scribner ' s , 1927), p . 208 . 21 expectations . He claims : Preliminary to any self-determined act of behavior there is always a stage of exam- ination and deliberation which we may call 'the definition of the situation. ? l Through interacting , the individual acquires f rom the larger society the common definitions of the s ituations in which he find himself . These definitions a re not perfectly conveyed to each member of society, and in- dividual spontaneity may influence the actors' definition. Thomas writes: There is therefore always a rivalry between the spontan eou s definitions of the situation made by the member of an organized society and the defin ition which his society has provided for him . 2 Thomas posits that the common thread of thinkin g , as acquired by members of a given society, influe nces the individual interpretation of the social situati ons within that society . Contemporary thought concerning the interactio nist perspective of self is presented by two school s of thought 11 3 referred to as " the Chicago School " and " the I owa School . hicago Herbert Blumer , cons i dered the progenitor of t he C School, followed closely the work of Mead . Th is similar- ity is seen in Meltzer ' s and Petra ' s summariza tion of 1william I. Thomas , The Unadjusted Girl (Boston : Allyn and Bacon , Inc. , 1931 ), p . 42. 2 I bid . 3Bernard N. Meltzer and John W. Petras , "The Ch icago and Iowa Schools of Symbolic Interactionism ," in Human Nature Englewood and Collective Behavior , ed . Tamotsu Shibutani ( Cliffs, Prentice- Hall , 1970 ), p . 50. 22 Blumer ' s view of self : Blumer contends that the self is a process of internal conversation , in the course of which the actor can come to view himself in a new way, thereby bringing about c hanges in himself .l This perspective of self as process is consistent with Meadian theory since it promotes the notion that the individual comes to view himself, and subsequently control himself, within a social context . Kuhn , the chief representative of the Iowa School, views self as a structure rather than a process. He pro- motes a role - theory explanation of self and self - formation. According to Meltzer and Petras: Kuhn ... describes both the self and human interaction as structures. The organized set of self-attitudes serves as a system of preestablished plans of action . And , human associat i on takes the form of fairly stable, ready-made patterns of role and counter-role prescriptions.2 The problem with Kuhn 's perspective of the social construction of self is that is seems to suggest that man is a perfectly pliant creature . Not only are social ex - pectations and roles often unclear to the actor , but accurate or appropriate responses to known roles are often difficult for the individual to construct. Blumer supports Mead's idea of separating the impulsive nature of self from the socially influenced 1 Bernard N. Meltzer and John W. Petras , "The Chicago and Iowa Schools of Symbolic Interactionism ," in Human Nature and Collective Behavior , ed. Tamotsu Shibutani (Englewood Cliffs , Prentice-Hall, 1970), p . 53. 2 Ibid. 23 scloi.tlli_l i 1 : , ? rons of self that comprise the ? II 0 . H l't1]1 11 , Jll I I 1? ' , hand, make s n o consciou s effort to co n s i_u(' I h r? !! I t r 1 I ,:rent o f se l f and views the in- d i vjcJ al c_1(; I 11I , 1 I " ? :, " who adopts the structure of his soc i._ 1 grou: >. L 11 : , 'll ?.-1 t l 1, , . w I Dr's reference groups, acco 1 cl i 11, 1 r , , 1<,.: :1 : 1, we can predict his scl[ - a l t i l11 1J , : ; ; .,rd if we kno w his self- a l l i lu, !, ?:; , v/ r? , , 111 :nedict his behavior. I n ,, h cJ1- 1 , , 1:1 1 , '< , ?,l , ?1t conditions determine ll 1c p c 1 : ; () 11 ' , : . : , , I 1 ; a nd the self determines h _i s cn 11ciu1 1 ? ) Ku11n ' s SU(J(.JCS I i rJ t l 1 .. ?! uvior is indeed predictable a nd det ? rmino L< :' h c1 ~~ cJ<1 i 11, , , i 1 , 1 : l e s upport in subsequent em- rc" S <' d 1 <' ! 1. \:Jh c l h e , , 1: '. I ' ' ,n ? , ?:; : ; or structure, se lf is consi sten t ly con s j cJerecl 'tJ LL l 1 i 11 l iH? I i 1, ? catur e to r efer to the view of a 11 . ir ? I o , I i i , I :;,)cial environment where in the ind i v 1? a - - uc:i J ' s P?' t r ?,? i 1 , 1 11 , ! self is influenced by others . Meltz r P o i_,-i[ :; u u l l !1 , 11 ,i :1aj or implication of selfhood, deve 1? O f)-e' cJ . J_ i i : , y 111 h r , I 1, 1 ll teractionist theory, is that the ? . lncJ :i_v i dua I ---- p , ;:;:;(?:;: : 1 11, 1 self "may e ngage in interaction J. I b i cL 2 I b i d . 24 with himself just as two or more different individuals m.i g h t . 1 II This statement epitomizes Mead's approach to self because it asserts that the individual is capable of responding to himself. Morris Rosenberg offers another important char- acteristic of self that emerged within the symbolic interactionist tradition . Over the years , one fundamental distinction has come to be recognized--that between the self as subject or agent and the self as object of the person's own knowledge and eva luation.2 The ability of the person to be the object of his knowledge and evaluation has come to be referred to as the self - concept . Similar to the varied uses of the word " sel f ," many authors apply their unique definition to " self- concept. " The word that seems to appear most close in meaning to self-concept is "object. " For this reason , the discussion will focus briefly o n the general usage of the word object, before considering the context of self-concept . Dictionary definitions often give preliminary clues to the varied uses of a specific term. In the case of "objec t ." Webster ' s Third New International Dictionary offers the following as one definition : 1Meltzer , "Mead ' s Social Psychology ," in Symbolic .f.nteraction " A Reader in Social Psychology, p . 