LAFAYETTE, AMERICA'S HERO: THE GROWTH OF A LEGEND 
by 
Marguerite Doris Bloxom 
Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School 
of the University of Maryland in partial fulfillment 
of the requirements for the degree of 
Master of Arts 
1963 
APPROVAL SHEET 
Title of Thesis: Lafayette, America's Hero: The Growth 
of a Legend 
Name of Candidate: Marguerite Doris Bloxom 
Master of Arts, 1963 
Thesis and Abstract Approved: 
Date approved: May 10, 1963 
c I \ 
(5~ !'"- /1J~r ~~ 
Otho T. Beall, Jr. 
Assistant Professor 
English Department 
ABSTRACT 
Title of Thesis: Lafayette, America's Hero: The Growth 
of a Legend 
Marguerite Doris Bloxom, Master of Arts, 1963 
Thesis directed by: Dr. Otho T. Beall, Jr. 
Assistant Professor 
The legend of Lafayette began to grow about the time 
of his 1784 goodwill visit to the United States. Identical 
biographical sketches of Lafayette appeared in several early 
histories of the Revolutionary War, and similar versions 
were included in other histories. The core of the sketch 
was the picture of a young French nobleman, inspired by the 
ideals of liberty and equality, who came to America at great 
personal sacrifice and his own expense to take part in the 
fight for freedom. His story was used to add weight to the 
rightness of the action of the American patriots, and to 
stimulate feelings of national pride. 
After the turn of the century, the story of Lafayette 
became shorter and more routine. It was dropped from some 
textbooks, and was greatly abbreviated in others. It seems 
probable that while Lafayette would not have been forgotten, 
his place in American history would have been small, perhaps 
even obscure, if he had not visited America again in 1824. 
During this last visit, after an absence of forty 
years, the General received an enthusiastic and overwhelming 
reception. Interest in Lafayette revived quickly, and 
accounts of him appeared in newspapers, periodicals and 
separate books. The importance of his contribution to the 
foundation of the United States was emphasized; as a hero, 
he approached the position of America's savior. In addition, 
his personal characteristics endeared him to the people. In 
all probability, Americans' lasting esteem for Lafayette was 
developed as a result of the 1824 visit. 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
I. INTRODUCTION • • • • • . • • . . . . . . . . 
II. THE MODERN BIOGRAPHERS' VIEW OF LAFAYETTE'S 
III. 
DECISION TO COME TO AMERICA . • • . 
LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA: THE FIRST THREE 
VISITS (1777-1784) ....•..•. 
. . . 
. . . 
IV. LAFAYETTE AND THE UNITED STATES: THE CHANGES 
. . 
. . 
Page 
1 
7 
18 
OF FORTY YEARS (1784-1824) • . • . . • . • . . 30 
v. 
VI. 
VII. 
AMERICA WELCOMES LAFAYETTE: THE TRIUMPHAL 
TOUR IN 1824 • • • • • • • • . . • . • . 
WRITING THE STORY OF LAFAYETTE • • 
THE LAFAYETTE LEGEND AT THE TIME 
. . . . . 
OF HIS VIS IT • • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
APPENDIX . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . . . 
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
11 
41 
56 
79 
100 
118 
I. INTRODUCTION 
On-a warm August Monday in 1824, thousands of people 
lined New York City's Broadway from the battery to City Hall. 
They had come to welcome General Lafayette, the "Hero of Two 
Worlds," to America. 1 Forty years had passed since the 
General's last visit, and the infant nation had grown and 
expanded. A majority of those who crowded to see him pass 
had never seen the man before. Over half of them were far 
from born when Lafayette was last in America, and in fact, 
the fathers of many of the watchers had been only children2 
when the General last visited New York in 1784. 
All that most of these eager spectators knew about 
their hero, they had learned from secondary sources. 
Probably they had met him in their schoolbooks or heard 
about him from their teachers. Some had learned of him in 
the war stories their fathers and grandfathers told. Those 
who read newspapers and periodicals regularly knew of his 
participation in the French Revolution--if they could 
remember that far back. Those who .kept in:formed about 
French politics knew that he had recently served in the 
French Legislative Assembly as an elected representative 
from his area and was an influential liberal, although he 
probably did not have the enormous public popularity he had 
once known. 
Undoubtedly some Americans had only begun to recognize 
1 
2 
his name after word of his visit had been announced, and 
plans for the celebration were being drawn. During the next 
thirteen months they would constantly hear of Lafayette as 
his travels carried him into each of the twenty-four states. 
Quite plainly there had been nothing comparable to 
Lafayette's grand reception in all of America's history. He 
came at the invitation of Congress and President Monroe, and 
he was designated "The Nation's Guest." Everywhere he.went 
he was greeted by crowds, speeches, processions, dinners, 
balls and honors of all sorts. 
One may ask why Lafayette's reception was so over­
whelmingly enthusiastic. Certainly it was a celebration of 
nationalism, when stories from the Revolutionary ivar were 
told again, and patriotic feelings ran high. Marshall Fishwick 
had pointed out that the visit set off the first revival of 
veneration for Washington. In his words, the "visit reawakened 
all the revolutionary glow and reactivated the tongues of 
veterans who in all ages become more heroic as they are 
f'urther removed from the battlefield." He described 
Lafayette's visit as a piece of the "poetry of history.u3 
General Lafayette must have seemed li.ke a figure 
returned from history, a living character of the past. In 
recalling the occasion Josiah Quincy wrote, "It was as if 
one of the dead heroes of the past, to whom indebtedness of 
mankind is always acknowledged, were to be reanimated to 
receive the gratitude of a living world."4 The ceremonies 
were thus interpreted as a demonstration of the nation's 
3 
appreciation to one who had helped win the country's freedom. 
This demonstration of gratitude was further thought to show 
the world that this republic was thriving and proud and not 
very impressed with the divine right of kings. or the Holy 
Alliance.5 
Lafayette meant more to those Americans of 1824, 
though, than just the figurehead of a national celebration. 
There was a genuine respect for the man himself. Was this 
respect newly learned, or had it existed through the forty 
years of his absence? Had he always been a hero, or was he 
rediscovered in 1824? He was personally known by many 
influential Americans. Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe 
and others had maintained correspondence with him and given 
him assistance when they could. But what did the average 
American, the man on the street, know of Lafayette? 
This is a study of the story of Lafayette as it was 
told during the forty years of his absence from the United 
States. One cannot hope to measure directly how Americans 
felt about him through those years, but one can learn 
something about how he was treated in the history books, 
periodicals and literature of the period. As far as these 
writings can be considered indicative of the thoughts ~f 
their times as well as influential in shaping thought, one 
may learn the characteristics of Americans' image of 
Lafayette. 
Such a study of the Americans' picture or Lafayette 
during forty years may be important for several reasons. 
4 
For one thing, it can supply details to help explain why 
Lafayette's visit generated such enthusiasm, and why he was 
so well received. It can also be expected to show something 
about the importance of heroes to the American people, and 
the uses that Americans make of their heroes. Finally, the 
study of Lafayette as a hero may be expected to show 
something about the personal characteristics and traits that 
Americans have emphasized and required of the men they 
glori:fied. 
One assumption of this study should be made clear now. 
This assumption is that a man becomes a hero (or a villain) 
not primarily for his deeds, but because of the way in which 
those deeds are perceived by the public. This means that 
the man's story must be told to the people, and the story 
must win their approval before a man can become a popular 
hero. 
The way in which the story is told, and the impression 
that the story conveys are determined by the motives and 
attitudes of those who tell it and those who hear and repeat 
it. Intentionally or not, a story will be distorted, 
enlarged, emotionally slanted and otherwise changed to suit 
the purposes of those who use it. Unless the story is 
checked against records or other data, it will remain in 
this altered state or be :further altered as long as it is 
useful and satisfying for its audience. 
This is a study of how Lafayette's story was told, 
changed and used during the period of his absence (1784-1824) 
and at the time of his last visit. That is, it is a study 
of how he was made a hero for Americans, and why his image 
took the form it did. 
6 
I. Footnotes 
lNew York Evening Post, August 17, 1824. 
2warren s. Thompson and P. K. vfuelpton, Population 
Trends in the United States (New York, 1933), p. 141. 
(Estimation that in 1820 88 per cent of all white, age known 
Americans were age 44 years or younger, and 60 per cent were 
age 19 or younger. ) . 
3Marshall w. Fishwic.k, American H§roes, Myth and 
Reality (Washington, D. c., 1954>, p. 42. 
4Josiah Quincy, Fifures of the Past from the Leaves 
of Old Journals, 9th ed. Boston, 1901~. 161. 
5New York Evening Post, July 10, 1824. (Oration by 
Hooper Cumming, D.D. at July 4, celebration.) 
II. THE MODERN BIOGRAPHERS' VIEW OF LAFAYETTE'S 
DECISION TO CO¥~ TO AMERICA 
The legendary Lafayette, the hero whose story was 
told in the history books, was an idealistic youth who 
believed so deeply in liberty, equality and the rights of 
man, that he was willing to leave his native France and come 
to America to donate his energy and talents to the Americans 
who were fighting to establish those ideals. Before examining 
the legend and its growth in detail, it is important to 
present some of the more objective data that have been 
established by contemporary biographers. The very careful 
work of Louis Gottschalk in the study of Lafayette's early 
life makes his books the major sources of reliable and 
detailed information about Lafayette before the French 
revolution. Other writers tend to rely primarily on 
Gottschalk or on Lafayette's Memoirs, although some have 
contributed additional worthwhile information and inter­
pretation. 
Gottschalk has been interested in studying young 
Lafayette's motives for coming to America to join the 
fighting. It is his contention that when the marquis met 
the American commissioner in Paris, he was a frustrated 
young man in search of a career rather than a champion of 
liberty.l Lafayette did not become a genuine liberal until 
after his exposure to the American people and the thinking 
7 
of American leaders. Gottschalk recreates a picture of the 
life of the young marquis and the factors that led him to 
his decision to come to America which is perhaps less 
romantic than the legend, but at the same time more human 
and appealing. 
8 
Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motter, Marquis 
de Lafayette, was born in September of 1757. He was an only 
child who was about two years old when his father was killed 
in battle against the British. His grandmother and two 
aunts raised him in his native rural area of Auvergne where 
the villagers bowed to him when he rode out in the carriage. 2 
He had few companions except a female cousin, the local Abbe 
who was his tutor, and peasant children that he occasionally 
played with. From an early age he dreamed of being a soldier 
like his father and perhaps someday avenging his father's 
death.3 It was not until Gilbert, as he was called, was 
eleven that he was sent to Paris to be near his mother and 
to receive more formal education and an introduction to the 
social circles to which his mother belonged.4 
Lafayette's mother died when he was thirteen, and his 
grandfather died a few weeks later, so that he had little 
immediate family left to guide him. Through the influence 
of his great grandfather he was entered in the Second 
Company of the King's Musketeers and thus began his military 
career, although his schooling continued.5 He received the 
standard course of Latin, rhetoric, fencing, some history 
and riding at a popular school for French nobility.6 
9 
About the time of his fifteenth birthday, Lafayette's 
marriage to Adrienne, second daughter of the Due d'Ayen of the 
Noailles family, was arranged. Although the wedding was not 
scheduled to take place for two years, the boy was sent to 
live at the Noailles home at. Versailles, and his career came 
under the direction of his future father-in-law. Lafayette 
was·made an officer in the Noailles Dragoons.? 
After his marriage at seventeen, Lafayette moved with 
the "young bloods" at court although he felt awkward and ill 
at ease among them and maintained a protective air of coldness 
and reserve which was sometimes viewed suspiciously by other 
courtiers. He retained much of his rural simplicity and was 
not very successful on the dance floor or in drinking bouts.8 
About this time his in-laws were trying to secure a position 
for him at court in the service of the Comte de Provence, 
the .king's brother. Fearful of losing the chance for a 
military career and already uncomfortable at court, Lafayette 
eliminated the possibility of such a position by mildly 
insulting the count during a ballroom conversation.9 
A year or so later, a new minister of war was appointed, 
and under his direction a reorganization of the army was 
begun. Many young captains were put in the reserve, and 
Lafayette was one of them. His chances for professional 
military success, at least in a peacetime army, now seemed 
very sma11. 10 He was an ambitious young man who longed for 
praise, glory and reputation in a brilliant military career, 
but the avenues to his goal now seemed blocked. As 
10 
Henry Sedgwick has written, he longed to "prove to the 
Noailles family and the gallants of Versailles that the 
clumsy, red haired boy possessed qualities of no mean order 
nll Was he to content himself with life at court even 
though he did not enjoy it? Could he build a career for 
himself, or must he let his relatives guide his future even 
though the Due d'Ayen seemed to lack confidence in the 
abilities of his new son-in-law? 
This was his dilemma when he first heard that some 
far off ~mericans were waging war against the British. From 
his old friend and former commander, the Comte de Broglie, 
he learned that an American, Silas Deane, was in Paris trying 
to get military equipment for the revolutionaries, and he 
would probably want some French officers to collect and 
accompany the shipments. 12 The possibility of taking part 
in such a conflict quickly excited Lafayette's imagination. 
Broglie who was interested in his own fame and 
prestige, was secretly trying to advance himself as commander 
of the American army to replace Washington and perhaps bring 
all of America under French control. Part of his plot 
involved sending a crew of worthy French officers to America 
to pave the way for the count to assume power. One of his 
key conspirators was the Baron deKalb, an established 
military figure of dubious title but considerable repute, 
who had some familiarity with America. Broglie and deKalb 
were regularly though subtly pressing Deane to send some 
Frenchmen, particularly those they recommended, to Amer1ca.l3 
Lafayette, his brother-in-law, the Vicomte de 
Noailles, and their friend, the Comte de Segur, were all 
attracted to the notion of going to America to fight the 
British. Gilbert and Noailles went to ask permission of 
their father-in-law, who scoffed at the plan and forbade 
them to take part in such an expedit1on.l4 
Noailles relinquished his plans, but Lafayette 
silently persisted. He led Broglie to believe that he had 
his father-in-law's permission, and the count eventually 
agreed to have deKalb introduce the young marquis to 
Silas Deane. The American agent was so impressed with 
Lafayette's social standing and his unique desire to serve 
without pay, that he soon gave him a Major General's 
commission in the American army, even though the nobleman 
11 
was only nineteen years old and had had no wartime experience. 
It is uncertain whether or not Lafayette knew of Broglie's 
schemes to achieve fame and power in America, but if he did, 
he had no opposition to them. He had respect for his 
commander, he believed in the superiority of the French, 
and he had not yet met George Washington.l5 
Many delays and setbacks occurred, however, before 
the adventurers could finally get started. The British 
minister in Paris, Lord Stormont, was suspicious of their 
activities and kept up a regular pattern of protest. 
Furthermore, because of the poor showing of the Americans in 
the fighting, the French government was unwilling to openly 
support them and antagonize the British. Because of 'this, 
12 
deKalb and a party of men with commissions from Deane 
(Lafayette was not included) were stopped and turned back at 
Le Havre, although one shipload managed to sail.l6 After 
the men returned to Paris, they took steps to reorganize the 
expedition. 
One of the conspirators suggested that the Marquis de 
Lafayette, if he wished, could purchase a ship and thus 
eliminate the transportation difficulties. When Lafayette 
heard of the plan, he agreed readily, and Broglie's secretary, 
whose brother was signed to go with the party, set about 
making the arrangements.l7 
Through the whole period Gilbert vacillated nervously 
about what he should do. He yearned to go to America to win 
glory and recognition--and yet he feared the displeasure and 
wrath of his father-in-law and his other powerful relatives. 
He continued to hope that they would relent and approve of 
his trip. 
At last the ship was ready, and Lafayette, Baron 
deKalb, and twelve other French military men of varying 
degrees of experience sailed from Bordeaux. Word of his 
impending departure had reached his family, who convinced 
the court to send an order requiring the young man to return 
and join his family for a tour of southern Italy. The order 
was delivered just as the men were boarding the vessel, but 
in apparent defiance Lafayette gave the order to sail. His 
orders, however, were to go to Spain, where the Ship would 
be out of reach of French officials, and there he halted 
and tried to decide what to do. First he sent a messenger 
back to try to learn how feeling for and against him was 
running. Then he headed back himself in an attempt to 
secure more approval for what he wanted to do.18 
As he was traveling overland towards Paris, he met 
the Vicomte de Mauroy, who also had a Major General's 
13 
commission from Deane. Mauroy convinced Lafayette that 
aside from his family no one was really concerned about 
stopping the young man, and that, in fact, many important 
people unofficially favored his going. With that assurance 
Lafayette convinced himself that his father-in-law would 
eventually be proud of him, and he returned to his ship with 
Mauroy. Two other men joined the party, one of whom was a 
European-born American, Leonard Price (also given as Brice), 
who was apparently the only one aboard who spoke English. 
At last the Victoire put to sea, and the Marquis de Lafayette, 
age nineteen, was about to meet Americans on their own soil 
for the first time.l9 
It is easy to believe, as Gottschalk has shown, that 
Lafayette was not a republican or a liberal at that time. 
He was a rich, aristocratic, absentee landlord whose large 
holdings were managed by stewards almost without his knowledge. 
Gottschalk concludes of Lafayette that he was: 
Altogether representative of the aristocrats of the old 
Regime. If he was dissatisfied with his present lot, it 
was not because he had a superior sense of justice and a 
greater respect for the right •••• It was because he 
felt self-conscious, inferior, and unhappy in a milieu 
for which his ancestry, early training, and awkWard 
manner had not prepared him--because he was nothing 
more than a country squire among princes~ dukes, and 
marshals, even though richer than most.2v 
Gottschalk further suggests that Lafayette did not 
come to America because he believed in what America was 
fighting for, since he .knew little about what she hoped to 
gain. He states: 
14 
He did know that she was fighting England, and that was 
enough to make him believe that he ought to be on her 
side. He did not really .know that liberty and equality 
were good. He did know that glory was good, at least 
for him, and since glory was to be found on the side 
of liberty and equality, they must be good too ••.. 
as England had solemnly been declared to be fighting 
against the rights of man, Lafayette fou~q himself 
decidedly in favor of the rights of man. 