8 . 2Morris Rosenberg, Conceiving The Self , p. 6. 25 that is set or may be (1) Something 3.b. e mind so as t o r e garded as se t before th n; (2) some thin g b e apprehended or know es mind by any o f its a ctiviti l o f which the tern a nizance , wheth er a thing ex takes cog ception formed in space and ti me or a con elf. by the mind its t is to recogn ize neself as "obj ec Accordingly, t o refe r to o is actively a pprehending. ng which the m ind ones e l f as som ethi s the "object" of ive individual , therefore, i The refl e ct . his own though ts object" when rifies his use of the word " Mead cla he writes: ristic is repre sented in the This characte hich is a refle xive, and word 'self,' w subject ates that which can be both indic s essen - ject. This typ e of object i and ob s , and different from other object - tially con t has been dist inguished as he pas perience in t a term which in dicates an ex scious, one ' s self.2 with, an exper ience of, bject to onese lf is more ead, to be an o According to M g ical being; it includes bein of the phys than being awa re en- and position in his social behavior aware of one 's vironment. of the term " object" es his use Rosenberg disti nguish says to himsel f who , iscussion of th e individual in his d rg explains : m a moral pers on ." Rosenbe " I a l ster's Third New Internationa 1 "object," Web. ~ - Society (Chicaao- ge H. Mead, Mi nd, Self, and 201 . J ? 2Geor s, 1934), p . University of Chicago Pres The 26 is standing outsi de himself The individual escribing it, and looking at an object, d to it; but the evaluating it, resp onding ct he is perceiving , evaluating, and obje rd esponding to is hi mself. With rega r every other object in the world, the to are different; on ly subject and object this object are th ey the with respect to same . is a subjective ac tor es that a person This summary recog niz ility that he can emphasizing the po ssib in society, while e the object of hi s also step outside himself and becom nt. reflection, evalua tion, and judgme object " is used mo st often in In short , the word " person can be the to indicate that a the discussion of self He is an object to nd attention . focus of his refle ction a when he is cogniz ant of se moments himself during tho the term "object, " f wn being . Conside ring this notion o his o a discussion of th e various turn to this author can no w notions of self- co ncept. Self-Concept ndividual's concep t of self , Mead In discussing the i nguishing lustration that cl arifies some disti offered an il n in- illustration is of a factors of self- co ncept . The hased . He may enc ounter walls to ividual who is bein g c d er obstacles to wh ich he jump , and oth Climb, puddles to an actor in a soci al situation . must react. The f ugitive is immediate e chase , he is so occupied with his During th onsider himself as a has no time to c need to flee that he Self, p. 6. 1Morris Rosengerb , Conceiving The 27 pe r son who is afraid and running. When the chase ends, and l et u s s ay he esc apes, h e may sit down and begin to realize a nd r ef l ec t upon what he has just experienced . At this point h e may say to himself, " you just got out of that one." The story illustrates that as human beings we do not a lway s c ontemplate our actions and reactions , but at times we do s t op and consider ourselves as social agents . This awareness or perspective of self, whether slight or intense, is what produces the individual ' s self - concept. In attempting to clearly specify what is meant b y self-concept , L . Edward Wells writes : The essential features of self - conception are that it is reflexive and behavioral . l His term reflexive traces directly to Mead ' s point that c o n c eiving the self was an act of reflective thought . The behavioral component of Well ' s statement refers to the contention that self - concept is directly related to the behavior of the individual . Rosenberg considerd the self - concept as the individual ' s " realm of self attitudes ; as (his ) Selbstanschauung -- his gui. d i. ng se lf- - vi.e ws . 2 Rosenberg offers the following ide as concerning self - concept . 1 Wells , " Theories of Deviance and the Self-Concept, " p . 195. 2Morris Rosenberg , Conceiving The Self , p . 8 . 28 The self - concept . . . is a n object of perception and reflection , including the emotional reponses to that perception a nd ref l ection . It is a product o f ' self- objectification ' requiring the individual to stand outside himself and to react to himself as a detached object of observati on .l Considering this def in ition , se l f - concept is specified as that which resu l ts from t h e indiv i d ual ' s reflection upon himself as a social be i ng . The person' s se l f - concept includes the attitudes , judgmen ts , a nd opinions he hold toward himself . Self - concept i s most freq ue n t l y used in referen ce to an ind i v i dual ' s overa ll view of himse l f . Kinch defines se l f - concept as , " t h a t organ izati on of q ua li t i es that the individual attr ibutes to himse l f . 112 The term qu a l iti es in- eludes attr ibutes a nd r o l e s. One can see himse l f as father , doctor , o r pr i est , or as ambi t i ous , i n tel lige n t , or t i mid . Th e outstand i ng feature of this defini tion i s that it i n fers a co llective , organi zed v i e w of se l f - concept . Th e idea of a frame work of se l f is a l so r epresen ted wh e n Secord def ines se l f - concept as , " a n inter l ock i ng set of views that a n ind i v idua l ho ld s a bo ut himse l f . 11 3 A ma j or crit i c i s m of each of t hese def inition s is t hat t h ey promote a noti on of se l f as a " t h i ng " a nd not a " process ." As Hewi t t points out, " ... Mead did not i n tend 1 Ibid., 9 . 2J o hn W. Kinc h, "A Fo rma li zed Th eory of t h e Se l f - Concept ," i n Symboli c Interacti on: A Reader In Soc i a l Psychol ogy , p. 8 . 3 Pau l F. Secor d a nd Car l W. Backman , Soc i al Psych ology (New York : McGraw-Hi ll, 1 964 ), p . 414. 29 his discussion of these terms (Self, I, Me) to refer to things that come into existence and then operate as static contro ls over behavior, but to processes that develop when individuals acquire the capacity to use symbols and thu s to become a part of their own existence . 111 At any given mome nt, the self - concept is both a dependent variable and an independent variable in that it reflects the effects of prior events while it is being shaped by new experiences. Self - concept is best considered as a continuously developing casually extended process . Chelst attends to the process nature of self - concept when he offers his definition of the term . ... a person ' s view of himself, his subjective and personal image of self, either positive or negative, in varying degrees , and which is susceptible to influence.2 The important common feature of each of these definitions is that self - concept is reflective by nature . Therefore , a person has the ability to view himself as a social actor and as such can evaluate , describe , and judge his conduct. The reflective and processive features of self - concept are con- sidered by Rosenberg when he says, " self- concept is ... the totality of the individual ' s thoughts and feelings having reference to himself as an object. 11 3 l John P . Hewitt, Self and Society : A Symbolic Inter- actionist Soc i al Psychology, p. 63. 2Marvin R. Chelst , "Changes in Adolescents ' Self- Concepts During the Course of Insitutionalization" (Ph.D. dissertation , University of Maryland, 1972), p . 50. 3Morris Rosenberg, Conceiving The Self , p . 8. 30 On e major effort of symbolic interaction theorists is to explain how the individual's concept of self relates to his social interaction. A basic premise of self-concept theory, as st.ated by Kinch, c l early summarizes the social nature of self-concept . The individual's conception of himself emerges from social interaction and , in turn, guides and influences the behavior of the individual.l Within the social interaction process, the opinions, atti- tudes, and reactions of others , as perceived by the individual, come to influence the person's view of self. This finding has been documented by correlational, longitudinal and experimental studies: (examples of these listed by author and year are: Manis, 55; Miyamoto and Dornbusch, 56; Videback , 60; Reeder , Donohue, and Biblarz, 60; Maeher, Mansing, and Nafzger, 62; Backman and Secord, 62; Backman, Secord , and Pierce, 63; Mannheim, 66; Kemper, 66; Quarentelli, and Cooper, 66; Doherty and Secord, 71). Two of the studies can serve to represent the kind of research produced by the group. In the study of the self-rating of 195 subjects from fraternities, sororities, and sociology classes, Miyamoto and Dornbusch determined that, 1) self-concept is related to the response of others, 2) the individual's per- ception of the response is more closely linked to self- concept than actual reponse, and , 3 ) the individual's self- 1John w. Kinch, "A Formalized Theory of the Self- Concept," in symbolic Interaction: A Reader In Social Psy chology , p. 246. 31 con ceptio n is mor e closely related to his estimate of the g e n e raliz e d attitude toward him than to the perceived r e spo nses of membe rs o f a particu l ar group. The findings of Quarentelli and Cooper (1966) in their l o ngitudinal study of dental students paralleled t h ose o f Miyamoto and Dornbusch. They us ed an extensive questionnaire to determine self - concept of a group of dental studen ts and found that the actual responses , and particularly the perceived responses of oth ers , influe nc ed the individual's self - concept . The basic propositions that have emerged from this area of symbolic interaction research can be summarized as follows : 1) an individual's self - concept is based o n his perception of how others are reacting to him, 2 ) an individual's perception of the responses of others toward him ref lects the actual responses of others, 3 ) an individual ' s self - concept functions to direct his behavior.l This last proposition is particularly interesting to those studying deviant behavior. The theoretical notion that there exists a significant relationship between self- conc e pt and behavior, in the symbolic interactionist tra- dition, has contributed greatly to the creation of the theoretical view of deviancy known as the labeling theory . 