In a more charitable interpretation, David Loth has 
pointed out that Lafayette belonged to an older order of 
aristocrats who seriously believed in noblesse oblige and 
responsibility toward the common people who were dependent 
on them. Because of this, he had been taught a sense of the 
worth and value of human life at all levels that was missing 
in the newer aristocrats who crowded Versailles. His 
emergence as a liberal and a sincere supporter of equal 
rights followed fairly easily from this value system and did 
not require any extreme changes in his character. When he 
met new ideas of liberty and equality in America, he could 
assimilate them with comparative ease and without major 
) 
changes in belier.22 
Loth agrees with Gottschalk, however, that an 
idealistic dedication to liberal principles was not what 
motivated the Marquis de Lafayette to join the American 
army. Similarly, W. E. Woodward, whose biography, Lafayette, 
15 
was published in 1938, accepts Gottschalk's view and quotes 
several paragraphs of his work.23 
Andre Maurois, in Adrienne (1961) a biography of 
Lafayette's wife, tends to revert to the earlier and more 
legendary belief. Maurois did not use Gottschalk's major 
books as sourcesJ although he acknowledges the scholarship 
of the work. Maurois apparently depended on Lafayette's 
Memoirs and letters to which he had access. 
Maurois speaks of Lafayette as a young idealist who 
yearned to fight for liberty. He writes: 
To young men like Louis de Noailles and Gilbert de La 
Fayette these first cannon shots in the defense of 
liberty sounded a summons and a signal •••• They had 
seen with their own eyes the scandalous inequality on 
which French society was built, and the spectacle had 
caused them distress •••• To a generation in love · 
with ideas of renewal and reform the temerity of the 
Americans who had revolted against a reactionary monarch 
seemed wholly admirable.24 -
In a later section Maurois does acknowledge that 
Lafayette had many aristocratic habits even after his return 
from America.25 Basically though, he believes that Lafayette 
was always a true son of liberty. Again the durability of 
the legend and its resistance to change are demonstrated. 
II. Footnotes 
1Louis Gottschalk, The United States and Lafayette 
(Rock Island, Illinois, 1958), p. 1. 
2touis Gottschalk, Lafayette Comes to America 
(Chicago, 1935), Ch. I, pp. 1-15. 
3navid Loth, The People's General. The Personal 
Story of Lafayette (New York, 1951), p. 36. 
pp. 
4Gottschalk, Comes Ch. I, pp. 1-lS. 
5Gottschalk, Comes Ch. II, pp. 16-25. 
6Loth, p. 16. 
?Gottschalk, Comes Ch. III, pp. 26-36. 
8Loth, p. 25. 
9Gottschalk, Comes Ch. IV, pp. 37-55. 
10Gottschalk, Comes Ch. IV, pp. 37-55. 
11Henry D. Sedgwick, Lat:ayette {Indianapolis, 
23-24. 
1928), 
16 
12Elizabeth s. Kite, "Lafayette and His Companions on 
the. 'Victo1re'," Records of the American Catholic Historical 
Society (March, June, Sep., Dec. 1934), p. 11. 
13Loth, p. 47. 
14Gottschalk, Comes p. 73. 
15Loth, pp. 28-31. 
16Loth, p. 55. 
17Gottschalk, Comes pp. 84-85. 
18Kite, pp. 22-24. 
19Kite, p. 31. 
2°Gottschalk, Comes p. 65. 
21Gottschalk, Comes pp. 137-138. 
22Loth, pp. 34-37. 
23w. E. Woodward, Lafayette (New York, 1938), p. 45. 
24Andre Maurois, Adrienne. The Life of the Marquise 
de La Fgyette, trans. Gerard Hopkin;-(New York:-1961), 
p. 42. 
25Maurois, p. 121. 
17 
III. LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA: THE FIRST 
THREE VISITS {1777-1784) 
In June 1777, Lafayette and his companions landed off 
the coast of South Carolina. A difficult overland trip 
brought them to Philadelphia to offer their services to 
Congress. After all the problems and obstacles they had 
faced to come that far, it was a rude shock to be told by a 
representative of Congress that Silas Deane had no authority 
to give them commissions, that the American army had all the 
officers it needed, and their services were not wanted. 1 
Congress had been receiving a steady flow of foreign 
officers who made exorbitant demands for rank and position. 
It had been particularly troubled by a Frenchman named 
DuCoudray who had come with the earlier shipload of Broglie's 
recruits, and who seemed too influential to dismiss, although 
his demands were incessant. Congress was determined to 
discourage any new applicants; the Marquis de Lafayette, 
however, was a special case. Further reflection by some 
members of Congress brought about the realization that 
Lafayette was very wealthy, had important family connections 
and was easily the most aristocratic of the foreign applicants. 
In addition, the fact that he demanded to serve without pay 
was refreshingly unique. Within a few days of his arrival, 
Congress reconsidered and made him a Major General in the 
American army. 2 
18 
19 
His companions on the voyage to America did not 
receive such warm treatment. Several of them petitioned and 
wrote letters to Congress complaining of their treatment, 
and deKalb demanded that he receive the previously promised 
commission or enough money for the return trip to France. 
Eventually Lafayette succeeded in having three of lesser 
rank made aides-de-camp to himself; after a few months 
deKalb was made a Major General also, while most of the others 
left America.3 
After he joined the American army, Lafayette was 
invited by General Washington to stay with him at army 
headquarters outside Philadelphia. Although the marquis was 
a Major General, he had no command, but he frequently 
expressed his eagerness to assume one if it could be made 
available. He also expressed a desire to learn and a 
willingness to serve where he was needed, especially if 
there might be a chance for glory there. Washington frankly 
admitted that he did not .know what he was supposed to do 
with the young man, or why Congress had given him a commis­
sion. However, he admired Lafayette's sincerity, and his 
affection for the marquis grew--though not as rapidly as 
Lafayette's love for his new commander which blossomed 
almost overnight.4 
Lafayette's first real taste of battle came in 
September of 1777 at Brandywine Creek. The Americans hoped 
to use the natural barrier of the river in a defense that 
would stop the British advance toward Philadelphia. The 
20 
attempt was unsuccessful, since the English found an 
undefended ford and were able to cross the river as the 
Americans were forced to drop back. In the fighting 
Lafayette was brave and shouted encouragement to the 
retreating soldiers. Before the shooting ended, the marquis 
was wounded in the leg; it was a flesh wound and not serious, 
but it gave him the added distinction of having shed his 
blood for the American cause.5 He later wrote to Adrienne: 
Our Americans after having stood their ground for some 
time, ended at length by being routed: whilst endeav­
ouring to rally them, the English honoured me with a 
musket ball, which slightly wounded me in the leg,--but 
it is a trifle, my dearest love; the ball touched 
neither bone nor nerve, and I have escaped with the 
obligation of lying on my b~ck for some time, which 
puts me much out of humour. 
Lafayette was sent to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, to 
recuperate while the British moved into Philadelphia. After 
he recovered, Washington gave him his first command, a 
division of Virginians, and his first task was to lead them 
into winter camp at Valley Forge.? 
During his first months in America, Lafayette made 
friends with Thomas Conway, a native of Ireland who had 
served with the French army in the Orient. In the wee.ks 
before Brandywine, while he was restlessly awaiting some 
action, Lafayette had talked with Conway about a plan to 
lead an attack on the West Indies, and he became fond of 
this naturalized Frenchman. He also expressed an affection 
for General Horatio Gates without realizing the animosity 
between these men and Washington. Lafayette apparently came 
close to blundering about his loyalties, although as soon as 
he saw that Conway and Gates were beginning actively to 
promote public and congressional dissatisfaction with 
General Washington, he was quick to declare his staunch 
support of his Commander in Chier. 8 
21 
During the winter of 1777-1778 there was talk of 
sending a grand expedition to conquer Canada. When Lafayette 
heard of the plan, even though he knew Conway was one of its 
promoters, he quickly suggested that since he was a high 
ranking Frenchman, he was well suited to command such an 
operation. Congress and the Board of War agreed with him 
and put him in charge, although he insisted on remaining 
under orders to Washington rather than taking an independent 
command as had been proposed.9 Lafayette was displeased, 
however, that Conway was made next in command to him, and as 
he set out on the expedition, he suspected that the whole 
thing was a plot to separate him from Washington and put 
him under the control of Conway's friends and agents.l 0 
The expedition was a complete failure. Lafayette and 
deKalb traveled as far as Albany to find that promised men 
and supplies were missing and unobtainable, and that a march 
under such winter conditions was nearly unthinkable. 
Lafayette was fearful that the whole business might be a 
blot on his reputation, and he anxiously wrote to Washington, 
who reassured him, and soon ordered the men to return.ll 
In the early summer of 1778, Washington and his 
council decided to attempt a full scale attack against the 
British that might prevent their resuming control of New York. 
22 
Before the Battle of Monmouth, as the engagement was later 
called, the command of the American forces was first offered 
to General Charles Lee, who refused. Lafayette was then put 
in charge until Lee changed his mind at the last minute. 
The fighting was confused by poor intelligence reports and 
Lee's many commands, and Washington arrived just in time to 
find the Americans retreating. The battle later appeared as 
Lee's disgrace and the termination of his military career.12 
When news of the French alliance came, Lafayette was 
delighted. His letters to his influential family, who now 
indeed was proud of him, and other important French officials 
had probably contributed in some measure to France's decision 
to recognize American independence and enter into an 
alliance.l3 
Soon after this agreement was reached, Lafayette was 
on his way to Rhode Island to meet the French ships commanded 
by Count d 1Estaing. The French and British fleets met off 
Providence, but a New England storm did more damage to both 
than either did to the other. The French were under orders 
to sail to Boston for repairs, an act which the Americans 
loudly protested since it left their army at Providence 
unprotected. Although Lafayette was distressed to hear 
criticism of his countrymen, he did attempt to convince the 
French to return, but the Americans retreated before he 
could succeed.l4 
Lafayette had been thinking for some time of returning 
to France. He was probably homesick, as well as being anxious 
23 
to receive the fame and adulation that he was now sure 
awaited him at home. In addition, he thought that since 
France had joined in the war against England, he might have 
a. chance of fighting under the French flag. Finally, he 
assured himself that, because of his intimate .knowledge of 
both France and America, he might do the Americans more good 
at Versailles than he could do in the battlefield.l5 
The young General applied for and received leave from 
Congress and in January of 1779, he sailed out of Boston. 16 
Congress sent letters of commendation to the French .king 
assuring him of the noble and brave performance of Lafayette. 
It also commissioned Franklin to purchase a sword fitted 
with appropriate symbolic decorations and to present it to 
Lafayette with a message of appreciation from Congress. 17 
In Paris Lafayette was immediately made the center of 
attention and admiration. He was applauded in the theatres 
and consulted by the king and ministers. As he had predicted, 
his father-in-law was pleased, and his earlier act of dis­
obediance was treated lightly by all concerned.18 
Lafayette busied himself with several schemes. First 
there was talk of a real expedition against Canada; then he 
worked out a plan to take an American raiding party into the 
Irish Sea. French officials were more interested in an 
attack on England herself, and Lafayette actively promoted 
himself a place in those plans. Finally it was decided to 
expand French support for the fighting in America and to 
send the troops.and supplies that the Americans needed. 
24 
Lafayette, who had also supported this decision, would 
return to America to take his former post and to serve in 
liaison wherever he could. He left for America in March of 
1780.19 His arrival was welcomed, and his assurances that 
he would soon be followed by French ships were good news. 
The American situation had not improved, and there was a 
growing discontent with the progress of the war among 
soldiers and civilians alike. 
As before, Lafayette seemed to be present at many of 
the interesting moments of those months. While he and 
Washington were returning to their Hudson Valley camp after 
a conference with Rochambeau in Hartford, they received word 
of Benedict Arnold's treachery at West Point and hurried to 
the scene. Lafayette was one of the officers who sat on the 
board that tried the British Major Andre and sentenced him 
to hang. 20 
Shortly thereafter, Washington gave him command of 
1200 light infantrymen and sent him to Virginia to try to 
capture Arnold, who was then with the British. In this 
assignment Lafayette displayed what later appeared as his 
greatest military skill, an adeptness at logistics. Loth 
writes: 
For all his fretting over shortages, he got more out of 
the civil authorities than any other commander and with 
less friction. He learned the management of men, how 
to judge the course to take with a given individual 
under given circumstances. He learned when to plead 
gracefully ••• He learned when to appeal to patriotism, 
self-esteem, public spirit, charity, snobbery--and so on 
down the line of human motives.21 
After a skillful job of moving his men as far as Annapolis 
25 
in an amazingly short time, Lafayette was forced to admit 
failure. The French fleet which was supposed to come to his 
aid never arrived, but Arnold received additional British 
reinforcements.22 
The marquis was discouraged. He felt there was 
little for him~ to do in the South, and he was afraid of 
missing the action if the Americans and French tried to take 
New York. He and his men had moved as far north as Elkton 
when orders came telling them to turn south again, to assist 
General Nathaniel Greene, who was hoping to prevent a merger 
of the forces of Arnold and Cornwallis.23 Eventually 
Lafayette received command of the entire American army in 
Virginia, and was forced to contend as best he could with a 
superior force of British. He anxiously awaited support from 
General Anthony Wayne and his Pennsylvanians.24 
At first while he was considerably outnumbered, 
Lafayette could do nothing but retreat slowly, keeping to 
the north and west of Cornwallis. When General Wayne 
finally arrived, they were able to make more trouble for the 
British.25 Gradually it began to appear as though Cornwallis 
were retreating and Lafayette was quick to add to this 
impression in his letters and dispatches. When Cornwallis 
moved, he followed him. The English commander, ,on the other 
hand, felt that he had been successful in his Virginia raids 
and was retiring to the more healthful atmosphere of 
Williamsburg. He had also received orders to be prepared 
for transport by sea to reinforce the British at New York. 
He hardly realized that he was being followed.26 
26 
In the end Cornwallis and his army were trapped in 
Yor.ktown, although this was probably due not as much to the 
opposition given him by the Americans as the fact that 
Cornwallis believed that British ships were coming to his 
assistance. By the time he realized that he would not 
receive support from sea, it was too late for him to escape 
to the south again. Washington's army and the French fleet 
were arriving, and after siege operations and some fighting 
Cornwallis surrendered.27 
When it became apparent that the war was essentially 
finished, Lafayette began to plan his return to France. He 
arrived there in January of 1782. As before, he received on 
all sides the flattery and praise that he loved. He agitated 
for terms in the peace treaty that would be fair and favorable 
for America, and he continued to act as a self-styled author­
ity on American affairs.28 
In 1784 Lafayette decided to pay a personal visit to 
America, primarily to see Washington again. French officials 
approved of the project and encouraged Lafayette to do 
whatever he could to promote friendly relations between the 
two countries. He came as an informal ambassador of good 
w111. 29 
\ihen he returned to America, he was twenty-seven 
years old and already "The Hero of Two Worlds." He received 
a warm hero's welcome. There were crowds, speeches, dinners 
and balls. For the first time he was able to enter New Yor.k 
City, which had been occupied by the British during the war. 
City officials there presented him with the freedom of the 
city in a golden box. He spent a pleasant fortnight with 
27 
the Washingtons at Mount Vernon. Then he traveled north in 
the companionship of James Madison and attended an Indian 
conference in upstate New York. The state of Maryland 
conferred honorary citizenship upon him and his male 
descendants, and Harvard University presented an honorary 
degree to him. In Philadelphia he addressed the American 
Philosophical Society (he had earlier been made a member) 
about the wonders of Mesmerism, which he had been studying. 
It was the shortest of his visits to America, and after six 
months he was on his way back to France .'30 
28 
III. Footnotes 
1Louis Gottschalk, Lafayette Joins the American Army 
(Chicago, 1937), Ch. I, pp. 1-13. 
2David Loth, ~People's General. The Personal 
Stpry of Lafayette (New York, 19.51), pp. 77--::rB. . 
3Loth, p. 80. 
4w. E. Woodward, Lafayette (New York, 1938), pp. 21-23. 
5Loth, pp. 82-87. 
6Marquis de Lafayette, Memoirs, Corresgondence and 
Manusc:c1pts .2!. General Lafayette (New Yor.k, 1 37), p. 101. 
?Loth, pp. 98-99. 
8Gottschalk, Joins pp. 65-90. 
9Loth, pp. 106-107. 
10Gottscha1k, Joins pp. 112-116. 
lltoth, pp. 104-107. 
12toth, pp. 110-113. 
13woodward, pp. 64-65. 
14woodward, pp. 70-72. 
15toth, p. 116. 
16J. Bennett Nolan, Lafayette 1n America Day Qy Day 
(Baltimore, 1934), p. 99. 
17Louis Gottschalk, Lafayette and the Close of~ 
American Revolution (Chicago, 1942), pp. 43-44. 
18Loth, pp. 119-121. 
19Gottschal.k, Close pp. 1-75. 
20Loth, pp. 138-141. 
2ltoth, p. 157. 
22Gottschalk, Close pp. 188-205. 
23Gottsohalk, Close pp. 210-215. 
29 
24Gottschalk, .Close p. 232 • 
25Gottschal.k, Close p. 244. 
26aottschalk, Close pp. 2.51-2.59. 
27Gottschalk, Close pp. 320-323. 
28Loth, pp. 164-166. 
29Louis Gottschalk, Lafa~ette Between the American and 
~French Revolution (Chicago, 19SO), pp. 83-84. 
30aottsch~lk, Between pp. 84-138. 
IV. LAFAYETTE AND THE UNITED STATES: THE CHANGES 
OF FORTY YEARS (1784-1824) 
The years from 1785, when Lafayette returned to 
France, to 1789 when the French Revolution began are 
described by Woodward as probably the happiest of his life. 