32 Self - Con e ?t and Deviancy In Social Devianc e , David Glaser ' s definition of deviance r e presents t h e conLcmporary opinion of many sociologi sts . Deviance , in curr nt American Sociology , refers to any behavio: or attribute for which an individual is regarded as ob- jectionable in a pa Licular social system . It d notes c nything that vio- lates pr vailing norms on what makes a person ace ptable . 1 Traditionally , the unac cept 3b:e behavior to which Glaser refers was often thought to be the result of the actor ' s predisposition toward devian cy . In this sense , the in- dividual ' s deviant natur e was cons idered antecedent to the act. Se l f - concept was g n era lly believed to b e an exp lan- ation for deviancy . Low self image , for example , was thought to con tribute to the rranifestation of deviant ac t 1. v1. ty . 2 The labeling theory moved the focus off the in- dividuals ' s supposed d vi nt t nd e ncies a nd o n to a con- sideration of the social r espons e to deviancy a n d the influence of such r sponse upon the actor ' s self - concept . The words of Howards . Becker represent the general atti - tude toward deviancy h ld by labeling theor i sts . 1David Glaser , Social Devianc e , (Chicago : The University of Chicago Pr ss , 19 72 ), p . 1 . 2 Ruth S . Cav n n d Jor~ an R . Cava n , Delinque ncy and C~~r~1_?m-:--e~:-:--C_r_o_s_s_-_C-=--a-u~l~t~-u~r~a~l::......:P=--=e~r~s~p=---=--~cL~ ~i~v~e=-=-s (New York : J . B . Lippin - cott Company , 1969) . 33 ... deviant behavior is behavior that people label as such.l A central concern of labe ling theory is to consider how social actors become defined and treated as deviants. Con- sequent ly , this theoretical perspective not only views one ' s self - concept as a possible explanation for certain deviant acts , but also contends that one ' s self - concept is in- f luenced by having his activities designated as deviant and the subsequent experience of having others respond to him as a deviant . The symbolic interactionist influence on labeling theory is clearly evident in a statement found in Edwin Schur ' s , Labeling Deviant Behavior : At the heart of the labeling approach is an emphasis on process ; deviance is viewed not as a static ent i ty , but rather as a continuously shaped and reshaped outcome of dynamic processes of social interaction . 2 Through the process of interacting within a social environment , the individual labeled "deviant " comes to accept the atti - tudes and responses of others . The person ' s self - concept is shaped and adjusted according to h i s perception of others ' reactions to him as a deviant . Baker states : Treating a person as if he w~re generally rather than specifically deviant produces a self - fulfilling prophecy . 3 1noward s . Becker , outsiders : Studies in the Sociology 2..:L_Deviance (New York : Free Press , 1963 ), P ? 9 . 2Edwin Schur , Labeling Deviant Behavior : Its Sociological ~lications (New York : Harper and Row , 1971 ), p . 23 . 311oward s . Becker , outsiders : Studies in the Sociology ~Deviance (New York : Free Press , 1963 ), p . 9 . 34 Referr ing to the process of producing deviance in a social setting , Ki tsus e considers deviance as the process whereby the society or group "l) inte rprets behavior as deviant, 2) defines p e rsons who s o b e have as a certain kind of d eviant, and 3 ) accords them the treat- 1 ment considered appropriate to such deviants ." Human behavior, therefore , is considered deviant to the extent t hat a soc ial group defines it as such and takes action to confront and control it. Erikson suggests there is a "ceremonial" seque nc e 2 in which the individual is given the status of deviant. First, t h ere is a " formal confrontation between the d eviant suspect and the representatives of his community (the criminal trial or psychiatric case conference ). " Secondly , the representatives "announce some judgment about the nature of his deviancy (verdict , diagnosis)"; and , finally, t h e community representatives "perform an act of social placement, assigning him to a special role (prisoner or patient) which defines his position in society."3 Beyond defining and confronting deviant behavior, the social community absorbs t he responsibility to control b 1 John r. Kits us e , "soc ie ta 1 Reaction to De viant Be- a :7 ior: Problems of Theory and Me thods," Social Probl ems ( Winter , 1962), p. 247. on the sociology of De viance " 2Kai T. Erickson, "Notes Becke r (Ne w York : Free Press ,' in The Other Side, ed - Howards. 1964), pp. 9-21. 3 Ibid. , p. 12 ? 35 the deviant person . In other words, deviance is conduct which is generally thought to require the attention of a social control agency. The social group, for example , can isolate, punish , correct , or rehabilitate the deviant individual. The focus of this research is on the form of control wherein an attempt is made to rehabilitate the individual considered to be deviant. Maintaining the views of symbolic interactionism and labeling theory, an effective rehabilitation program h elps the person acquire socially acceptable b ehavior patterns and attempts to influence a change in the individual's concept of self. Bliss supports the criteria for determining the task of the rehabilitation program when h e writes : The program should create an atmosphere in which the individuals are considered, and helped to believe, that they are worth and value as people apart from their behavior. However , it is equally important that they be helped to modify and redirect their be- havior in order to like and value themselves more and generate new and different reactions from the generalized other. 1 It is evident in this statement that the person's self- concept must be improved in order to produce the desired behavioral changes. Bliss also recognizes that social responses to the person's behavior influence the individual's self-concept. Many people agree that the most effective method 1 oennis c. Bliss, The Effects of the Juvenil e Justice System o n Self-Concept (San Francisco: Rand E Research Associates , 1977) , p . 58. 36 for d e aling with delinquent adolescents is rehab ilitation . The young person is con sidered to b e in a very formative period of his life, wherein his self - concept i s likely to change quickly a nd more eas ily than in his adult years , and he has time to b e taught how to contro l his b e h av i or . Rosenberg supports this notion when h e states : It is in the pre - adult years that the self - concept emerge s , e v o lves, and crystali zes ; that is the time of life 1 that the self - concept is most mal l eable . Many rehabilitation programs attempt t o h e lp the young person improve his self - concept as we ll as his patterns of behavior during these pre- adult years . As noted in the manual for training school personnel pro - d u ced b y the National Conference of Training Sc h oo l Superintendents, Succes s or failure in efforts to h e lp the delinquent is determin ed by t h e degree to which the training schoo l is effective in modifying h is fear and hostility , in lessening his dis - trust of other p e rsons , and in helping him to gain a more adequate self- understanding and an i ncreased sense of self - worth . 2 One of the major goals of a successful rehabilitation program is to produce a chang e i n the person ' s self - concept allowing him to maintain socially acceptable patterns of behavior and a f eeling of self - worth . 1Morris Rosenberg , Conce iving The Self , p . 197. 2Abraham G. Novick , Ins t i tutional Rehabilitation o f De linquent Youth (Albany : De lmar Publishe rs , Inc ., 1967) , p . 158 . 37 Before focusing on the rehabilitation program considered by the present study , the researcher offers a brief summary of the previous res e arch in the area of adolescent rehabilitation . Rehabilitation : Programs and Previous Research No institutions dealt exc lusively with juvenile offenders in this country prior to 1825 . Young offenders were placed in the same jails and insane asylums with adults . There was little effort to separate offenders by age or degree of offenses . In the ear l y part of the 19th century, social reformers fought to have conditions improved for young offenders . The Society for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents was established in New York in 1935 . Two years later , the Society opened the House of Reform , built o n the site now occupied by Madison Square Garden , to serve as an alternative to sending youngsters to jails. Shortly after the opening of the first separate institution for juvenile offenders , similar refuges were founded in Boston and Philadelphia. These early institutions were f inanced by philanthrop i c organizations of a religious or humanitarian nature. Most of these establishments operated on voluntary contributions . The first state operated " training school ," the Lyman School for Boys , was established in 1847 by the State of Massac husetts . l Many states followed suit and by the lIb i' d . , p. 2 . 38 e n d of the 19th century established some type of insti- t u t i o n f or juvenile delinquents . The early houses of refuge held many children who we re not usually segregated by their d e gree of crimi nal activity. Strict discipline and hard work was the usual me tho d of control . Most of the larger institutions were located near cities and suffered from crowded conditions . Many felt the effect of these large , urban institutions was harmful to the young offender . In 1856 the Boys Industrial School at Lancaster , Ohio introduced the "cottage system ," where small groups of children lived together in a rural setting in cottages that were on one campus but separated by some distance . In addition to t h e cottage system of i n stitutionali - zation , the mid 1800s introduced foster care as an alter- native to the large reformatory . The Boston Aid Society in 1869 began to provi de prob ation servi ces for children so that they could remain in their home or at least in their community . By 1 890 , and the onslaught of the juvenile court systems , probation and foster care became a viable and widely used alternative to residential training schools. However , the larger institutions remained to handle those youngsters who posed a more serious threat to themselves and their community . Th e first Wor l d War rein forced the military type of training program that was popular in many of the larger institutions . The typical uniform in these training schools changed to a more military garb and the staff and students were ofte n assigned military ranks . 