"He was famous, rich, young and healthy. He dabbled in 
French politics, such as they were; agitated for reforms in 
the government and the methods of taxation; and made trips 
with his gorgeous crowd of friends and retainers to Potsdam 
and Vienna."1 
In the early period of the French Revolution, 
Lafayette was a hero of the people, while yet a respected 
person among the nobility. In 1789 he sat with the nobles 
of the French National Assembly and, at the same time, 
accepted command of the middle class people's army, the 
National Guard. He ceased to use his title and referred to 
himself as General Lafayette. 2 When he rode out on his 
white horse he drew cheering crowds, and his public popular­
ity was enormous.3 At one point, when an angry mob marched 
to Versailles, he was able to turn the mood of the crowd 
from anger towards favor for the royal personages.4 
As the tone of the revolution became more radical, 
Lafayette's popularity began to decline. A moderate liberal, 
the General advocated government reform, preferably in the 
form of a constitutional monarchy. The days and the times 
30 
31 
were uneasy, but when the king signed the constitution, in 
1791, Lafayette and many others hoped and believed that the 
revolution was ended. Shortly thereafter, he resigned his 
post at the head or .the National Guard, but a few months 
later he was asked to take command of one of the three armies 
that were being formed for defense against attack by Austria 
and Prussia.5 
Lafayette was with this army near the border of France 
when radical elements of the revolution, the Jacobina, over-
turned the monarchy, relieved Lafayette of his command, and 
ordered him to return to Paris to defend his support of the 
king. Aware of the sharp danger of returning, his popularity 
and prestige gone, Lafayette crossed the border into Austrian 
territory where he planned to make his way to England.6 He 
was promptly arrested and held for the next five years in 
Prussian and Austrian prisons.? After a daring escape 
attempt, in which he was aided by a German doctor named 
Bollman and an American, Francis Huger, he was kept in close 
confinement. 8 In 1795 his wife, Adrienne, who had narrowly 
missed execution during the Terror in France, voluntarily 
joined him in the Austrian prison of Olmutz, and she brought 
their two daughters with her.9 
In 1797 Napoleon was persuaded to secure the release 
of Lafayette from the Austrians. The move gave Napoleon a 
chance to demonstrate his power, but he stipulated that 
Lafayette was not to return to France.10 When Napoleon 
assumed governing power rrom the Directory in 179,9, Lafayette 
32 
entered France on a false passport and announced his intention 
of remaining. The emperor gave his permission along with a 
warning to stay out of politics.ll · 
Lafayette was heavily in debt and had lost title to 
his lands during the revolution.' His wife's relatives, 
however, had been able to recover some of their property, 
including the chateau of La Grange near Paris. After 
Lafayette's return to France, he settled there with his 
family and interested himself in farming and in writing his 
Memoirs. 12 
At this time Lafayette considered moving to America. 
Just before the turn of the century he wrote to American 
friends to ask their opinion about the wisdom of such a step. 
His friends advised him to wait until Franco-American rela-
tions improved. At that time, although war was not formally 
declared, Americans were fighting the French in fierce 
battle on the high seas.l3 
President Jefferson learned of the General's financial 
difficulties and urged Congress to pass a bill giving 
Lafayette a gift of public land such as had been given to 
other officers after the American Revolutionary war. The 
bill was passed in 1803, but because of conflicting claims, 
the titles were not actually granted for seven more years. 
Sale of the land eventually helped Lafayette clear his debts 
for awhile. 14 
The Marquise de Lafayette died in 1807 at the age of 
forty-eight. Her death was probably due to ailments acquired 
33 
in the prison with her husband. He never remarr1ed.l5 
In 1818 a few years after the Bourbon restoration, 
Lafayette was again elected to the Legislative Assembly, and 
he resumed his place as an influential person in French 
politics. 16 He and his son belonged to some of the secret 
"Liberty" societies that were springing up in Europe about 
1820, and they were particularly active in the Carbonari, a 
group that desired overthrow of the Bourbons and establishment 
of a constitutional monarchy. When he received the invitation 
to visit America, Lafayette was still occupied with the 
Carbonari, but he was not at the time sitting in the National 
Assembly.l7 
The General had become the close friend of an 
Englishwoman, Frances Wright, who was becoming well known as 
a writer and reformer. Miss Wright had written a book about 
her impressions of America, and the two spent long hours 
comparing notes and discussing the new nation. These talks 
probably helped rekindle his interest in visiting the United 
States again. 18 
During the forty years of Lafayette's absence there 
were many changes in America too. The United States in 1784 
was composed of thirteen relatively independent states 
loosely joined by the Articles of Confederation. Gradually 
tariff and trade problems together with the ineffectiveness 
of the Confederation in dealing with foreign powers led to 
the realization that more united power was essential if the 
nation were to show a strong front to the rest of the world. 
The constitutional convention of 1787 began to draw up a 
plan for such union.l9 
The plan that emerged after weeks of discussion, 
argument, concession, demand ·and disagreement was not 
immediately hailed as a great achievement. Within a year, 
however, most Americans treated it as the cornerstone of 
34 
their liberty, and politicians of all persuasions glorified 
it in Fourth of July speeches.20 
Throughout the United States in this period, the 
feeling was generally one of having broken away from 
tradition and begun anew in a way that few nations had done 
before.21 There was a growing sentiment of national pride; 
the flag, the eagle and the Constitution inspired men of 
many bac.kgrounq.s; the thrill of political activity and the 
desire to take part in the government and get representation 
of one's views were increasingly felt.22 
The nation in 1790 was primarily rural, though the 
cores of culture and civilization were centered in the 
cities. Philadelphia, the largest of the major cities, had 
42,000 residents.23 In its commercial life, the United 
States was primarily dependent on export of crops and raw 
materials. Manufacturing was minor although some small 
textile plants had been started in New England. 
Through the first decade of the nineteenth century 
while the British and French were at war, the United States, 
as a neutral nation received rough treatment from both 
opposing powers. 24 The French, in 1797 declared the Alliance 
35 
at an end and authorized French vessels to seize and con-
fiscate American ships carrying British goods or going to or 
from British ports. The cry for war was raised, but 
President Adams elected to negotiate. For the next two 
years, although war was not formally declared, the United 
States battled the French at sea.25 
The United States struggled for identity and self ­
assertion with very little power to support her demands for 
recognition of her rights. When Britain and/or France 
ignored these rights, the United States could only counter 
with trade restrictions of her own which generally hurt 
American merchants more than the foreign powers and created 
great resentment within the states.26 
The demand for war had been heard many times, but 
American leaders had avoided asking for war, since the 
consequences of failure seemed grave. In 1812, President 
Madison under the urging of "warhawks" such as .John c. Calhoun 
and Henry Clay saw no alternative but to ask Congress to 
declare war on Britain. The Americans were poorly prepared 
and not well directed.27 
The Treaty of Ghent, signed in 1815, settled few of 
the disputes, but the fighting was stopped and the way made 
clear for future settlements. While the following years did 
not bring the tranquility that newly elected President Monroe 
hoped for, still they were periods of respite and relief. 
The identity of the United States seemed to Americans to be 
assured and future progress inevitable.28 
36 
The geographical expansion which had been temporarily 
slowed during the war increased rapidly. Movement westward 
had been in progress since the revolution and was stimulated 
by the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. Rapid expansion accounted 
for the admission of six states after 1812.29 
With such geographical expansion went advances in 
communication. Roads and turnpikes steadily appeared, 
although travel over them was far from comfortable. The 
greatest advances were made in water travel. In 1807 
Robert Fulton's Clermont was first propelled by steam up the 
Hudson River. By 1820 the steamboat was a familiar sight on 
the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers. Manmade waterways were of 
interest too, and the Erie Canal from Buffalo to Albany 
began operation in 1825. The railroad had been introduced 
to America by 1824, but business enterprise was hesitant to 
pour much into its development.30 
Religion also traveled with geographical expansion. 
After the close of the revolution and particularly after the 
turn of the century, a second Great Awakening pervaded 
American religious life. This religious zeal went along 
with patriotic pride in its emphasis on maintaining American 
virtue and moral ·superiority. Revivalism was well suited to 
the frontier where the church became the social and intellec­
tual center of newly settled communities.31 
The idealism that was part of growing national pride 
along with the optimism of a people whose potential for 
progress seemed unlimited, helped create an atmosphere that 
37 
would be increasingly receptive to romantic literature. The 
religious revival in its reaction against rationalism and 
dependence on a world of reason also contributed to this 
cultural atmosphere. The romantic movement was becoming 
increasingly popular in Europe and was beginning to find a 
cordial reception in America in the early nineteenth century. 
By 1824 the American literary scene had been expanded by 
Irving with The Sketch Book (1819), and Cooper with The~ 
(1820). Through the next two generations this budding 
romanticism would reach its full height.32 
The United States of 1824 had left its infancy, and 
there were signs that it was beginning to acquire maturity. 
States had been welded into a nation, and there was a general, 
if not always spoken, agreement that dissension was healthy 
and should be lived with. Americans were proud of themselves 
and their institutions. They were convinced of their own 
superiority and equally convinced of their future progress.33 
The Monroe Doctrine of 1823 was perceived by some as a state­
ment of independence achieved. In her growing national 
strength, the United States would plan to stand away from 
Europe's troubles.34 Though there were still many domestic 
problems to deal with, the time was ripe for a grand 
national celebration. 
Lafayette had been considering a return visit to the 
United States, and he had expressed this desire in letters 
to American friends. In January of 1824, Mr. Mitchell of 
Maryland proposed to the House of Representatives that 
38 
Lafayette be officially invited to come.35 Congress unan-
imously passed the resolution, and President Monroe extended 
the invitation. (Monroe had long been a friend of Lafa,ette's 
and had been instrumental in securing the release of Mme. de 
Lafayette from imprisonment in Paris in 1795.)36 The 
proposed visit quickly won public approval. Some people 
pointed out that in addition to honoring Lafayette, such a 
visit would show the world that America was not afraid of 
the Holy Alliance and was proud to receive a continental 
republican. Other believed that such a visit would refute 
a charge they felt was often made, that republics were 
ungrateful. 
The invitation was accepted, although Lafayette 
delayed about setting a date for the trip. Finally, in July 
of 1824, he set sail for the United States with his son, 
George Washington Lafayette, his secretary, Levasseur, and 
a personal servant. He was probably unprepared for the 
thrtlling and overwhelming welcome that he would receive.37 
39 
IV. Footnotes 
1w. E. Woodward, Lafayette (New York, 1938), p. 175. 
2David Loth, The People's General, The Personal Story 
of Lafayette (New York, 19$1), p. 216. 
3Loth, pp. 230, 269. 
4Loth, pp. 203-210. 
5woodward, pp. 294-295. 
6Andre Maurois, Adrienne. The Life of the Marquise 
de La Fayette, trans. Gerard Hopkin;-(New York:-1961), 
pp. 206-207. 
?woodward, pp. 310-311. 
8Josiah Quincy, Fifures of ~ Past from ~ Leaves 
Journals, 9th ed. Boston, 190l~p. 119-126. 
~roodward, pp. 363-365. 
lOwoodward, p. 3.68. 
llwoodward, pp. 380-381. 
12woodward, pp. 381-383. 
13Loth, p. 262. 
14woodward, p. 386. 
15 Loth, pp. 273-275. 
l6\.-Joodward, p. 405. 
17"\lloodward, pp. 408-412. 
l8William R. Waterman, Fanny Wright (New York, 1924), 
pp. 68-78. . 
19Harry J. Carman, Harold c. Syrett, and Bernard W. 
Wishy, A History of~ ~merican People (New York, 1960), 
I, 249-251. 
2~arcus Cunliffe, The Nation Takes Shape: .!1..§.2-.1§31 
(Chicago, 1959), pp. 126-127. 
21Russel Blaine Nye, The Cultural Life of the New 
Nation, ~-1830 (New York~960), p. 147. - .- -
22cun1iffe, pp. 38-39. 
23cun1iffe, p. 100. 
24carman, p. 333. 
25carman, pp. 301-302. 
26cun1iffe, pp. 56-57. 
27carman, pp. 343-351. 
40 
28George Dangerfield, The Era of Good Feelings (London, 
1953), p. 101. 
29carman, p. 359. 
30cunliffe, pp. 102-105. 
31Nye, pp. 219-220. 
32Norman Foerster, ed. American Poetry and Prose 
(Boston, 1957), Part I, pp. 266-269. 
33Nye, p. 148. 
34cunliffe, p. 65. 
35New York Evening Post, January 15, 1824. 
36Maurois, p. 265. 
37woodward, p. 418. 
V. AMERICA WELCOMES LAFAYETTE: THE 
TRIUMPHAL TOUR IN 1824 
A detailed description of the General's thirteen 
month visit to America would be much too long to include 
here. Fortunately, Bennett Nolan has compiled a day by day 
chronology of Lafayette's stay in America that makes it 
possible to retrace briefly the route of his travels. A few 
descriptions of some of the highlights of the visit should 
serve to illustrate the enthusiastic reception the old hero 
received. The impact of the visit at that time and on 
succeeding generations would form the basis for a study in 
itself. 
News of the Congressional resolution which requested 
President Monroe to invite.Lafayette to visit the United 
States appeared about the middle of January, 1824, and 
Lafayette's acceptance became known soon after. Soon the 
news spread that Lafayette would be "The Nation's Guest," a 
designation that he retained throughout his thirteen month 
stay. 1 
In the major cities the governing councils passed 
resolutions welcoming Lafayette's anticipated arrival and 
assuring him of their love and friendship. Public and 
private groups began thinking of balls, banquets, receptions 
and programs of other sorts that could be held to honor him. 
Much of this type of planning must have gone on after 
41 
Lafayette's arrival, because he had little in the way of 
definite schedules or itinerary at the time he landed. 2 
42 
Early plans had to be fairly tenuous and flexible, 
because no one knew exactly when Lafayette would arrive or 
even where he would land, although New York seemed a likely 
choice. Elaborate flag and cannon signals were arranged to 
announce his arrival and to send troops and officials to 
their appointed places for his reception.3 
The Cadmus, the ship on which the General and his 
party were passengers, reached the shores of America on 
Saturday, August 14, 1824. Soon after the ship anchored, 
the son of Daniel D. T~kins, the Vice President of the 
United States, came out to invite Lafayette to visit at his 
father's home on Staten Island until Monday. The General 
was somewhat surprised and suggested that he ought to go on 
into the city, because he was probably expected. He was 
assured that a grand welcome, which would be much more 
suitable for Monday than for Sunday, was awaiting him.4 
By Monday all of New York must have known that 
Lafayette had arrived and would soon be welcomed by eager 
Americans. As his ship left Staten Island, it was met by an 
escort of steamboats decorated with flags and festoons. A 
committee of war veterans went out to meet the General and 
to ride back with him to Manhattan. Lafayette greeted them 
warmly, and they talked of old times until all had tears in 
their eyes .5 
At Castle Garden, near the battery, he disembarked 
43 
about 2:00 p.m. and was conducted in a procession through 
cheering throngs up to City Hall. There he was received by 
the mayor and many speeches were given, after which Lafayette 
reviewed the troops. Finally he was taken to his quarters 
at City Hotel, where a state banquet was held for him. 
The next day, Tuesday, was marked by a noontime 
reception given by citizens in the Governor's Chamber of 
City Hall. On Wednesday he visited the navy yard and had 
lunch on the new frigate, Washington. Later at City Hall 
he was honored at a reception given by clergy, militia 
officers, and civic societies. The Historical Society gave 
a late afternoon reception where both the General and his 
son were made honorary members of the society.6 
On Thursday, August 19, he received delegations from 
other cities who had come to extend invitations, and he 
dined with groups from Hartford, Baltimore and elsewhere.? 
1'1any of these arrangements were probably turned over to his 
son and his secretary, who worked out schedules and mapped 
routes. In the afternoon there was a reception by the 
French Society, and later Lafayette watched a parade by the 
Fire Department. 8 
In spite of the warm welcome he was receiving in 
New York, Lafayette was eager to get to Boston. He had 
promised many friends that he would go there at· the first 
possible chance. On Friday, August 20, the Lafayette party 
departed from New York, still in procession through cheering 
crowds, and headed north through Connecticut and Massachusetts. 
44 
In all the towns they passed, they were greeted by excited 
onlookers, and there were hands to shake, babies to kiss, 
veterans to embrace, speeches to be heard and returned, 
toasts to be made and received, and restive meals to be 
eaten.9 
Larayette's arrival in Boston was celebrated with 
another procession which again moved through a cheering 
crowd. Josiah Quincy who rode near the head or the parade 
described it this way: 
We passed through immense throngs with all the noise 
that bells, cannon, and human lungs were capable or 
producing •••• Everyone wore a Lafayette badge 
stamped upon blue ribbon .••• It was a surrender, 
complete and without condition. It was universal 
••• the cultivated classes of our somewhat stiff 
and exclusive city led the wild enthusiasm or the 
streets.lO 
In the early part of September, Lafayette traveled 
through New Hampshire to Hartford where he boarded a 
steamboat for New York. He disembarked about noon on 
Sunday, September 5, at Fulton Street Landing. This time 
there seemed to be little concern about desecrating the 
Sabbath, and crowds cheered along the shores and wharves of 
the East River as cannon fired a national salute. From the 
landing he was conducted to City Hall through streets filled 
with people. 11 
Monday, September 6, was his birthday and the Society 
of the Cincinnati held a dinner for him at 1rJashington Hall 
which was "beautifully decorated with flags, evergreen, 
&c.nl2 After the rirst rtfteen toasts, Lafayette rose to 
offer a salute; when he finished, a transparency showing the 
45 
Goddess of Liberty holding a welcome scroll was illuminated, 
while a laurel wreath was lowered to the General's head. At 
least thirty-nine more toasts were offered before the evening 
ended. 13 
The next day Lafayette visited the Academy of Arts, 
the Hospital, and the Almshouse.l4 On Wednesday he boarded 
a steamboat to visit Fort Lafayette. A banquet luncheon was 
served there with members of the Society of the Cincinnati 
and other military officers. Flags were draped in an arch 
over Lafayette's chair, and he sat in the place of honor. 
The General left about 5:00 P.M. so that he could meet his 
later engagements.l5 
Thatevening Lafayette attended the performance at the 
Park Theatre, which was elaborately decorated for the 
occasion. The ladies, beautifully arrayed, began to arrive 
early so as to be in position to greet the General when he 
appeared. He came about eight o'clock, and the onlookers 
shouted and waved. The play was Laugh ~llien You Can with a 
new interlude, The Siege of Yorktown. At each reference to 
Lafayette, the audience cheered and applauded enthusiasti ­
cally.l6 (Levasseur noted that they attended the theatre 
several times during their New York visits, but that it was 
difficult to follow the performances because of the constant 
outbursts of the audience whenever Lafayette appeared or was 
mentioned. )17 
On Thursday, September 9, Lafayette attended a grand 
oratorio performed by the choral society at St. Paul's church. 
"On his entrance the audience rose and the choir struck up 
the animating air of 'See the Conquering Hero Comes.' The 
Marseilles Hymn was also performed in full chorus, and the 
effect was grand beyond description.nl8 
46 
From the church he was conducted to the park near 
City Hall where the engines of forty-six fire companies were 
drawn up inside the park fence. The engines were decorated 
with flowers, ribbons and pictures of Lafayette and Washington 
while each fireman wore a Lafayette badge. After an exchange 
of speeches, Lafayette reviewed the fire companies, and then 
retired to the portico of City Hall to watch them perform. 
Bucket brigades busily filled the engines with water. 