39 After World War II, the widespread influx of new psyc hological theories influenced much of the rehabilitation ideas aimed toward delinquent young people. One effect of psychiatry re inforced the desirability of foster home care which intended to give the youngster the needed experience of a parent-child relationship. The rise of psychiatric practices also influenced many residential programs. The traditional training and punitive techniques began to be replaced by more psychologically motivated rehabilitative programs aimed at changing the personality and character of the individual. This movement marked the beginning of the period of treatment-oriented rehabilitation programs. The typical private institution for rehabilitation of youngsters , as it exists today , is described by Martin Bula as follows: The institution serves from 25 to 100 or more children . It has several buildings located on the same campus , which is partially or fully separated from residential neighborhoods. The institution may offer a variety of relationships and activities with adults and other children which can be used to understand and help a child more fully; less inten se adult - ch i ld relationships for the child wh o is unwilling or unable to h a ndle close emotional ties; a mor e favorable setting for absorbing and re- directing disturbing behavior of the child who is us ua l ly upset , disorganized and destructive ; protection to the community from the destructive behavior of such a child ; and a combination of professional services which can be integrated around a child ' s specific needs.l lMartin Gula , Agency - Operated Group Hornes (Washington , D.C .: U.S . Government Printing Office, 1964 ) , p . 33 . 40 Mos t of the s e institutions have some tie to a philanthropic o r re lig i o us o rganization. For the mo st part, they are, howe ver , public ly licensed non-profit establishments run in a v e ry business-like fashion. The main purpose of private insitutions for emotionally disturbed and delinquent adole scents has remained the same since the founding of the e arli e st institutions; that is , to provide decent Plac eme nt for troubled young people wherein they can 1 receive a proper education and necessary treatment. A major role of the residential treatment program for adolescents as viewed in today's society is to con- tribute to socia l improvement by changing the individuals It is assumed t h at changing the Placed in such programs. behavior pattern of the young delinquent will decrease the continuance of misbehavior into adult life, thus con- tributing to the improvement of the overall social order. Alper and Garvin comment on the idea that the adolescent re si? dential treatment program can contri'b ute to a decrease in adult crimina l activity . ... there has long been general acceptance of the finding that the earlier the onset of delinquency conduct, the_greater the_likeli- hood of its continuance into adult life. The corollary is that if children in trouble can be reached ear lier rather than later , they can be spared the stigma of the_de- linquent label, later caree~s of crime can be averted ... Adolescence is a best a difficult period for teenagers in our society. The great majority of today's Institutional Rehabilitation of Delinquent lN ovi. ck, Youth , p. 197. 41 respectable adults com..~itted , in their youth , many of the same acts wh i ch today's adjudicated delinquents commit . But in their time of confusion and distress , they were fortunate enough to have someone near who guided them through to the point where they could take charge of their own lives .. . The residen t i al treatment center has proven to be an effective veh ic l e in which to provide that guidance . 1 The residential treatment cen ter , considered as a social institution , promises to i ndirect l y improve social con- ditions while it effects a better li fe for the individual under treatment . Socia l, as we l l as h umanitarian , concerns have instigated many studies of the important features of the effective rehabi l itati on program . One very importan t {eature of the residential institution is that the youngsters with simi l ar problems are placed together . In his descripti ve study of Hawthorne Cedar Knol l s School, Herschel Al t relates some common aspects of each ind i vidual ' s experience in the residenti a l treatment program : 1) each res i den t is separated from famil y wi thou t c ho i ce , 2 ) eac h res i dent mu st dea l wi t h attitudes and fee l i ngs a b ou t parents , 3 ) each res i dent i s dependent upon t h e program to f i l l persona l a nd nurturan t needs , 4 ) eac h resident i s strugg ling with a d o l escen t growth (e . g ., sexuality i den t i ty ) , 1 Ben ed i ct s . Al per and Mich e l le M. Garvin , " Issues i n J uve n i l e Justi ce: Repor t of a Conference on Current Issues i n Juve n i l e J ust i ce i n Massac hu s etts ," (Unpublis h ed Report , 19 7 6 ). 42 ent is expre ssing anxiety each resid ls . 