When the engines were ready, the firemen put their ladders 
to.gether in the center of the park to form a pyramid. High 
on top they placed a miniature house filled with combustibles 
which they set afire when the signal was given. As the 
flames leaped up, the engines worked at once, and forty-six 
water spouts were directed at the house. The effect was of 
a mighty fountain "rushing up and descending like a shower of 
liquid silver."19 The crowd was properly awed and delighted 
by the spectacle. In the evening Lafayette dined with 
Philip Hone, Esq. 20 
The next day, Friday, Lafayette visited the New York 
Free School Society and reviewed the children. As part of 
the exercises 400 children recited an ode, and a young boy 
read a tribute. Later at the African Free School similar 
speeches were exchanged. The General expressed his pleasure 
47 
with the management of the schools and was made an honorary 
member of the Society.21 
In the afternoon, the Ninth regiment of New York 
State Artillery paraded for Lafayette in front of his 
quarters at City Hotel. The officers presented a gold sword 
to him, and mutual gratitude and affection were expressed.22 
That evening Lafayette dined with Col. Nicholas Fish and 
there were fireworks after dinner.23 
A Masonic celebration by the Knights Templar was held 
for Lafayette on Saturday.24 In the evening he returned to 
Washington Hall for a dinner given by French citizens 
residing in New York. The decorations included two large 
arches and a revolving sun. The most unusual feature of the 
decorations was a seventy foot long miniature replica of the 
Grand Canal which ran through the middle of the table. The 
model was complete with banks of green sward, trees, gardens, 
water and miniature boats.25 
On Sunday the General attended public worship at 
Trinity Church. 26 Little activity is recorded for him on 
Monday and it is possible that he rested, though more likely 
that he received callers. 
On Tuesday his visit to New York reached its climax 
with a grand fete at Castle Garden, something of an outdoor 
arena apparently set in the water at the tip of Manhattan by 
the battery. 27 The bridge to the castle was carpeted and 
decorated with evergreen. The castle was enclosed by an 
awning which was partially drawn back. In front of the gate 
stood a seventy-five foot lighted pyramid which was topped 
by an F mounted in a six point star.28 
James Fenimore Cooper wrote a description of the 
48 
affair for the New York American. According to his account: 
Over the main entrance was thrown a triumphal arch, 
reaching to the roof, adorned with wreaths of laurel 
and oaks, and garlands of flowers, crowned with a 
colossal bust of Washington, and resting on pillars 
of cannon: at the top of the arch, the flags of 
America and France were connected, and descended 
thence on each side, forming an appropriate and 
beautiful drapery; while midway was suspended a 
painting of the Genius of our Country displaying a 
scroll inscribed "to the Nation's Guest."29 
When the General arrived, about 10:00 P.M., he was 
escorted to the pavilion as the band played the Lafayette 
March. After he was seated, "The allegorical painting . . . 
of the Genius of our country, was slowly rolled up and 
exhibited to the General and the company a very beautiful 
transparency, representing a faithful view of La Grange, his 
patriarchal residence, with the simple words under it, 'HIS 
HOME'--the effect of this exhibition was all that could have 
been desired. 11 30 
Lafayette strolled around the area, "receiving the 
eager pressure of thousands of fair hands, and the fervent 
and affectionate wishes of thousands of hearts.n3l Finally 
about 2:00 A.M. the old hero and his party, escorted by a 
number of friends and dignitaries, boarded the boat that was 
to take him to West Point and on to Albany.32 
After a short stay in Albany, the party returned to 
New York and then set out through New Jersey for Philadelphia. 
After a week's visit there, Lafayette traveled through 
Baltimore to vlashington. He arrived in vlashington on 
October 12, and was received by President Monroe and chief 
officers of the administration.33 
After a few days in Washington, Lafayette and his 
companions left for a tour of Virginia. One of the first 
stops was at Mount Vernon where the General was able to 
stand with his son by Washington's tomb. After visiting 
49 
Yorktown, Williamsburg, Norfolk and Richmond, the travelers 
arrived at Monticello. Here the General spent several days 
resting, reading his mail, and visiting the University of 
Virginia. He also stayed awhile at Montpelier.34 
Lafayette returned to Washington for most of December 
and January. At this time, Congress honored him by a formal 
reception. The form of this ceremony, however, drew edito-
rial criticism from Niles Weekly Register which felt that 
the Senate had been condescending and not sufficiently 
respectful toward The Nation's Guest.35 
On the other hand, a later account which appeared in 
book form in 1826 spoke of his Congressional reception, as a 
high point of his visit and said, "Of all the proud triumphs 
through which the veteran hero has passed since he first 
landed upon the shores of America, this was not only the most 
glorious, but must have been the most interesting to his 
feelings. 11 36 The same account pointed out that General 
Lafayette was "the only public character that has ever been 
received by the Senate of the United States. This virgin 
honour was reserved for the man who was truly the most 
50 
deserving. 11 37 
The General was conducted into the Senate chamber by 
the committee that had been appointed to prepare his recep­
tion. The committee chairman announced, "We introduce General 
Lafayette to the Senate of the United States." The legisla­
tors rose with the president of the Senate who invited 
Lafayette to take a chair on the right. After this he 
called for adjournment, and the Senators came forward to pay 
their individual respects to Lafayette. 
On the next day the Senators joined the Representatives 
in the House chamber and Lafayette was escorted into their 
presence by a larger committee. On his entrance everyone on 
the floor rose and stood uncovered while he was introduced. 
Then Speaker Clay addressed him eloquently, and Lafayette's 
reply showed that he had been moved by the Speaker's words. 
This was followed by adjournment and the paying of individual 
respects.38 
Shortly after this a bill was introduced to present 
Lafayette with $200,000 and a township of public land. It 
passed quickly with only token opposition.39 
Early in February Lafayette made a short trip to 
Harrisburg and other Pennsylvania towns, after which he 
returned to Washington again. On February 23, he and his 
party left on his southern tour. In March they moved through 
South Carolina and into Georgia. As before, his path was 
marked with crowds, welcomes by governors, dinners and balls. 
He reviewed troops, shook hands, and lai.d cornerstones of 
51 
monuments.40 
In April he traveled through Alabama to New Orleans. 
From there the party embarked on a steamboat trip to St. Louis 
with stops along the way. From St. Louis he went south to 
Nashville and on to Louisville. After leaving Nashville the 
party was involved in a boat wreck which apparently was not 
disastrous, but highly confusing. By May the General was 
hurrying along on a tight time schedule, since he had 
promised to be in Boston for Bunker Hill ceremonies on 
June 17. He went on through Cincinnati to Pittsburgh and 
overland to Buffalo. After a quick visit to Niagara Falls 
he descended on the Erie Canal. The group arrived in Albany 
on June 12, and left immediately for Boston, which was 
reached at noon on June 15, probably after some all night 
travel.41 
After the Bunker Hill anniversary ceremonies, where 
Lafayette insisted on sitting with the veterans rather than 
on the platform of honor, he set out on a New England tour 
through Maine and Vermont. By the first of July he was back 
in New York. In the next month and a half he traveled again 
in New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia visiting battlefields 
and attending commemorative ceremonies. He stopped again at 
Monticello for a farewell visit with Jefferson. By late 
August he was back in \oJ'ashington for final visits to the 
White House and Mount Vernon and a round of farewell 
ceremonies. On September 9, 1825, he left from the mouth of 
the Potomac and sailed for France.42 
52 
It seems clear that General. Lafayette was indeed 
treated as a guest throughout his stay in the United States. 
The manner in which his expenses were handled at each location 
he visited is not easily ascertained and might form the basis 
for a more detailed study in itself. A few examples can be 
mentioned to show that his support probably .came mainly from 
appropriations of city and local governments with some 
contributions from merchants and others who donated their 
services. 
Before his arrival, the National Journal in Washington 
commented: 
It is understood that he will be at no expense in the 
cities. He ought to be at no expense anywhere. It is 
hoped that he will no4t be permitted to expend one cent in the United States. 3 
That many people agreed with this view is shown by a 
newspaper article which described his first overland trip 
from New York to Boston. The reporter noted, "The committee 
which accompanied the General from New York was directed to 
pay his expenses on the road; but we hear that no inn-keeper 
would accept of any compensation."44 
The Common Council of New York had ordered a warrant 
of $1,000 drawn for the official committee that planned 
Lafayette's reception and entertainment. Later a second 
warrant was drawn for $1,500 for the same purpose.45 
53 
v. Footnotes 
1New York Evening Post, January 10, and 15, 1824. 
2A Short Biography of the Illustrious Citizen, 
Marquis de Lafayette, by a Citizen of Washington, D. c. 
(Washington, 1824), pp. 23-34. {Resolutions from New York, 
Boston, Baltimore, and Richmond are reprinted as well as 
letters to and from Lafayette.) 
3New York Evening Post, August 2, 1824, cf. July 26 
and 27 for speculation about when the General might leave 
France. 
4w. E. Woodward, Lafayette {New York, 1938), p. 419. 
5New York Commercial Advertiser, August 17, 1824, 
reprinted in Edgar E. Brandon, Lafayette. Guest of the 
Nation (Oxford, Ohio, 1950), p. 38. 
6New York Commerical Advertiser, August 18, 1924, in 
Brandon,-p: 43. 
7New York American, August 20, 1824, in Brandon, p. 44. 
8New York Commercial Advertiser, August 21, 1824, in 
Brandon, pp. 44-45. 
9woodward, pp. 421-423. 
lOJosiah Quincy, Fi~res of the Past from the Leaves 
of Old Journals, 9th ed. ~ostoO: 190l~p. 104-105. 
llNiles Weekly Register, September 11, 1824. 
12Niles, September 11, 1824. 
13New York American, September 9, 1824, in Lafayette 
Scrapbook, Library of Congress. 
14J. Bennett Nolan, Lafayette in America Day Qx Day 
(Baltimore, 1934), p. 248. 
15New ~ American, September 9, 1824, in Scrapbook. 
16New York American, September 9, 1824, in Scrapbook. 
17A. Levasseur, Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; 
~ Journal of~ Voyage to the United States, trans. John D. 
Godman (Philadelphia, 1829), I, 93. 
18Niles, September 18, 1824. 
19Ni1es, September 18, 1824. 
20Nola.n, p. 248. 
21Ntles ____ , September 
22Niles, September 
23Leva.sseur, I, 9S. 
24No1a.n, p. 248. 
18, 1824. 
18, 1824. 
25Niles, September 18, 1824. 
26Nolan, p. 249. 
27La.fayette, The Nation's Guest (Winterthur, Del., 
1957). (A picture book of mementos in Winterthur Museum 
that ha.s illustrations of a scene of Lafayette's landing 
at Castle Garden that was reproduced on various pieces 
of china.) 
28Niles, September 2S, 1824. 
29James Fenimore Cooper, Letters~ Journals, ed. 
James Franklin Beard (Cambridge, Mass., 1960), I, 115. 
30cooper, p. 117. 
3lcooper, p. 118. 
32woodward, p. 425. 
33Nolan, pp. 250-254. 
34No1an, pp. 254-259. 
3SNi1es, December 18, 1824. 
36~ Complete Histor! of the Marquis de Lafayette, by 
an officer in the late army (New York, 1826), p. 488 
37com:Qlete History, p. 489. 
38com12lete Histor:;y, p. 485. 
39com:Qlete History, p. 488. 
40No1an, pp. 272-280. 
41Nolan, pp. 281-292. 
42Nolan, pp. 293-306. 
54 
43National Journal (Washington), August 5, 1824, in 
Brandon, p. 30. 
44scrapbook, p. 24. 
45Brandon, p. 54. 
55 
VI. WRITING THE STORY OF LAFAYETTE 
The Legend before 1800 
It is clear that General Lafayette was America's most 
popular hero in 1824. The dimensions of his heroic image, 
that is, the qualities and characteristics that were 
attributed to him, are of interest. The way in which 
Americans perceived Lafayette as a hero can be more clearly 
understood by studying the way in which his story was told 
to the public during the forty years before his last visit. 
The growth and change of the legend of Lafayette are revealed 
by examination of the histories of the Revolutionary War and 
the textbooks of American history that were written during 
those years. 
Almost as soon as the terms of peace were settled, 
American writers began to deal with the history of the war. 
Their interpretations of the period were in defense of the 
revolution and in support of an independent American nation.l 
These writers emphasized the rightness of the patriots' 
cause and the superiority of American life. In this way, 
their books reflected a demand of the times for authoritative 
and defensive statements of the American view. Foreign 
accounts of the war, if they tended to be critical of the 
colonists' actions, were rejected and protested as soon as 
they appeared.2 
These early post-revolution histories contain many 
56 
57 
passages which were written to promote feelings of national 
loyalty and patriotism. In the time of battle, the revolu-
tion was far from a unanimous effort of the American people. 
Although estimates vary as to the number of people who 
consistently and actively supported the war, contemporary 
writers conclude that this support came from a dedicated 
minor1ty.3 After independence was secured, there was active 
effort to build national unity and develop patriotic pride 
through education.4 
The historians and textbook writers played their part 
in this effort. Their accounts tended to minimize the 
dissension within the colonies and to exaggerate the faults 
of the British, while emphasizing the virtues of the 
Americans.5 As will be shown, the story of the young Marquis 
de Lafayette was often used to help substantiate the rightness 
of the American position as well as to exemplify and inspire 
devotion to American principles. 
There is a standard story of Lafayette's decision to 
come to America that appears in several of the histories and 
textbooks of the late eighteenth century; identical versions 
of the story were printed in at least five separate publica­
tions before 1791. These accounts are the same except for 
differences in punctuation, capitalization or spelling. 
Since later scholars have agreed that these early historians 
plagiarized,6 or at least borrowed material from each other, 
without hesitation, it is not surprising to find the same 
story of Lafayette in books by different authors. 
58 
This biographical sketch probably was published first 
in 1785 in David Ramsay's The History of Revolution of South 
Carolina. Ramsay integrates the sketch into his text prior 
to his description of the fighting in Virginia and the sub­
sequent battle at Yorktown. Of Virginia, Ramsay writes that 
"The defense of that state was at this period of' the war 
principally entrusted to the marquis de la Fayette. The 
enthusiastic zeal and great service of this distinguished 
French nobleman, merit a particular detail." Following this 
he describes Lafayette's decision to come to America and some 
of his military activities.? 
The Columbian Mag~zine for September 1786 published a 
review of Dr. Ramsay's history and suggested that 11Such of 
our readers as have not yet had the pleasure of perusing this 
valuable wor.k, will, we trust, be pleased with the following 
short specimens of the author's style." The first 11 specimen 11 
presented was the first long paragraph of the Lafayette 
8 sketch. 
The third publication in which the story of Lafayette 
appeared was the first American history textbook, Introduction 
to the History of America, compiled and printed by John 
M'Culloch in 1787.9 He includes the complete sketch of 
Lafayette as well as short biographical notes about 
George Washington and Nathaniel Greene. The sketches are 
not integrated in the text, but follow descriptions of the 
fighting and a letter written by Washington.lO 
In 1789 Jedidiah Morse published his first edition of 
59 
The American Geography. In a section of notes following 
accounts of the war, he added accounts of Generals Washington, 
Montgomery,Greene, and Lafayette. The sketch of Lafayette 
is the same one that appeared in the previously mentioned 
histories. Morse modified the first few sentences slightly 
and wrote that "The enthusiastic zeal and great services of 
the Marquis de laFayette merit a particular detail."ll 
A small volume containing four biographical accounts 
was published in 1790 under the title, A True and Authentic 
History of His Excellency, George Washington •••• ,Also of 
the Brave G~nerals Montgomery and Greene, and the Celebrated 
J.Vlarquis de la Fayette •••• To Which Is Added ~ Ode .Q!1 
General Washington's Birth Day £x the Reverend Mr. Thomas 
Thornton.12 The Library of Congress attributes the work to 
Morse and indicates on the catalog card, that the sketches 
are those which appear in his American Geography. However, 
there is nothing in the book itself which claims Morse's 
authorship and in fact, the binding is stamped "Thornton's 
Life of Washington." The sketch of Lafayette is essentially 
identical to the one that was included in the works described 
previously, and probably should be attributed to Ramsay. 
This story, which was printed in several early his­
tories, is the initial sketch that set the pattern of .the 
Lafayette legend. The first paragraph, which had the greatest 
influence on later writers, is presented here. (The complete 
text may be found in the appendix.) This particular version 
is from Morse (1792), rather than Ramsay (1785). The Morse 
60 
version is a complete biographical sketch, while Ramsay's 
account contains additional paragraphs and phrases which 
integrate the sketch into his war history. (The differences 
between the two versions are indicated in the complete text 
as it is found in the appendix.) 
The enthusiastic zeal and great services of the 
Marquis de la Fayette merit a particular detail. At 
the age of nineteen he espoused the cause of America, 
with all the ardor which the most generous philanthropy 
could inspire. At a very early period of the war, he 
determined to embark from his native country, for the 
United States. Before he could complete his intention, 
intelligence arrived in Europe, that the American 
insurgents, reduced to two thousand men, were flying 
through Jersey before a British force of thirty thousand 
regulars. This news so effectually extinguished the 
little credit which America had in Europe, in the 
beginning of the year 1777, that the commissioners of 
Congress at Paris though they had previously encouraged 
this project, could not procure a vessel to forward his 
intentions. Under these circumstances they thought it 
but honest to dissuade him from the present prosecution 
of his perilous enterprise. It was in vain they acted 
so candid a part. The flame which America had kindled 
in his breast, could not be extinguished by her mis­
fortunes. "Hitherto, 11 said he, in the true spirit of 
patriotism, "I have only cherished your cause--now I 
am going to serve it. The lower it is in the opinion 
of the people, the greater will be the effect of my 
departure; and since you cannot get a vessel, I shall 
purchase and fit .out one to carry your dispatches to 
Congress and myself to America." He accordingly embarked 
and arrived at Charleston early in the year 1777. 
Congress soon conferred on him the rank of major-general. 
He accepted the appointment, but Q.2_. without exacting two 
conditions, which displayed the elevation of his spirit: 
the one, that he should serve on his own expence; the 
other, that he should begin his services as a volunteer.l3 
This sketch of Lafayette projects a picture of a 
brave, young, generous and inspired nobleman who sought 
primarily to assist the American cause. His interest in 
personal glory is depicted as secondary to his interest in 
service to the Americans. The account is a tribute to 
61 
Lafayette and his bravery and generosity. 
The fact that the same story of Lafayette appears in 
different books and in later editions of these books.increases 
the probability that many Americans were exposed to the same 
account of Lafayette's devotion to the American cause and 
his decision to join the American army. It also increases 
the probability that one basic view of Lafayette was widely 
accepted. 
Another similar version of the story appeared in the 
late eighteenth century. In 1788 William Gordon published 
his book, The History of the Rise, Progress and Establishment 
of Independence in the United States of America, which 
contains a somewhat differently worded account of Lafayette's 
story. Gordon inserted the story in a section in which he 
was reviewing some of the works of Congress. After quoting 
the resolution by which Congress granted a commission to 
Lafayette, he interrupts himself to give an account of "this 
noble phenomenon." The Lafayette that Gordon describes has 
the same noble motives as the hero of the previously quoted 
story. Gordon dwells at greater length on the intensity of 
Lafayette's desire to serve America and describes more fully 
the risks the young man ran and the sacrifices he made in 
order to come to America. Gordon also puts more emphasis on 
the prestige that a young foreign nobleman could lend to the 
American cause. He wrote: 
In 1776, the marquis, at the age of nineteen, 
espoused the cause of the Americans, and determined 
upon joining them in person. He communicated his 
intention to the American commissioners at Paris, 
62 
who failed not to encourage it~ justly concluding that 
the eclat of his departure would be serviceable to 
their cause. Events however immediately occured, which 
would have deterred from his undertaking a person less 
determined than the marquis. News arrived in France, 
that the remnant of the American army, reduced to 2000 
insurgents as they were called, had fled toward Phila­
delphia toward the Jerseys before an army of 30,000 
regulars. This news so effectually extinguished the 
little credit which America had in Europe, that their 
commissioners could not produce a vessel to forward 
this nobleman's project. Under these circumstances 
they thought it but honest to discourage his prosecuting 
the enterprise, till a change in affairs should render 
tt less hazardous or more promising. It was in vain 
however that they acted so candid a part. The flame, 
which the American sons of liberty had kindled in his 
breast, could not be interrupted by their misfortunes. 
"Hitherto," said he, in the true spirit of heroism, "I 
have only cherished your cause; now I am going to serve 
it. The lower it is in the opinion of the people, the 
greater effect my departure will have; and since you 
cannot get a vessel, I shall purchase and fit out one, 
to carry your dispatches to congress and me to America. 11 
He accordingly fitted out a vessel, and in the mean 
while made a visit to Great Britain, that the part he 
was going to act might be rendered the more conspicuous. 
A step so extraordinary, a patron of so much 
importance, did not fail to engage universal attention. 
The French court, whatever were their good wishes 
toward America, could not at that time overlook his 
elopement. He was overtaken by an order forbidding his 
proceeding to America, arid vessels were dispatched to 
the West Indies to have him confined in case he was 
found in that quarter. He acknowledged the receipt of 
the order, but did not obey it; and keeping clear of 
the West Indies, arrived in Charlestown. Congress 
could not hesitate a moment about paying a due attention 
to so remarkable a character, when intelligence of the 
same was communicated. The marquis had left a pregnant 
consort, and the most endearing connections. Independent 
of the risks he has now subjected himself to, in common 
with the leaders of the American revolution, he has 
exposed himself to the loss of everything at home in 
consequence of the laws of France, after hazarding a 
long confinement without the chance of being acknowledged 
by any nation, had he fallen into British hands on his 
passage to America. 
He received the congress's mark of approbation with 
great condescension; and yet not without exacting two 
conditions, which displayed the dignity of his spirit- ­
the one that he should be permitted to serve at his own 
63 
expence--the other that he should begin his services 
as a volunteer. After joining the army, he lived with 
the commander ip chief, and was happy in his friendship 
and affection.l4 
Gordon does not, as part of this biographical sketch, 
describe any of the military engagements in which Lafayette 
took part. He does mention some of them chronologically as 
they are part of his larger historical account. 
This romantic view of the young nobleman, as given in 
these similar versions, is the core of the Lafayette legend. 
The major aspects of the legend seem in accordance with the 
motives and attitudes of the history writers and their 
audiences in the late eighteenth century. The fact that a 
nobleman with wealth and court influence who had no personal 
reasons for needing liberty or equality should support the 
American cause gave additional weight to the rightness of 
that cause. Lafayette was heroic not only because he 
supported American principles, but because he was willing to 
sacrifice comfort and family security to fight for them. 
Furthermore, he was willing to support the·cause monetarily 
from his own fortune. This indeed should have convinced 
practical Americans of the sincerity of his belief. 
The story of Lafayette is somewhat unique in its 
fairly consistent appearance in early American histories by 
American authors. While some such histories included 
sketches of other war heroes, (Morse also used biographies 
of Washington, Greene and Montgomery) the probability of 
finding a Lafayette story in an early American history is 
probably greater than that of finding an account of any· 
64 
other hero. At least this seems true ror works by American 
authors. The English authors, W. D. Cooper and Edward 
Oliphant, do not include any descriptions of American heroes 
in their histories of the American Revolution. 
It is also interesting to note that the story or 
Lafayette does not appear in direct conjunction with accounts 
of Washington in any of the histories cited. Although both 
Morse and M'Culloch include Lafayette's story in a series of 
biographical accounts, which also include a sketch of 
Washington, the two sketches are not contiguous, and there 
is very little mention of Washington in the account of 
Lafayette. Furthermore, the description of Lafayette does 
not appear in association with references to Washington. 
Ramsay alludes to Lafayette in the context of battles in 
which the marquis was a participant. Gordon describes 
Lafayette arter quoting Congressional resolutions affecting 
the young man. 
The appe~l or Larayette as a heroic figure appears to 
be independent of his personal association with Washington. 
Lafayette's reputation in the late eighteenth century was 
established in its own right, and while Washington's affection 
for Lafayette gave additional confirmation to the young man's 
acceptance as a hero, it was not a major factor in establishing 
his heroic stature. 
It should be noted that Lafayette's military activities 
were not or primary interest to the early historians, although 
they described them in some detail. Recitals of the marquis' 
65 
battle performances tend to drop out quickly as his story is 
told and retold through the years. The historians seem most 
impressed with Lafayette as an example of devotion and 
sacrifice for the American cause. Although they did not 
intentionally exaggerate or expand this story, the writers 
were content to repeat it without examination or change 
because it suited their purposes. 
It seems understandable that American historians in 
the late eighteenth century did not depict Lafayette as a 
great military strategist or general. As nationalistic 
writers they would not have wanted to create the impression 
that America needed foreign military skills to win her 
freedom. Instead the writers wanted to show that the 
American cause had attracted influential followers from 
abroad, and the young marquis was an outstanding example. 
It is also true, as described earlier, that Lafayette 
was not an outstanding military figure. His first taste of 
military service in actual war circumstances came in America, 
and he met the challenge bravely. The young soldier learned 
a great deal and performed well but not brilliantly. This 
adequate military service helped to substantiate the belief 
that he was indeed a fine and noble young man, and that was 
all his reputation needed. This view may explain the pop­
ularity and appeal of the story that Cornwallis had boasted 
in Virginia that "the boy cannot escape me." As a military 
leader, Lafayette was perceived as a boy--an unskilled youth 
who had offered his services, not a talented professional 
soldier whose sought-after assistance was deemed essential 
and invaluable. As a supporter of American independence, 
however, Lafayette appeared as an important figure with 
wealth, influence and family connections. He rose as an 
66 
American hero because he was willing and eager to use these 
to support the American cause. 
While the historians were working to justify the 
independence of America, there was also, in these post-revolu-
tion years, a growing belief among American writers that a 
new literature, American in attitude and content should be 
developed. It should speak of freedom and reason and moral 
dignity. Some writers believed that the American Revolution 
offered fresh and unique material for such a new literature. 
wnile this feeling was prevalent, a few authors set out 
enthusiastically, but their work had little lasting merit.lS 
Although the desirability of using materials from the 
war was seen by some writers, little fiction or drama based 
on the revolution actually appeared. One problem was stated 
by Daniel Jackson in 1811: 
Romance, founded on great events, and embracing eminent 
characters and important achievements, cannot be written, 
with any considerable degree of interest and effect, 
where the scenery is laid, and the drama cast, in 
America; because, should it be attempted, the theatre 
must be erected on the field of the revolution, an era 
not sufficiently remote, and comprising occurrences too 
recent, to be arrayed in the vesture of fiction. It 
will, however, furnish materials, and the most brilliant 
apparatus to a writer of some succeeding century.l6 
The difficulty involved in dealing with actual characters of 
the revolution is further demonstrated by the occasional 
nameless appearance of Washington in some works. For example, 
67 
William Dunlap in his 1798 play, Andre, used a general who 
must have been modeled from Washington even though he remains 
anonymous.l7 As late as 1821 Cooper employed the same 
device to include Washington in The ~. It seems unlikely 
that the fiction and drama of' the early nineteenth century 
contributed much to the casting of the Lafayette legend. 
Lafayette does appear briefly in Joel Barlow's epic 
poem, The Vision of Columbus {1787), in which the author 
surveys the growth of America. Barlow later reworked the 
material into 1b& Columbiad in which form it is probably 
better remembered. 
In The Vision of Columbus, Barlow views the battle of 
Bunker Hill, then watches the gathering of the American army. 
Lafayette is one of the many generals he names and praises. 
His picture of the marquis, though more artistically phrased, 
is similar to that of the history ~ooks. 
Beneath a waving sword, in blooming prime, 
Fayette moves graceful, ardent and sublime; 
In .foreign guise, in .freedom's noble cause, 
His untried blade the youthful hero draws; 
On the great chief his eyes in transport rg11, 
And .fame and Washington inspire his soul.l 
Barlow tends to put more emphasis on the adventurous 
side o.f a young hero inspired by fame, and less on the 
sacrifice and devotion that the history writers found 
important. Still, Barlow's Lafayette seems to fight first 
.for "freedom's noble cause" and in that important sense he 
is the same hero the history books describe. 
In the post-revolution years Lafayette was .firmly 
established as an American hero. How widely his story was 
68 
repeated and how often it was told away from the printed page 
are hard to estimate. The content of the story, and the 
portrayal of Lafayette as a devoted and influential supporter 
of American rights seem clear. 
In the years after 1790, some gradual changes appear 
in the history books' treatment of Lafayette's story, although 
Morse continued to use the original sketch in his 1792 
edition of The American Geography, and Gordon also used his 
sketch in later editions. Although there are some exceptions, 
the story generally becomes less glamorous and more routine 
as well as shorter and less detailed. The story also 
becomes more varied from one writer to the next, although it 
is still quite similar to the version Ramsay published in 
1785. The differences between authors become more marked 
after 1800. 
In 1791 Ramsay published a History of the United 
States which he expanded beyond his previous local history. 
In this work he included a s.ketch of' Laf'ayette af'ter a 
description of the battle of' Brandywine, the fight in which 
Lafayette was wounded. This sketch by Ramsay (which may be 
round in the appendix) is similar to his earlier one, and 
contains many of' the same phrases. It also resembles 
Gordon's in its added emphasis on the risks that Lafayette 
ran in his determination to join the Americans. The story 
is, however, considerably shorter than the 1785 sketch and 
includes fewer of the marquis' military adventures. Ramsay 
does mention Lafayette, as does Gordon, in additional 
69 
appropriate areas in his text.l9 
In 1795 M'Culloch published! Concise Historx of the 
United States. In this book he included an abbreviated 
sketch of Lafayette which is the next to last item in the 
book and is followed only by a chronology of events of the 
war. This version (which may be found in the appendix) was 
apparently abstracted from the original sketch. The writing 
is terse and journalistic; while several of the original 
phrases are retained, much of the detail and most of the 
descriptive adjectives are discarded.20 
In order to update the sketch a paragraph which 
describes something of Lafayette in the French Revolution 
and explains his imprisonment is added. M'Culloch also 
mentions that Congress sent Lafayette the salary which he 
had refused to accept while he was in the American army. In 
so doing, M1 Culloch anticpates a theme that is heard more 
often in later stories of Lafayette. This brief sketch also 
appears in the 1797 edition of the book. 21 
Before the turn of the century the basic form of the 
Lafayette legend was set. The sketch, as used by national­
istic writers who were conc.erned about justifying the 
revolution and developing patriotism, served as an example 
of devotion and sacrifice for American ideals. The fact 
that an influential foreign nobleman believed in the American 
Revolution enough to support it physically and monetarily 
added weight to the contentions of the historians. 
70 
The Lafayette Sketch between 1800 and 1824 
As mentioned previously, the accounts of Lafayette in 
the history books become even more varied after 1800. The 
tendency which was noted after 1790 towards shorter and less 
detailed accounts is seen more clearly after 1800. In 
addition, the differences between writers become greater and 
there is less similarity between accounts. Many accounts, 
however, still bear some resemblance to Ramsay (1785). 
In 1805, Mercy Otis Warren, a lady whose bias was 
decidedly nationalistic, published a History of the Rise, 
Progress and Termination of the American Revolution. Since 
her description is brief and not detailed, with emphasis 
still on the sacrifices that an influential nobleman made to 
serve a righteous cause, it is typical of the Lafayette 
sketch in the early nineteenth century. Mrs. Warren wrote: 
Among others who suffered in the battle of Brandywine, 
the marquis de la Fayette, a young nobleman of France, 
was dangerously wounded. Warmed by an enthusiastic love 
of liberty, and animated by a laudable ambition, this 
amiable young gentleman had left the court of France 
without leave of the king: and quitting the pleasures 
of domestic felicity, he embar.ked at his own expense, 
and engaged in the service of the United States at an 
early period of the war, when the affairs of America 
wore the darkest aspect. His zeal and his heroism to 
the conclusion of the contest, placed the well earned 
laurel on his brow, and procured him the love, respect, 
and best wishes of the people throughout America.22 
John Marshall's story of Lafayette shows a more 
independent viewpoint. Marshall, who published his five 
volumes of The Life of George Washington from 1803 to 1807 
takes an unusually realistic view of Lafayette, although he 
generally speaks of him with respect. In his telling of the 
71 
basic story, he does not dwell on Lafayette's idealism, but 
hints that the boy was something of an adventurer who did 
not have to face much opposition when he decided to fight in 
America. His sketch appears after a description of the 
expedition to Canada with Lafayette at its head. Marshall 
wrote: 
This young nobleman possessing an excellent heart, and 
all the military enthusiasm of his country, had left 
France early in 1777, ostensibly in opposition to the 
will of his sovereign, to engage in the service of the 
United States. His high rank and supposed influence 
at the court of Versailles, soon secured him the 
unlimited respect of his countrymen in America, and, 
added to his frankness of manners and zeal in their 
cause, recommended him strongly to congress. While 
the claims of others of the same country were so 
exorbitant that they would not be gratified on the 
subject of rank, he demanded no station in the army, 
would consent to receive no compensation, and offered 
to serve as a volunteer. 
He had stipulated with Mr. Deane for the rank of 
major general without emolument; but on the current 
of ill fortune which set in late in 1776, he was 
advised not to embark. 
The honorary rank of major general was conferred 
on him directly after his arrival in America, but 
without any immediate command. In that capacity, he 
sought for danger, and was wounded at the battle of 
Brandywine. He attached himself with the ardour of 
youth to the commander in chief, who felt for him in 
turn a warm and sincere friendship and paved the way 
to bestow~og an him a command in the army equal to 
his rank. J 
As has been shown, the biographical sketches of 
Lafayette that appeared after the turn of the century were 
shorter and less detailed than the earlier stories. \{hile 
Ramsay continued to use his 1791 sketch in later editions, 
he added no biographical account of Lafayette to his Life of 
George Washington (1807) although he did mention some of 
72 
Lafayette's activities. 24 
Morse used the biographical sketch less often too, 
and in his 1812 edition of. Geography Made Easy there was only 
one sentence about Lafayette. 25 Similarly, M'Culloch, who 
had previously shortened the account and moved it to the end 
of his 1795 edition, dropped it altogether from the 1807 
edition of his Concise History.26 
An exception to this trend of presenting shorter, 
less detailed accounts of Lafayette's arrival in America, 
appeared in The Portfolio for June 1815. This anonymous 
article, written with flourish, is probably the grandest 
statement of the Lafayette legend before 1824. A few phrases 
are presented here; the first few paragraphs which tell the 
basic legend are included in the appendix: 
La Fayette, descended from one of the first families 
in France, possessed of.a large fortune, and married 
at the early age of nineteen to the woman of his heart, 
had the courage to abandon his home, its comforts, and 
its mistress, at the very outset of life, to the higher 
claims of a laudable ambition. • • • news arrived in 
France, that the remnant of the American forces, 
reduced to two thousand insurgents, as they were called, 
had fled towards Philadelphia. • • • This news was a 
deathblow to the little credit which we still retained 
in Europe, .•• he was not to be discouraged by these 
difficulties. The flame of liberty glowed in his 
breast, and being bent upon sharing in our glorious 
struggle, however desponding our situation might appear, 
he told the commissioners that the lower the fortunes 
of the American people, the more acceptable would be 
his services;27 
The conclusion of this article is interesting, because 
it introduces a new note into the story of Lafayette. Pre­
viously all accounts, with the exception of M'Culloch (1795, 
had been concerned with what the marquis did for America. 
73 
The new note touches on American assistance to Lafayette. 
The impression is conveyed that his release from prison was 
due to American efforts on his behalf. "At length, •.. 
the emperor becoming ashamed of his injustice, affected to 
listen with a friendly ear to the solicitations of the 
. 1128 American government. 
The author then describes how arrangments were made 
to turn the Lafayettes over to the charge of the American 
consul, whose lengthy description of the intense gratitude 
and emotion of the family is quoted. The article concludes: 
The marquis now resides near Paris, in the enjoyment 
of good health, and I believe, a tolerable competency • 
• • • Long may he, amid the tranquil scenes which now 
surround him, derive augmented happiness by contrasting 
them with the stormy times of injustice and tyranny, 
which he encountered with so much fortitude.29 
A second Portfolio article in 1816 also describes 
efforts to help Lafayette. The article is an account of the 
attempt made by.Dr. Bollman and Francis Huger to rescue 
Lafayette from the Austrian prison of Olmutz in 1794. The 
description, however, tells little about Lafayette except 
that he had been unjustly imprisoned and was in poor health.30 
Later history writers also reflect this note of 
emphasis on what America had done to help the General. In 
1820 a History of North America, attributed to John Talbott, 
was published. Talbott writes little about Lafayette except 
to note that Washington admired his gallant conduct at 
Yorktown. The biographical sketch is not included. In a 
footnote to another section, however, he describes the land 
grant made to Lafayette by the United States government and 
concludes that the General is now comfortably taken care of: 
The American Congress, apprised of his situation, 
without any communication with him, passed a resolution 
(in which Mr. Jefferson warmly interested himself,) to 
grant him 11,500 acres of land .•. precisely the 
quantity originally allotted to officers of his rank 
(Major general) in the American army. By this delicate 
proceeding he was enabled to discharge all the debts 
which he had contracted; and the comparatively small 
fortune, which he now enjoys, in common with his 
numerous family, remains clear of all incumbrance.31 
This new note, which deals with what America had done 
to repay her debt to her hero, is not consistent among all 
writers of the period. It is persistent enough, however, to 
indicate a possible trend of feeling that wanted to reduce 
the stature of the old hero, or at least to relieve a sense 
of obligation towards him. 