1 5) ard their future d irection and goa t ow of the community tends to mong members Suc h commo nality a formal , ht groups . Sometimes th ese groups are in build tig he writes: those referred t o by Novick when such a s institution Informal groups w ithin an s , e because of the youngster ' s need aris e produced by virt ue of some of which ar le iding within the institution , whi res ual ' s others are related to the individ 2 rsonality and cult ural heritage . pe the treatment pro gram d by the staff of Others are designe rganization . for the purpose o f therapy or o nd in t of this style of treatment is fou The benefi actions and ibilities of chang ing individual re the rich poss eriences , hrough interaction and sharing exp attitudes t 3 thinking , and idea s . e studied the role of the Jenkins and Harms hav 4 ter . The chief of the residenti a l treatmen t cen director ve ality , philosophy , and attitudes ha ministrator ' s pers on ad they claim . s effect on the tr eatment program , an enormou ts the tone of the program They suggest the director se e following ways : in th en ~ for the Distur bed 1 eatm Herschel Al t , Residenti~l Tr . la~ning an? Des~g~ of Programs and asic Principles i n P ~~d : B onal Universiti es Press , 19 60 ) ' ~ilities (New Y ork : Internati p . 42. of Delinquent 2 vick , Institutiona l Rehabilitation No Youth , p . 86 . 3 I b id . s a nd Ernest ~arms , Understanding 4Richard L . Jenkin . cial Child Publica tions , 1976 ) . ~Urbed Children (Seattle : Spe 43 1) t h rough th e selection and r emoval of staf f , 2 ) in deve loping rules and regulations , 3 ) through c onsc i ous and unconscious im- par t me nt o f per s onal value s and attitude s , 4) by the man i festat i o n of skills a nd b e havior s e xpected of all other workers . 1 The s e scholars go as far as to c l aim that the success or f a ilure of the program is a lmost t h e e xc l usive r e spons i bility o f the dir e ctor . Similarly , t he importance of the staff - c h i ld r e - l at i onships in residenti al treatme n t cen ters h as been t he focus o f muc h research. In a cas e study of a commu n ity- bas e d treatment fac ili ty for d e linque n t boys , Lynne Sc hwartz found that the staff ' s a bility to build relat i ons hips with the c l ien t had a d i rect effec t on the person a l deve lopme n t o f the del inq uent b oy . 2 Esth er Rothman c laims t h e abil ity of t h e staff to perform as spec i a lists in huma n r e l at i on s has great impact on the res ide n t . 3 Sh e no t e s tha t t h e s u c c essful staff membe r has the "a bi l i ty " to 1 ) view a ll b e h avi or , positive or n e ga- tive , as a form of communication, 2 ) accept t h e emoti on s of reside n ts even tho ug h t t hey may b e expressed through nega - tive b e havior , 3 ) understand t he res i den t . 4 1 Ibid. 2Lynne Schwa r tz , "A Case Study of a Community- Based Day Tr eatment Fac i l i ty for Delinque n t Boys , " (Ed . D. diss e r - tati on , Co lumbia Univers i ty Teac hers Co l l ege , 1 981 ). 3 Esther Rothman, The Ange l I n side Went Sour (New York : D. McKay Company , 19 71 ) . 4 I b id . 44 In his signific nL sl ud y of the Ramsey C OUnty Gr o u p Homes , Mi c h a l Patton found ha t a supportive Partic ip ator in t h e e nvironment w s th _ mo 3t e f fe c t ive staf f me mbe r. 1 Thi s s upportive r e l tio nsh ip ~as then compared to a mor e author i ta tive atrnosph r ? '!' his study agrees With the f indings of Bruno B L ? lh e im and Redl and Wineman that the interac t i on style an p r sono lity traits of the st aff membe r great l y inf lue nce h ucces ? the child a chieves i?n a 2 resid e ntial progr m. Und oub ted l y , Ll succ ess of a r e sidential t r eatme nt c e nter is d e pe nde n t upon the criteria used to d e fine succe ss . Easson states that , " th maj o r purpose of the residential tr e atme nt c e nter i s 0 prov i d e increased self - c onfid ence and p e rs o n a lity stabili ty in th e disturbed adolescent ." 3 Evid e nce s ug ts tha t the residential treat ment mod e l of therapy is a bl e to h lp the child improve his self- concept . Coughla n , Gold , and Zimmerman found that res?d . l. ent1.a1 treatment in a therap u i c community in Staten Island , Ne w York resulte d in th 1 ? e n t s ' increased feelings o f mast ery , !Mic hae l Patton , "Envi ronments That Make A Diff e rence , " (Unpublished Re p or t , 1 977) . 2 Bruno B ttel h i rn and Morris Janowitz , Dynamics of Pre judice : A Psyc h o l ogic J a11L Sociological Study of Veterans (New York : Harp r , 1 950 ) . 3 W?l 11 1? .am M. Ea . son , '! 'he Severly Disturbed Adolescent (Was h ington, D. C.: In t r n Linnal University Press , Inc ., 1969 ). se l f - es t eem a nd se l f - con t r o l , as opposed to the s e ns e of h o p e l es sne ss a nd p owe rl e ssness the subj e cts brought with l the m to the program . In another stud y , Go ld and Coughlan reported in- c r eases in the clie nt ' s fe e lings of control and level of self-estee m after just a six - month period of treatment in 2 a residential program fo r ado l esce nts with drug problems . Friedman and Ge ttys studied a residential treat - ment program involving fifty - nine emotionally disturbed adolescents and dete rmined th t the general effect of the treatment led to an increas e d level of self - esteem and an overall improvement in s e l f - concept among a majority o th e parti.f c i .p ants . 3 The premise that resid ntial care can improve the self - concept of the emotionally disturbed and delinquent adolescent is supported and e xplained in the training manual of the National Conference of Superintendents of Training Schools and Reformatories in the following way : l Al b an J . Coughlan , St ven R . Gold , Edward P . Dohren- wend , and Roger S . Zimmerman , " 11. Psycho -Behavioral , Residential Drug Abuse Program : A New Adve nture In Adolescent Psychiatry ," International Journal of the Addictions 8 (January 1973) , p . 769 . 