While such a trend is not easy to establish, it is 
evident that the Lafayette story was settling down into a 
routine and not very glamorous recital which carried few 
details and little eloquence. An account of this sort was 
used by William Grimshaw in his 1822 History of the United 
States.32 This abbreviated account was apparently adapted 
from Gordon (1788) and Ramsay {1791). The account may be 
found in the appendix. 
An even more routine and skeletal account of Lafayette 
appeared in Frederick Butler's History of the United States 
of America in 1821. This paragraph follows his description 
of Howe's victory at Chad's Ford on the Brandywine and his 
move into Philadelphia. 
Pending these operations the Marquis La Fayette arrived 
in America, and tendered his services to Congress, as a 
volunteer in the American service, and Congress conferred 
upon him a commission of brigadier general in the army 
of the United States. The marquis joined the army, 
and served at his own expence, and became not only a 
member of the family, but the intimate companion of 
the commander in chief. On the 31st of July, 1777, he 
made the first display of his zeal and talents as a 
soldier, at the battle of Chad's Ford, and acquitted 
himself with great honour.33 
75 
Butler, like many of his predecessors, does mention Lafayette 
in appropriate places throughout his history. 
An 1823 history by Charles Goodrich does not contain 
the Lafayette sketch as such, or give any biographical 
details about the marquis. It does refer to him with regard 
to the action in Virginia. Goodrich also concludes that 
after the defeat of Cornwallis, "The names of Washington, 
Rochambeau, DeGrasse, and La Fayette, resounded everywhere. 11 34 
It is clear that the tendency of the history books 
was to speak only briefly and generally about Lafayette. 
The newer, younger writers did not perceive Lafayette in the 
heroic dimensions their predecessors employed. These writers 
were further from Lafayette, probably knew less about him, 
and had less need to tell his story. The rightness of the 
American cause was sufficiently established by this time, so 
that an influential hero who represented devotion and convic­
tion was not as much in demand. The revolution had been 
vindicated and justified, it no longer needed to be defended, 
and Lafayette's story was not as timely and appropriate as 
it once had been. 
Any legend will eventually stabilize unless it is 
occasionally re-energized and retold with new interest. 
Since, at that time, there was apparently little interest 
76 
in or need for revitalizing his story, it seems likely that 
in 1820, General Lafayette was on his way to a quiet niche 
in the history boo.ks. He would not have been forgotten 
there, but he would not have retained the stature of a 
popular public hero. Except for the general interest and 
affection that Lafayette's 1824 visit aroused in the American 
people he would likely not have been held in high public 
esteem for many years. 
VI. Footnotes 
1David D. Van Tassel, Recording America's Past 
(Chicago, 1960), p. 43. 
2van Tassel, p. 36. 
3Harry J. Carman, Harold c. Syrett, and Bernard w. 
Wishy,! History of the American People (New York, 1960), 
I, 197. 
77 
4Merle Curti, The Hoots of American Loyalty (New Yor.k, 
1956), pp. 124-125. 
5sydney G. Fisher, "The Legendary and Myth-making 
Process in Histories of the American Revolution," Proceedings, 
American Philosophical Society, LI (1912), 56. 
6van Tassel, p. 39, cf. Orin G. Libby, "William 
Gordon's History of the American Revolution," American 
Historical Association Annual Report 1§22, pp. 367-388, and 
11Ramsay as a Plagiarist," American Historical Review, VII 
(July 1902}, 697-703. 
7navid Ramsay, The History of Revolution of South 
Carolina (Trenton, 1785), II, 310. 
8The Columbian Magazin~ ~ Monthly Miscellany, 
(September 1786), p. 22. 
9Alice W. Spieseke, The First Textbooks in American 
History~ Their Compiler, John M'Culloch (New York, 1938), 
p. 45. 
lOJohn M'Culloch, comp. Introduction to the History of 
America (Philadelphia, 1787}, pp. llB-119. 
11Jedidiah Morse, The American Geography (Elizabeth 
Town, 1789). 
12! True and Authentic History of His Excellency, 
George Washington (Philadelphia, 1790). 
13Jedidiah Morse, The American Geography (London, 
1792), pp. 136-137. 
14william Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress 
and Establishment of Independence of the United States of 
America (London, 17B8), pp. S00-$0~ --- --
l5Benjamin T. Spencer, The Quest for Nationality 
(Syracuse, 1957), p. 40. 
16
spencer, pp. 43-44. 
17Percy H. Boynton, Literature and American Life 
(Boston, 1936), p. 187. 
18Joel Barlow, The Vision of Columbus (Hartford, 
1787), Book V, p. 169. 
19David Ramsay, History of the American Revolution 
(London, 1791), II, 11-12. 
20John M'Culloch, A Concise History of the United 
States, from the Discovery of America to~ (Philadelphia, 
1795)' p. 240. 
2lspieseke, p. h5. 
22Mercy Otis Warren, History of the Rise, Progress and 
Termination Qf the American Revolution, interspersed with 
bio~raphical, political, and moral observations {Boston, 
180..-L p. 374. 
23John Marshall, The Life of George Washington (London, 
1804-1807), III, 379. 
24David Ramsay, The Life of George Washington (New York, 
1807). 
2SJedidiah Morse, Geography Made Easy (Boston, 1812). 
26spieseke, p. 91. 
27"Interesting Notices of the Life of the Marquis 
DE LA FAYETTE, 11 The Portfolio (June 1815), pp. 499-512. 
28The Portfolio (1815), p. 510. 
29The Portfolio (1815), p. 512. 
30The Portfolio (August 1816), pp. 93-112. 
3l[John Talbott], History of North America (n.p., 
1820), II, 164. 
32william Grimshaw, History of the United States from 
Their Settlement ~ Colonies to the Cession of Florida 
(Philadelphia, 1822), pp. 136-137. 
33Frederick Butler, A Complete Histor~ of the United 
States of America (Hartford, 1821), III, 21 -216. 
34char1es A. Goodrich, History of the United States 
(Hartford, 1823), p. 239. 
VII. THE LAFAYETTE LEGEND AT THE TIME 
OF HIS VISIT 
In 1824, the number of printed words devoted 'to 
Lafayette increased sharply. Biographical and descriptive 
sketches appeared in newspapers and periodicals. A number 
of individual publications about the General also appeared. 
Most of these took the form of small pamphlets of twenty or 
thirty pages, although a few assumed full book size 
proportions. 
The typical small pamphlet or booklet included a 
biographical sketch, a descriptive account of Lafayette 
copied from the newspapers, and a record of events of his 
tour to date. Some also included letters to and from 
Lafayette, resolutions of city councils that were planning 
to welcome him and poems that had been written for the 
occasion. Several of these little booklets were anonymous 
and frankly termed compilations of material about Lafayette. 
Some of them resemble little souvenir albums of Lafayette's 
visit, and quite possibly they were purchased for that purpose 
although the booklets themselves say nothing about this. 
The biographical sketches are particularly interesting 
because they tend to follow the pattern of the Lafayette 
story that had been developed much earlier. The later 
versions are generally more eloquent; the plight of the 
Americans in the early years of the war becomes darker and 
79 
more desperate~ and the actions of the young Lafayette 
appear even more noble and heroic. 
One such account, although longer than some, was 
80 
published by John Foster in A Sketch of the Tour of General 
Lafayette QD His Late Visit to the United States. In his 
biographical sketch Foster describes Lafayette's decision to 
come to America and the unhappy state of the Americ-ans: 
There is something truly romantic in the history of 
this celebrated personage. In the year 1776, at the 
immature age of nineteen, he espoused the cause of the 
Americans, and nobly resolved to afford our country 
all possible assistance by his personal services and 
influence. At this era, the affairs of America were 
represented in France as so deplorable that it might 
be supposed sufficient to repress the most determined 
zeal. Reports were propagated in that country that 
our army, reduced to a mere rabble, was flying before 
an army of thirty thousand regulars, nor was this very 
wide from the reality. In consequence of this, our 
commissioners found it impossible to procure a vessel 
to convey the Marquis and their own despatches to 
Congress; they could not therefore feel justified in 
encouraging his bold contemplated enterprize. This 
embarrassment, however, had the effect of increasing 
rather than of restraining his youthful ardor and 
heroism. He imparted to the commissioners his 
determination to purchase and fit out a vessel to 
convey himself and their despatches to America.l 
Foster then mentions the French court's opposition to the 
marquis's plan, and describes the fighting at Brandywine. 
He then gives some information about Lafayette's other 
military adventures and his later life in France. Following 
this s.ketch are two accounts of Lafayette's career in France 
which were transcribed and abridged from French sources. 
Next he prints a detailed account of Lafayette's imprisonment 
in Prussia and Austria, with descriptions of the harsh 
treatment he received there and the hardships his wife 
suffered in order to be his companion in prison. This sad 
picture is followed by an account of Bollman and Huger's 
attempt to help Lafayette escape. ·To complete the booklet 
an essay describing the General in 1824 is included. This 
essay was also reprinted in some of the other booklets as 
well as in the newspapers and will be described in more 
81 
detail later on. Finally, Foster adds a description of the 
triumphal tour. 
Many of these booklets seem to have been hastily 
compiled and rushed into print to meet the demand created by 
a sudden new interest in Lafayette. Sometimes the compiler 
pasted together extracts from different sources with rather 
strange results. One such work was the anonymous Memoirs of 
the Military Career of the Marquis de La Fayette during the 
Revolutionary War (1824): This booklet begins with a portion 
of the Lafayette sketch just quoted from Foster. After the 
description of BrandyWine, Foster states, 11 In August 1778, 
the marquis repaired to Rhode Island, to assist in the 
expedition under Major General Sullivan, in conjunction with 
the French fleet."2 
The compiler of the Military Career, however, at this 
point inserts a few disjointed lines from Marshall's Life of 
Washington, and his account reads: 
In March 1778, this young nobleman possessing an excel­
lent heart and all the military enthusiasm of his country, 
together with his rank and supposed influence at the 
court of Versailles, soon secured him the unlimited 
respect of his countrymen in America; and added to his 
frankness of manners and zeal in their cause, recommended 
him very strongly to Congress.3 
82 
Work such as this is not indicative of a scholarly interest 
in Lafayette, but rather of an eagerness to benefit from the 
market created by his tour. It provides additional evidence 
that public appreciation of Lafayette, which had been waning, 
was revived suddenly at the time of his visit. 
Another short booklet account of Lafayette's first 
arrival in America omits some of the detail of the basic 
pattern story, but enhances the description of Lafayette's 
sacrifices as well as the darkness of the American cause. 
This author, also anonymous, writes: 
The ancestors of the Marquis, for generations back, 
were particularly distinguished for fearless, undaunted 
bravery, and contempt of danger, which traits were 
sustained by the Marquis himself, when, at nineteen 
years of age, he relinquished all the allurements of 
a princely fortune, in a beautiful country, with the 
blandishments of the spendid Court of Versailles, and 
embar.ked in his own ship to offer his services in 
fighting the battles of a country, (as said by the 
Europeans,) at the· "ends of the earth." He arrived 
here in 1777, at the most gloomy period of the 
revolutionary war--a time when the conquering army 
of Burgoyne was about making bold advances into the 
heart of our country; • • • his arrival threw a halo 
of brigh~ening hope over the late darkened political 
horizon.'+ 
In a sketch such as this, one can see the image of Lafayette, 
the boy savior, beginning to emerge. As will be shown, this 
tone becomes more pronounced as the story is told and retold 
during the time of the visit and immediately following his 
departure. 
Another short booklet from this period was published 
by Gilbert Hunt and entitled The Tour of General La Fayette 
through the U. States.5 Hunt's account while wordy is very 
83 
similar to the others. It is notable chiefly for such 
romantic inaccuracies as asserting that Lafayette had been 
under the immediate patronage of Marie Antoinette at the 
time he left, and that he had told his wife that he was just 
going on a short secret mission from which he would return 
almost immediately. Such fallacies did not become an integral 
part of the Lafayette sketch or legend, but the fact that 
they were mentioned at all is indicative of the romantic 
aura that surrounded the old General's past. 
In 1824. George Ticknor wrote an account of Lafayette 
for the North American Review. The article was later 
reprinted and circulated separately. Ticknor, in accord 
with the tendencies of the times, dramatizes the sacrifices 
that Lafayette made and enlarges on the sufferings of the 
Americans. Through this process of elevating Lafayette's 
position while depressing that of the colonists, he is able 
to make Lafayette's actions appear even more noble and 
gallant than before. Ticknor begins by reviewing the 
.General's distinguished ancestors, and then he discusses 
briefly the boy's childhood and education. He shows how 
Lafayette was placed in a splendid situation very early in 
life and states that his individual character, and warm and 
sincere manners "made him powerful in the confidence of 
society wherever he went. 11 6 
Ticknor continues: 
It seemed, indeed, as if life had nothing further 
to offer him, than he could surely obtain by walking 
in the path that was so bright before him. It was 
84 
at this period, however, that his thoughts and feelings 
were first turned towards these thirteen colonies, 
then in the darkest and most doubtful passage of their 
struggle for independence. He made himself acquainted 
with our agents at Paris, and learnt from them the state 
of our affairs. Nothing could be less tempting to him, 
whether he sought military reputation or military 
instruction, for our army at that moment retreating 
through New Jersey, and leaving its traces in blood 
from the naked and torn feet of the soldiery as it 
hastened onward, was in a state too humble to offer 
either. Our credit, too, in Europe was entirely 
gone, so that the commissioners, as they were called, 
without having any commission, to whom Lafayette still 
persisted in offering his services, were obliged, at 
last, to acknowledge that they could not even give him 
decent means for his conveyance. "Then," said he, "I 
shall purchase and fit out a vessel for myself." He 
did so. The vessel was prepared, we believe, at 
Bourdeaux; and sent round to one of the nearest ports 
in Spain, in order to be beyond the power of the 
French Government.? 
Ticknor's article is also interesting because his 
view is something of a transition from the earlier use of 
Lafayette as an influential foreigner whose support helped 
justify the rightness 9f the patriots' actions, to the later 
view of Lafayette as the savior of America and one of thos.e 
most responsible for the American victory. Ticknor combines 
something of these two ideas in this paragraph: 
The sensation produced by his appearance in this country 
was, of course, much greater than that produced in 
Europe by his departure. It still stands forth, as one 
of the most prominent and important circumstances in 
our revolutionary contest; and, as has often been said 
by one who bore no small part in its trials and success, 
none but those who were then alive, can believe what an 
impulse it gave to the hopes of a population almost 
disheartened by a long series of disasters. And well 
it might; for it taught us, that in the first rank of 
the first nobility in Europe, men could still be found, 
who not only took an interest in our struggle, but 
were willing to share our sufferings; that our obscure 
and almost desperate contest for freedom in a remote 
quarter of the world, could yet find supporters among 
those, who were the most natural and powerful allies 
of a splendid despotism; that we were the objects 
of a regard and interest throughout the world, which 
would add to our own resources sufficient st~ength 
to carry us safely through to final success.~ 
85 
Biographical material about the General continued to 
appear after his departure in 1825. One book length compile.-
tion, A Complete History Qf the Marquis de Lafayette, includes 
the basic sketch of Lafayette with insertions of background 
information about the progress of the fighting in America and 
events in Britain and France. One passage is quoted here to 
demonstrate the passion and eloquence with which Lafayette's 
heroism was presented. (Additional passages relevant to the 
sketch may be found in the appendix.) 
When the destinies of America were tottering on the 
brink of destruction; when a triumphant enemy was 
overwhelming the Jerseys with deeds of desolation; 
when even the firmness of "\.ITashington was shaken, the 
young and gallant Lafayette resolved to cast his bread 
upon the waters, and mingle in a conflict which appeared 
almost desperate in the eyes of united Europe. He 
espoused the cause of this country, when it had not a 
single acting advocate beyond the waters of the Atlantic. 
At that period, the representations in France relative 
to the state of American affairs, were most deplorable 
and sufficient to repress the most determined zeal. 
The army of Washington was represented as a mere rabble, 
flying before thirty thousand British regulars: nor 
was this far from reality ••• 9 
The "pattern" of the Lafayette story has been referred 
to previously, but no precise analysis was attempted. Now 
that a number of versions have been discussed, it seems 
appropriate to isolate some of the elements of the story in 
preparation for a further analysis of changes through the 
years. 
The following is the basic pattern of the Lafayette 
86 
sketches. A highborn youth is inspired by a. worthy cause 
and resolves to serve it. Drawbacks appear--he must give up 
his comfortable life with his wife and family and risk the 
loss of his fortune. He is willing to make these sacrifices 
and take these risks. Then an obstacle appears--there is no 
ship available for him. He surmounts the obstacle by buying 
his own ship. The voyage begins and new dangers appear--his 
own government is pursuing him to force him to return, and 
the enemy would like to stop his progress too. He moves 
steadfastly on and escapes from his pursuers. His efforts 
are rewarded--he wins a commission from Congress and the 
affection of his commanding officer. He goes on to greater 
glory. 
The pattern of the Lafayette sketch might be diagrammed 
as follows: 
Inspired 
youth sets 
out ) 
Drawbacks (n\, 
appear, 0 
Sacrlfices ' 
He agrees --~7 
encounters 
obstacle 
surmounts? p(~ 
obstacle 
is pursued 
by danger 
escapes to 
triumph 
This "standard" story of Lafayette evolved in the 
late eighteenth century, and its basic pattern remained 
unchanged through the forty years of his absence. There 
were, as will be shown, shifts in the emphasis placed on 
various elements of the story throughout the years. 
When the story is divided into these elements, there 
is a basis for comparison of each of the versions presented. 
For individual elements of the story, the relevant portions 
of the various accounts are arranged in tables. {These 
tables may be found in the appendix.) The different versions 
are arranged chronologically so that changes through the 
years are more apparent. 
The first element, the description of the young 
nobleman's enthusiasm for the American cause is shown in 
Table I (p. 109). Although this description does not change 
as much through the years as do other aspects of the legend, 
some variations should be noted. Both Mrs. Warren and 
John Marshall in the early nineteenth century appear to be 
adopting a more realistic view of an ambitious and militarily 
oriented young man. However, later versions do not follow 
this line and tend either to repeat the eighteenth century 
version, or not to mention the marquis's inspiration. 
After 1824 there is considerably more variation among 
writers. Generally there is a tendency to assume that 
Lafayette was inspired by the American cause and to put more 
emphasis on the potential service that he could render to 
the patriots. The Complete History of 1826, which is the 
most eloquent statement of the legend that has been presented 
here, emphasizes both Lafayette's inspiration and the service 
he could offer as 11 champion and friend." Table I contains 
the statements of the first element from each of the versions 
under study. 
The second element is Lafayette's agreement to make 
88 
the sacrifices and suffer th.e deprivations that are required 
by his decision to go to America. There appears to be a 
fairly clear trend toward enhancing and glamorizing the 
things that Lafayette relinquished. This is particularly 
true after 1824 when his heroic image was revitalized and 
refurbished. Although his risks and sacrifices are mentioned 
before 1824, only the Portfolio in 1815 puts any major 
emphasis on them. The statements of the second element are 
given in Table II (p. 111). 
The third element, the obstacle that appeared when 
the commissioners were unable to provide a ship for his journey 
is presented in Table III (p. 113). The treatment of this 
element is particularly interesting because it shows as 
clearly as any, the increasing splendor of the legend after 
1824. 
The news of the American retreat and the ensuing lack 
of credit for Americans in Paris are consistently important 
parts of the story and serve to indicate the strength of 
Lafayette's devotion to the American cause. In the very 
early versions of Ramsay and Gordon the retreats in America 
are important primarily because they made it impossible for 
the commissioners to obtain a ship. Through the years, the 
sad plight of the Americans is developed into something of a 
secondary drawback or obstacle. That is, more emphasis is 
placed on Lafayette's eagerness to serve even in the face of 
great danger and possible defeat. 
A comparison of descriptions of the fourth element, 
89 
the manner in which Lafayette surmounted the transportation 
obstacle by buying his own ship and raced the commissioners' 
arguments with words of encouragement, is presented in 
Table IV (p. 116). The treatment of this element shows 
relatively little change through the years. The early 
accounts seem to emphasize the importance or his purchasing 
a ship a little more than the later ones that put more 
emphasis on his over-all reaction to American misfortunes. 
These differences are relatively minor though, and all agree 
that Lafayette surmounted the obstacles in a grand manner. 
The final elements of.the story are not presented in 
tables, because their treatment is fairly consistent through 
the years, and their importance to the story is only to 
reinforce the views that have already been expressed by the 
various writers. The elements that have been discussed 
carry the major content of the legend. 
This comparison of the various versions of Lafayette's 
story element by element also serves to demonstrate two 
points that were made in the earlier discussion. First, the 
sketch or Lafayette tends to become less detailed, more 
abbreviated and less emotional until 1824. This trend is 
particularly evident in Ramsay (1791) and M'Culloch (1795). 
The Portfolio (1815) article is an exception to this trend 
and probably reflects a mood of rising national feeling and 
pride that followed the end of the War of 1812. The article 
apparently did not set off any lasting revival of interest 
in Lafayette. Grimshaw's 1822 sketch is a tired retelling 
90 
of the early Ramsay and Gordon accounts and does not contain 
any new emotional appeal. 
After l82J~_, the accounts of Lafayette reach up to a 
new emotional peak that even the original story did not 
approach. While the number of words given to the basic 
sketch does not increase significantly, the increase in 
eloquence and fervor is marked. For example, the American's 
-
retreat through the Jerseys appears quite consistently in 
accounts written before 1800, but not until 1825 is the 
flight marked by "traces in blood from the naked and torn 
.feet of the soldiery .•• nlO 
A second point which was discussed earlier is also 
made more evident by the comparison of various treatments of 
the elements of the story. This is the fact that the accounts 
are all amazingly similar. Such phrases as "thirty thousand 
British regulars," "two thousand insurgents," and "carry 
your dispatches to congress and myself to America," appear 
with considerable predictability. 
The similarity in the early versions is pretty clearly 
a function of plagiarism and sharing a story. Ramsay's 1791 
account of Lafayette appears to have been rewritten from his 
earlier s.ketch, and M'Culloch's account seems to be an 
abstract or condensed version of the original story. It is 
harder, though, to explain the similarity of the later 
accounts as due only to copying. Some versions of the story 
such as the 1824 Short Biography are somewhat different in 
detail and probably derive from more than one source. A 
91 
possible conclusion is that these later sketches represent 
more eloquent and dramatic recital of a familiar and well 
learned story that the writer now feels free to tell in his 
own words with his own literary touches. It seems clear 
that the legendary view of the young Lafayette was widely 
accepted by Americans and had an existence of its own that 
was independent of one author or one history book. 
In addition to remembering a legendary, historic 
Lafayette, the American people welcomed a real and living 
man to their shores in 1824. This man was both a hero 
stepped out of the past and a character in his own right. 
If it is true, as has been postulated previously, that 
Lafayette's lasting popularity was a result of his last 
visit to America, then it must follow that the old General 
made a marked impression on the people during the months of 
his visit. 
Clearly he did. He played many roles to many people. 
To the old veterans he was a.returned comrade, and they 
gloried in his reflected light. To others he was a nobleman, 
an elder statesman, and a gentleman of wisdom and repute,. 
whose early predictions about the success of the United 
States had been proved correct. While people were interested 
in his early story, they also wanted to hear about the man 
who was now visiting them. 
One story of the General and his life in 1824 was 
often reprinted at the time of the visit. It appeared in 
newspapers and was often included in the small biographical 
92 
booklets that were published then. It represents an attempt 
to characterize him and his personal life in a current 
setting. According to this account, "Lafayette is now about 
68 years of age; with a fresh and vigorous constitution for 
one of his years--although it was severely tried in the 
dungeons of Olmutz." The reporter mentions his wife who 
shared his imprisonment, sacrificed her life for him and won 
his everlasting affection. 
Of Lafayette's children, the writer points out that 
their names do honor to America; the daughters are called 
Virginia and Carolina and the son is named George Washington. 
With their respective families (thirteen grandchildren) they 
share his Castle of La Grange. "Lafayette is their head--
their protector--the being of all others on earth endeared 
to them by a thousand ties." 
After presenting an abbreviated version of the 
Lafayette sketch, the author returns to the scene at 
La Grange for his concluding statement about the General: 
Whenever he takes a walk into the fields, he generally 
takes one of his grandchildren with him. He amuses 
himself with their prattling, joins in their little 
sports, and contributes to their happiness. Such is 
the man whose name fills the whole of Europe with his 
· fame--the man who has contributed to establish the 
liberties of the new world.ll 
The people were also interested in hearing the story 
of young Lafayette told again, and they responded to it 
warmly. The General was in the Harvard audience that heard 
Edward Everett give a Phi Beta Kappa address in 1824. 
Josiah Quincy was also there, and in his journal he commented 
on the oratorical peak reached by the speaker as he talked 
or Larayette. Mr. Quincy wrote: 
When, toward the conclusion, he alluded to the noble 
conduct or our guest in procuring a ship for his own 
transportation, at a time when all America was too 
poor to orfer him a passage to her shores, the scene 
was overpowering. Every man in the assembly was in 
tears.l2 - --- -- --- - --- --
93 
Before continuing to examine the kind or popular hero 
Lafayette was in 1824, a more general statement and definition 
about the nature of heroes should be inserted. As an opera-
tional definition, it might be agreed that a man will be 
called a hero if he receives public applause and acclaim, 
and if he can be held up as a model or example or noble and 
admirable qualities. He may become such a hero ror several 
reasons. Three such reasons are suggested here; there may 
be more. 
A man may receive public applause and admiration 
because (1) He has special skills or abilities that are 
admirable, or because he has accomplished unusual deeds that 
are admirable. (2) He is a prominent personage who took an 
admirable part in an important event or action which was 
directed toward the benefit of the people whose hero he is. 
(3} He has sacrificed and given beyond the call of duty for 
the benefit of those people whose hero he is. 
The first sort of heroism, the perrormance of unusual 
admirable deeds, is the sort that is achieved by astronauts, 
football players and mountain climbers. Such men become 
popular heroes because people can identify with them and 
94 
receive a vicarious thrill of success from their performance. 
Such heroism is usually shorter-lived than the other varieties 
mentioned, and such a hero is likely to be replaced when a 
new man who surpasses his exploits comes along to catch the 
public fancy. A man who becomes a hero for the second reason 
is more likely to be a lasting hero depending on the importance 
of his own action, the importance of the events in which he 
took part, and the amount of benefit that the people believe 
they have received. A man who becomes a hero for the third 
reason probably must be an important man of great resources 
before he begins to contribute to the public benefit. The 
sacrifices of a small or insignificant man do not carry the 
dramatic or noble impact of those of an outstanding man. 
For the Americans, Lafayette was a hero for both the 
second and third reasons. He was a hero because he had 
performed admirably in an important event, and because he 
was an important person who had given unstintingly from his 
immense resources. Probably in 1784 and before the turn of 
the century, the third reason, his sacrifice and devotion was 
a more important determinant of his heroic stature than the 
second. It has been shown that his story was used as a model 
to help vindicate the American cause and as an example to 
inspire loyalty to the new nation.l3 
In 1824, the second reason was probably more important 
in explaining his heroic stature. For patriotic young 
Americans who believed in their country's superiority, he 
was a man who had played an important part in the major event 
on the oratorical peak reached by the speaker as he talked 
of Lafayette. Mr. Quincy wrote: 
When, toward the conclusion, he alluded to the noble 
conduct of our guest in procuring a ship for his own 
transportation, at a time when all America was too 
poor to offer him a passage to her shores, the scene 
was overpowering. Every man in the assembly was in 
tears.l2 - --- -- --- - --- --
93 
Before continuing to examine the kind of popular hero 
Lafayette was in 1824, a more general statement and definition 
about the nature of heroes should be inserted. As an opera-
tional definition, it might be agreed that a man will be 
called a hero if he receives public applause and acclaim, 
and if he can be held up as a model or example of noble and 
admirable qualities. He may become such a hero for several 
reasons. Three such reasons are suggested here; there may 
be more. 
A man may receive public applause and admiration 
because (1) He has special skills or abilities that are 
admirable, or because he has accomplished unusual deeds that 
are admirable. (2) He is a prominent personage who took an 
admirable part in an important event or action which was 
directed toward the benefit of the people whose hero he is. 
(3) He has sacrificed and given beyond the call of duty for 
the benefit of those people whose hero he is. 
The first sort of heroism, the performance of unusual 
admirable deeds, is the sort that is achieved by astronauts, 
football players and mountain climbers. Such men become 
popular heroes because people can identify with them and 
94 
receive a vicarious thrill of success from their performance. 
Such heroism is usually shorter-lived than the other varieties 
mentioned, and such a hero is likely to be replaced when a 
new man who surpasses his exploits comes along to catch the 
public fancy. A man who becomes a hero for the second reason 
is more likely to be a lasting hero depending on the importance 
of his own action, the importance of the events in which he 
took part, and the amount of benefit that the people believe 
they have received. A man who becomes a hero for the third 
reason probably must be an important man of great resources 
before he begins to contribute to the public benefit. The 
sacrifices of a small or insignificant man do not carry the 
dramatic or noble impact of those of an outstanding man. 
For the Americans, Lafayette was a hero for both the 
second and third reasons. He was a hero because he had 
performed admirably in an important event, and because he 
was an important person who had given unstintingly from his 
immense resources. Probably in 1784 and before the turn of 
the century, the third reason, his sacrifice and devotion was 
a more important determinant of his heroic stature than the 
second. It has been shown that his story was used as a model 
to help vindicate the American cause and as an example to 
inspire loyalty to the new nation.l3 
In 1824, the second reason was probably more important 
in explaining his heroic stature. For patriotic young 
Americans who believed in their country's superiority, he 
was a man who had played an important part in the major event 
95 
which had secured their beloved nation and won its independ-
ence. There was a strong and common tendency at the time of 
the visit to place great emphasis on the importance of 
Lafayette's part in the Revolutionary War. 
In the speeches and articles that were written about 
him in 1824-1825 and afterwards, phrases about his "gallant 
services" and his "distinguished and noble contributions 11 
were heard constantly as speakers and writers vied with one 
another to develop appropriate expressions of gratitude. By 
the time the General returned to France in 1825, there must 
have been many who believed that the independence of the 
United States might not have been won without the Marquis de 
Lafayette. He was clearly perceived by many as not only 
champion but savior of American liberties. Such a view is 
presented in the Complete History of 1826, with reference to 
the enthusiastic reception the General received wherever he 
went: 
These were not the momentary triumphs of a conqueror, 
who returns flushed with some recent victory; but the 
triumphs of the hearts of other generations, who rise 
up to bless the patriot hero of their country, who took 
their fathers by the hand, led them to victory and 
glory; and when he had given them an exalted rank among 
the nations of the earth, stepped aside, and left them 
to pursup their enjoyments of freedom, happiness, and 
honour.l4 
Lafayette's ascension to such heights of worship was 
also due in part to the role he played while he was The 
Nation's Guest. He responded warmly to the pressures of the 
crowds, and he never se'emed to grow weary or impatient with 
the attention he received. Woodward has pointed out that he 
96 
knew all of the old veterans even if he had never seen them 
before. 15 Josiah Quincy recalled that as he was driving 
with the General towards the next Massachusetts town where a 
reception was planned, Lafayette asked him about the town and 
its outstanding features. When they arrived, The Nation's 
Guest was able to converse knowingly with those who greeted 
him and pleased the people with his interest in their individ­
ual community.l6 His love for Americans was as real and 
sincere as theirs for him. 
Dixon Wecter has discussed some of the characteristics 
that Americans find admirable in the men they call their 
heroes. Some of these seem immediately to fit Lafayette and 
help to explain his immense public popularity. For one thing, 
Wecter suggests that if a hero is aristocratic, he should 
also have a touch of radicalism. 17 By this he means that 
such a hero should seem in touch with the common man. 
Lafayette filled this role well, since one basic element of 
his story was that he was a nobleman whose heart belonged to 
the American people. At the time of the visit, one writer 
put the feeling into verse and called Lafayette: 
The man whose mighty heart could blend 
The names of Lord and Liberty, 
And melt his noble coronet 
Into the shrine where all the free 8 Could kneel and pray for LA FAYETTE.l 
In line with this tendency, it is interesting to note 
how often modesty and an unassuming manner were attributed 
to Lafayette. It was said of him, "Lafayette is particularly 
remarkable for the unaffected simplicity of his manners. He 
_j 
was distinguished for his want of pride, his distaste for 
great parade, when he was among us--he preserves the same 
noble trait in his character. 1119 
97 
'\Alecter also suggests a similar characteristic, that an 
American hero is a man of goodwill. 20 This has already been 
demonstrated t.J"i th regard to Lafayette. Further evidence 
appears in much of what was written and said about him during 
his visit. For example, one descriptive account reported, 
"Lafayette is as much distinguished for his amiable and 
affectionate temper, as for his respect to the liberties of 
man. His heart melts with generous emotions, as well as that 
of the humblest and most undistinguished of men. 1121 
In summarizing the dimensions of Lafayette the hero, 
at the time of his 1824 visit, it seems safe to say that he 
was a grander hero on a broader scale than he had been before. 
The major component of his early image, his sacrifice to the 
American cause, was still present and more glorified. In 
addition, the importance of his contributions to America was 
exaggerated until he approached the position of America's 
savior. 
In addition, new components were added to his picture 
as Americans saw and met him in person. These were personal 
dimensions such as his warmth, his patience and his genuine 
feeling for Americans. As a grand old hero returned from 
the past, he took on the character of an elder statesman, 
venerated for his age, his wisdom and his fatherliness. 
98 
VII. Footnotes 
1John Foster, A Sketch of the Tour of General Lafayette 
on His Late Visit to~ United States, 1824 (Portland, 1S24), 
p. 1. 
2Foster, p. 6. 
3Memoirs of the Military Career of the Marguis de 
LaFayette during the Revolutionary War TBoston, 1 24),-p. ?. 
(Carefully compiled from the most authentic sources.) 
4A Short Biographx of the Illustrious Citizen, Marquis 
de Lafayette, by a citizen of Washington, D. C. (Washington, 
1824)' p. 6. 
5Gilbert J. Hunt, The Tour of Lafayette through the 
y. States (New York, 1825). 
6[ George Ticknor J, 11 Review of Two Books," North 
American Review, XX {January 1825), 147-180. 
?Ticknor, pp. 149-150. 
8 Ticknor, p. 151. 
9£ Complete History of the Marquis de Lafayette, by 
an officer in the late army (New York, 1826), pp. 15-17. 
lOTicknor, p. 150. 
llNew York Evening Post, August 7, 1824. 
12Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past from the Leaves 
of Old lournals (Boston, 1901), p. 107. 
13rn line with this analysis, it is interesting to 
note that the young marquis, particularly at the time of his 
first return to France in 1779, was a popular hero in French 
society for the first reason, his daring and unusual deeds. 
14complete History, p. 491. 
15w. E. Woodward, Lafayette (New York, 1938), p. 422. 
16Quincy, pp. 151-152. 
l?nixon Wecter, The Hero in America (New York, 1941), 
p. 16. 
18~ York Evening Post, August 17, 1824. 
19New York Evening Post, August 7, 1824. 
20v,lec ter, p. 14. 
21New York Evening Post, August 7, 1824. 
99 
APPENDIX 
100 
101 
The remainder of the original Lafayette sketch (first 
paragraph quoted on p. 60) as given by Jedidiah Horse, The 
American Geography. London, 1792, with notes to show how 
this version differs from that given by David Ramsay, The 
History Q( Revolution of South Carolina. Trenton, 1785. 
He was soon appointed to command an expedition to 
Canada. The plan was to cross the lakes on the ice; 
the object, to seize Montreal and St. John's. He was 
now at the age of twenty, and must have keenly expe­
rienced the allurements of· independent command; but his 
cool judgment, and honest heart, restrained him from 
indulging a passion for military fame, under circum­
stances that might have injured the cause which he had 
so zealously espoused. He found that, in case of his 
proceeding, the army under his command would be in 
danger of experiencing a fate similar to that of the 
unfortunate Burgoyne. With a boldness of judgment, 
that would have done honor to the most experienced 
general, and without advancing beyond Albany, he 
relinquished the expedition. Soon after, he received 
the thanks of Congress for his prudence. 