2 Steven R. Gold and Alban J . Coughlan , "The Effects of Residen tial Treatment on Ad olesce nt Dru g Abusers : A Pre - lj_min ary Report ," Proceedings o f the 81st Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association 8 (Fall 1973 ), p . 525 . 3steven Friedman and J . Gettys , " Increase in Self - Esteem As Measured By The Coop r smith Inventory ," Perceptual Motor Skills 40 (May 1975) , p . 165 . 46 The delinquent ' s poor se lf-concept is modified as he experier.ces acceptance in the training scho?l an~ , therefore , 1 success in his relatiorship to others . This research contends that th process of instigating a change in the self-concept of the adolescent in a residential treatment center is much more complex than indicated in this statement from the training manual . The purpose of the present study is to describe and analyze the process of self - concept c hange as it occurs , or is intended to occur, in a particular residential program . l NOV.l C k , Institutional Rehabilitation of Delinquent Youth, p . 80 . CHAPTER III Methodology The previous chapter presents the theoretical foundation regarding the human conception of self upon which this study is built. Symbo lic interaction theory, and the extensive body of research that has helped to mold it, supports two basic premises of importance to the present research : 1) a person ' s se lf-concept is shaped and reshaped by interacti on exper i ences within the individual ' s social environme nt, 2 ) the person ' s self - concept stron g ly influe nc es hi s behavior (a nd vice versa ). This study focuses on the s ignificant component of social interaction at Glayd in School where the staff attempts to inf lue n ce a change ( i mprovement ) in the student ' s self-concept. As indicated within symbolic interaction t h eory , changing t h e self - concept of t h e individual is a vital part of the task of changing (improving ) the inappropriate b eahvior patterns responsible for bringing the student t o this residential school and treatment center . Th e specific goa l of this research is to determine the manner in which the ongoing educati onal process at 47 48 the school attends to the (job) of influencing self- concept change . 1 There is no attempt to presuppose the characteristics of the educational program that should be used to try to change the self - concept of the adolescent . This study adopts a research approach that allows the i nvestigator to discover , describ e , a n d a n a l yze the ac tua l educational processes and con structs as they relate to reshaping the student ' s view of himself . 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C,.' ? .1 >- 0,...,_ r -'f" ' 6 / b b~ , Xr"I L ? ,, :s. -> o({.) ) r- }~ . - :: - . 0 ~ - -~~ ? f ( ? 0 J L) ) , 1.- b 1 .,,---- (_ v _ n,,- ~ ? , f ~ C.. ~ . 1 '"'$ ? 2~-- ~ ~ q.. v (' 7 t, ? , 't: r -j ~c[)~ ~ p ?:J -P -----).~ ~ r ~Cf . l J. f ~ :r- I-' q-i lJl lJl i J1 :J:; ; J,. r;, t ~ ~ i i t [: ~ r: ! u'?o P r-r:>SI-~ ,._,-_[ 3 ~o/ ~ j ~ ' ~-.-..., J C J u ?--- .' ~ .. ~ - l 0 f () APPENDIX III AY REVIEW E PROGRESS REPORT: A SAMPLE OF A 30 - D TH c5v --- 1 5 7 PROGRESS RE PORT sruou in l I \ TE ~~-~--:-:.:..-_~_ _~-.4'r1-- -'-1'...,/.'l:...1.1.l.'-...2 .t-_ H Oi l SF. DATE 0 -F B -I R -T H _.JJ/..2 /~ T - --- -I - ox J.34. Leesburg . Vi rginia 22075 GLA founded in 1955 Report document s behavior whic h serves as a Instructions: The Positive P rogress a student or students. It i s not a e growth in significant indication of pos itiv cidents mary over time but a single in cident or short series of in Prog r e ss s um how caring and resent a new high water mark in dealing wJ th problems or s which rep tting into the prog ram responsibility i n a strong fa shion. For students just g e ll as a gain in a specific area . For tion as we it could be a change of direc ght indicate a step forward in positive atti 7 students further along, the P .P.R. mi ains. tude and behavior or stabiliza tion .of significant g dling or more problems, (2) improved h an Examples include: (1) avoidance of one (4) posi- problems, (3) successful handling of one or more problems, of one or more participation, ga ins in s chool achievement, (5) positive gains in group tive one of the treat- ositive gains in responsible se lf-care, (7) breakthrough in I (6) p -care, (9) eviden?ce of responsible care nsible selfment areas, ( 8) evidence of respo and concern for others in the community. I _____________ 1. STUDENT(S) INVOLVED_ __ _________ I __________ ____ ______ 2 . OBSERVER(S) NAME(S) __ ___ 3 . DESCRIPTION OF POSITI VE INCIDENT: 4 ? COMMENTS: (Program Coordinator) (Director) y Representativ es, House and Team, file. Copies to: Parents, Agenc a : 471-1984 Tel (70.3 ) 777- .3505 D.C. Metro Are SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Alper , Benedict s . and Garvin , Michelle M. " Issues in Juveni l e Justice . Report ?of a Conference on Current Issues in Juvenile Justice in Massachusetts ." Unpublished Report , 1976. Alt , Herschel. Residential Treatment for the Disturbed Child. New York : International University Press, 1960. Bakal , Yitzhak . Closing Correctional Insitutions . Lexington:Lexing ton Books , 1979. Becker , Howards . Outsiders : Studies in the Sociology of Deviance . New York : Free Press , 1963 . Beedell , Christopher . Residential Life With Children . New York : Routledge and Keegan Paul , L . T . D., 1970 . Beemer , Lyda . 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