In the four campaigns which succeeded the arrival 
of the marquis de la Fayette in America, he gave 
repeated proofs of his military talents, in the middle 
and eastern states; but the events that took place 
under his command in Virginia, deserve particular 
notice. ·: 
In the above paragraph after the semicolon Ramsay 
writes, "but as these operations do not fall within the 
prescribed limits of this history, I proceed to relate those 
events which took place under his command in the Southern 
states, and which had an influence on the publick affairs of 
South Carolina." Morse and Ramsay both continue: 
Early in the year 1781, while the war raged to the 
southward of Virginia, the marquis de la Fayette was 
detached on an expedition against Portsmouth; but here 
his active zeal received a check no less fatal to his 
hopes than when he was obliged to relinquish the expedi­
tion to Canada. The engagement near the capes of the 
Chesapeek, between the French chef' d 1 escadre d 1 Estouches, 
102 
and the British admiral Arbuthnot, which took place 
on the f'if'th of' March, 1781, defeated the enterprise. 
Upon this event, he marched back to the Head of Elk, 
where he received an order from General Washington to 
return to Virginia, to oppose General Philips, who had 
joined General Arnold at Portsmouth. Although the 
troops under his command were in want of' almost every 
thing, he nevertheless proceeded with them to Baltimore. 
Here he learned that General Philips was urging prepara­
tions to embark at Portsmouth, with upwards of' three 
thousand men. With the Marquis de la Fayette it was a 
moment of' extreme distress and embarrassment. In his 
whole command, there was not one pair of' shoes; but the 
love and confidence he had universally excited, enabled 
him to obtain a loan of money, which procured him some 
necessaries for his troops, and gave renewed vigor to 
his march. He supposed Richmond to be the object of' 
General Philips, and therefore marched thither with so 
great expedition, that he arrived at that place the 
evening before General Philips. He was joined the 
first night after his arrival by Major-General Baron 
Steuben, with a corps of militia. In this manner was 
the capital of Virginia, at that time filled with 
almost all the military stores of the state, saved 
from the most imminent danger. The British appeared 
the next morning at Manchester, just opposite to 
Richmond. The two armies surveyed each other f'or some 
time, and then General Philips, apprehending it to be 
too hazardous to attack the Marquis de la Fayette in 
his strong position, very prudently retired. 
Such was the great superiority of numbers, by the 
combination of the forces under General Arnold, General 
Philips, and Lord Cornwallis--so fatal to all the 
southern states would have been the conquest of Virginia 
that the Marquis de la Fayette had before him a labour 
of the last consequence, and was pressed on all sides 
by innumerable difficulties. 
In the first moments of the rising tempest, and until 
he could provide against its utmost rage, he began to 
retire with his little army, which consisted of about a 
thousand regulars, two thousand militia, and sixty 
dragoons. Lord Cornwallis, exulting in the prospect of 
success, which he thought to be heightened by the youth 
of his opponent, incautiously wrote to Great-Britain, 
"that the boy could not escape him." The engagement, 
however, which was to confirm his promise, was sedulously 
avoided. Finding it impossible to force an action, he 
next endeavoured to cut off the communication of the 
Marquis de laFayette with General Wayne, who, with 
eight hundred Pennsylvanians, was advancing f'rom the 
northward. The junction, however, was effected at 
103 
Rackoon Ford, without loss. The next object of Lord 
Cornwallis, was to get possession of the American 
stores, which, for their greater security, had been 
moved from Richmond to Albemarle old courthouse, above 
the Point of Fork. While the troops commanded by the 
Marquis de la Fayette and General Wayne were forming 
a junction, Lord Cornwallis had gotten between them 
and their public stores. The possession of these was 
a principal object with both armies. The Marquis de la 
Fayette, by forced marches, got within a few miles of 
the British army, when they were yet distant two days 
march from Albermarle old court-house. Once more the 
British general considered himself sure of his adversary. 
To save the stores he knew was his design, but to 
accomplish that object, his lordship saw no practical 
way but by a road, in passing which, the American army 
might be attacked to great advantage. It was a critical 
moment, but the Marquis de la Fayette had the good 
fortune to extricate himself. He opened in night, by 
part of his army, a nearer road to Albemarle, which, 
having been many years disused, was much embarrassed, 
and, to the astonishment of Lord Cornwallis, posted 
himself in a strong position the next day between the 
British army and the American stores. 
His lordship, finding all his schemes frustrated, 
fell back to Richmond, whither he was followed by the 
Marquis de la Fayette. The main American army in 
Virginia was now reinforced by the troops under Major­
General Baron Steuben, and by volunteer corps of 
Virginia and Maryland gentlemen. And the Marquis de 
la Fayette had the address to impress Lord Cornwallis 
with an idea, that his force was much greater than he 
actually commanded. His lordship, therefore, retreated 
to Williamsburg. 
Here Ramsay adds a brief description of an attack on 
the British by Butler, about a bluff attack by General Wayne 
who almost was trapped by the British and the move of 
Cornwallis and his troops to Jamestown. Then both accounts 
continue: 
After a series of manoeuvres, which it is not necessary 
to relate, and in which the British general displayed 
the boldness of enterprise, and the young marquis the 
sound judgment of age, blended with the ardour of youth, 
the former fixed himself and his army at York-town. The 
latter, under various pretences, sent the Pennsylvania 
troops to the south side of James River; collected a 
104 
force in Gloucester county, and made sundry arrangements 
subservient to the grand design of the whole campaign, 
which was the capture of Lord Cornwallis, and the 
British army under his command. 
In the above sentence Ramsay ends at 11 campaign 11 and 
then continues with a description of the arrival of the 
French forces and the attack on Yorktown. He makes little 
further mention of Lafayette. Morse concludes: 
Sometime after the capture of Cornwallis, the 
Marquis de laFayette went to France, where he 
successfully used his endeavours to promote the 
commercial and political interest of these states. 
Pennsylvania, in order to show her esteem for this 
gallant nobleman, has lately erected part of her 
western territory into a separate county, and named 
1 t F A~lETTE. 
The Lafayette sketch as given by David Ramsay, 
History of the American Revolution. London, 1791. 
The killed and wounded, in the royal army, were near 
six hundred. The loss of the Americans was twice that 
number. In their list of the wounded were two of their 
general officers, the marquis de la Fayette and general 
Woodford. The former was a French nobleman of high 
rank, who, animated with the love of liberty, had left 
his native country, and offered his service to congress. 
While in France, and only nineteen years of age, he 
espoused the cause of the Americans, with the most 
disinterested and generous ardour. Having determined 
to join them, he communicated his intentions to the 
American commissioners, at Paris. They justly conceived, 
that a patron of so much importance would be of service 
to their cause, and encouraged his design. Before he 
had embarked from France, intelligence arrived in 
Europe, that the American insurgents, reduced to 2000 
men, were fleeing through Jersey before a British force 
of 30,000. Under these circumstances, the American 
commissioners at Paris thought it but honest to dissuade 
him from the present prosecution of his perilous enter­
prise. It was in vain that they acted so candid a part. 
His zeal, to serve a distressed country, was not abated 
by misfortunes. Having embarked in a vessel, which he 
purchased for the purpose, he arrived at Charleston, 
10.5 
early in 1777, and soon after joined the American army. 
Congress resolved, that, 'in consideration of his zeal, 
illustrious family and connexions, he should have the 
rank of major general in their army.' Independent of 
the risk he ran as an American officer, he hazarded his 
-large fortune in consequence of the laws of France, and 
also the confinement of his person, in case of capture, 
when on his way to the United States, without the chance 
of being acknowledged by any nation; for his court had 
forbidden his proceeding to America, and had dispatched 
orders to hav.e him confined in the West Indies, if found 
in that quarter. This gallant nobleman, who, under all 
these disadvantages, had demonstrated his good will to 
the United States, received a wound in his leg, at the 
battle of Brandywine; but he nevertheless continued in 
the field, and exerted himself both by word and example 
in rallying the Americans. 
The Lafayette sketch as given by John M'Culloch, A 
Concise History of the United States. Philadelphia, 179.5. 
The Marquis de laFAYETTE, was born about the year 1757. 
At the age of 19, he espoused the cause of America, and 
determined·to embark for the United States. About this 
time intelligence arrived in France, that General 
Washington was flying thro' New Jersey before a victo­
rious British army. This only increased his ardour. 
He purchsed a vessel, sailed for America, and arrived 
in Charleston, early in 1777. Congress conferred on 
him the rank of major general. He accepted the 
appointment, on condition that he should serve at his 
own expence, and join the army as a volunteer. 
In the five campaigns which suceeded the arrival of 
the marquis, he gave repeated proofs of his military 
talent; but the events that took place under his 
command in Virginia, contributed most to his glory. 
He was a tremendous advocate for the United States in 
France, and, by his letters was instrumental in 
disposing that court to enter into alliance with them. 
He was the first who proposed the sending a French 
army to America. 
On his return to France at the peace, he was active 
and influential in effecting a revolution in that 
country. By refusing to concur in deposing the king, 
he was obliged to flee for his life. He was captured 
by the enemy, and is still kept prisoner. His whole 
estate was confiscated by the French. Since his 
106 
confinement Congress have done themselves honour by 
making up his pay while in their service, with interest, 
and transmitting it to him. 
The Lafayette sketch as given by The Portfolio • .Tune 
1815. 
The marquis de la Fayette, is one of the few living 
actors of our revolution. Most of the worthies of that 
important period repose in the grave, or tremble on its 
brink. To their sons and to our latest posterity it 
belongs to cherish their memories and record their 
virtues. As an American, penetrated with gratitude 
and admiration for the rare services of the subject 
of this memoir, it cannot be thought obtrusive, I hope, 
to place before my countrymen certain passages in his 
life, which have never yet been published, and to 
connect them with other notices of this illustrious 
man, so as to form a brief sketch of his eventful 
history. 
La Fayette, descended from one of the first families 
in France, possessed of a large fortune, and married at 
the early age of nineteen to the woman of his heart, had 
the courage to abandon his home, its comforts, and its 
mistress, at the call of Freedom's voice, and to sacri ­
fice all those charms, at the very outset of life, to 
the higher claims of a laudable ambition. It was no 
ordinary mind that could resolve on such a step. Not 
yet twenty years of age, . this "noble phenomenon" 
addressed himself to the American commissioners at 
Paris and offered his personal services in our cause. 
Franklin and his colleague received his offer with 
eagerness. Scarcely, however, had he made the proposal 
when news arrived in France, that the remnant of the 
American forces, reduced to two thousand insurgents, 
as they were called, had fled towards Philadelphia 
through the Jerseys, before an army of thirty thousand 
regulars. This news was a death-blow to the little 
credit which we still retained in Europe, and prevented 
the commissioners from procuring a vessel to convey the 
marquis hither. They confessed to him their inability 
to aid his enterprise, and advised him to delay its 
prosecution until some more propitious moment should 
occur. But he was not to be discouraged by these 
difficulties. The flame of liberty glowed in hts 
breast, and being bent upon sharing in our glorious 
struggle, however desponding our situation might appear, 
he told the commissioners that the lower the fortunes 
of the American people, the more acceptable would be 
107 
his services; and in the true spirit of heroism, 
concluded thus: "Since you cannot get a vessel, I 
shall purchase and fit out one to carry your despatches 
to congress and myself to America." A ship was accord­
ingly purchased and equipt, and although overtaken by 
an order from his court, forbidding him to proceed, he 
embarked and arrived at Charleston in the year 1777. 
Congress, elated, encouraged, and flattered by an 
auxiliary of so much spirit and of such promise, 
appreciated very highly the risks he had already ran, 
[sic] and those he offered to encounter in common 
with themselves, ••• 
The Lafayette sketch as given by William Grimshaw, 
History of the United States. Philadelphia, 1822. 
Two distinguished foreigners served under the American 
banners at the Brandywine; the Marquis De La Fayette 
and count Pulaski; the one, a native of France, the 
other, of Poland. Animated by the love of liberty, 
La Fayette, a nobleman of high rank, had left the 
country of his birth, and offered his service to congress. 
While in France, and only nineteen years of age, he 
espoused the cause of the Americans, with the most dis­
interested and generous ardour; and, having determined 
to join them, communicated his intentions to their 
oommissioners at Paris. His offer was gratefully 
received. They justly considered, that a patron of so 
much importance would be of the utmost service to their 
cause. 
Before he embarked, intelligence arrived in Europe, 
that the American patriots, reduced to two thousand men, 
were flying before a British force of thirty-thousand; 
under which circumstances, the commissioners thought it 
their duty to dissuade him from the present prosecution 
of his dangerous enterprise. But their candour was 
expressed in vain. His zeal to serve a struggling 
country, was heightened, not abated, by her misfortunes. 
His personal risk was not the only one which might have 
deterred him. He hazarded his large fortune, by the laws 
of France; and also imprisonment, in case of capture when 
on his way to the United States: for, his sovereign 
having forbidden his proceeding, despatched orders to 
the West Indies, to have him, if found in that quarter, 
confined. He was appointed a major-general in the 
American army; an honour, of which he showed himself in 
the highest manner deserving. Though wounded in the late 
battle, he continued in the field; exerting himself, not 
only by his voice, but by his example, to rally the broken 
troops. 
108 
The Lafayette sketch as given by A Complete History 
of the Marqui§ £.!a Lafayette. New York, 1826. 
America was in the infancy of her strength, when 
Lafayette, animated with the glorious cause, left all 
the luxuries and indulgences of home, to cross the 
Atlantic, and offer himself to the Americans as a 
champion and friend. Animated by the enthusiasm which 
generous minds are accustomed to feel for great enter­
prises, he espoused their cause with a partiality 
common to almost all the men of that time, and partic­
ularly to the French. • • • 
When the destinies of America were tottering on the 
brink of destruction; when a triumphant enemy was 
overwhelming the Jerseys with deeds of desolation; 
when even th firmness of \Alashington was shaken, the 
young and gallant Lafayette resolved to cast his bread 
upon the waters, and mingle in a conflict which appeared 
almost desperate in the eyes of united Europe. He 
espoused the cause of this country, when it had not a 
single acting advocate beyond the waters of the Atlantic. 
At that period, the representations in France relative 
to the state of American affairs, were most deplorable 
and sufficient to repress the most determined zeal. 
The army of Washington was represented as a mere rabble, 
flying before thirty thousand British regulars: nor 
was this far from reality .•.• 
• . • Inflamed with the desire to participate in the 
events which were echoed by all Europe, he communicated, 
about the close of the year 1776, his intention of 
repairing to America; and they (Franklin and Deane) 
encouraged him in that resolution. But when they were 
informed of the reverses in New Jersey, they were 
compelled themselves almost to despair of the success 
of the revolution, and with an honourable sincerity, 
endeavoured to dissuade the Marquis from carrying his 
design into execution. They even declared to him that 
their affairs were so deranged by this unhappy news 
that they were not able to charter a vessel for his 
passage to America. "Now then,n replied the gallant 
nobleman "is precisely.the moment to serve your cause; 
the more people are discouraged, the greater utility 
will result from my departure; and if you cannot furnish 
me with a vessel, I will freight one at my own expense, 
to convey your despatches, and my person to the shores 
of America." And as he said, he did. 
109 
TABLE I 
LAFAYETTE, THE YOUNG NOBLEMAN, ESPOUSES 
THE AMERICAN CAUSE 
A comparison of statements from several sources 
---. 
Original Sketch (Morse 1792) 
At the age of nineteen he 
espoused the cause of America, 
with all the ardor which the 
most generous philanthropy 
could inspire. At a very 
early period of the war, he 
determined to embar.k from 
his native country, for the 
United States. 
Ramsay 1791 
• • • a French nobleman of 
high rank, ••• animated 
with the love of liberty, 
• • . While in France and 
only nineteen years of age, 
he espoused the cause of the 
Americans with the most 
disinterested and generous 
ardour. 
Mrs. Warren 1805 
• • • a young nobleman of 
France • • • Warmed by an 
enthusiastic love of liberty, 
and animated by a laudable 
ambition, this amiable young 
gentleman had left the court 
of France. 
Portfolio 1815 
. . . at the call of 
Freedom's voice .•• It was 
no ordinary mind that could 
resolve on such a step. Not 
yet twenty years of age, this 
"Noble phenomenon" ••. 
Gordon 1788 
In 1776, the marquis, at 
the age of nineteen, espoused 
the cause of the Americans, 
and determined upon joining 
them in person . . • a 
patron of so much import­
ance • • • 
H'Culloch 1795 
At the age of 19, he espoused 
the cause of America, and 
determined to embark for the 
United States. 
Marshall 1803-1807 
This young nobleman possess­
ing an excellent heart, and 
all the military enthusiasm 
of his country . . . 
Grimshaw 1822 
Animated by the love of 
liberty, •.• a nobleman 
of high rank, ••• While 
in France, and only nineteen 
years of age, he espoused 
the cause of the Americans 
with the most disinterested 
and generous ardour. 
110 
TABLE I (continued) 
=========== 
Butler 1821 
The Marquis La Fayette 
arrived in America, ••. 
Foster 1824 
• • • at the immature age or 
nineteen, he espoused the 
cause of the Americans, and 
nobly resolved to afford our 
country all possible assist ­
ance by his personal 
services and influence. 
Complete Histor~ 1826 
••• animated with the 
glorious cause, ••• offer 
himself to the Americans as 
a champion and friend. Ani­
mated by the enthusiasm 
which great minds are 
accustomed to feel for great 
enterprises, he espoused 
their cause with a partial ­
ity •••• the young and 
gallant Lafayette resolved 
to cast his bread upon the 
waters and mingle in a 
conflict ••• He espoused 
the cause of this country, 
when it had not a single 
acting advocate beyond the 
waters of the Atlantic • • • 
inflamed with the desire to 
participate. 
Short Biogr~ 1824 
The ancestors of the Marquis, 
for generations back, were 
particularly distinguished 
for fearless, undaunted 
bravery, and contempt of 
danger, which traits were 
sustained by the ~arquis 
himself, when, at nineteen 
years of age, ••• to 
offer his services in 
fighting the battles of a 
country • 
[Ticknor] 182.5 
. • • his thoughts and 
feelings were first turned 
towards these thirteen 
colonies • . • 
111 
TABLE II 
LAFAYETTE IS WILLING TO SACRIFICE HIS COMFORT 
AND RISK HIS FORTUNE 
A comparison of statements from several sources 
Original Sketch (Morse 1792) 
No mention. 
Ramsay 1791 
• • • he hazarded his large 
fortune in consequence of 
the laws of France • • • 
Mrs. Warren 180.5 
• • . and quitting the 
pleasures of domestic 
felicity ••• 
Portfolio 181.5 
• . • descended from one of 
the first families in France, 
possessed of a large fortune, 
and married at the early age 
of nineteen to the woman of 
his heart, had the courage to 
abandon his home, its comforts, 
and its mistress, ••• to 
sacrifice all those charms, 
at the very outset of life • • • 
Butler 1821 
No mention 
Gordon 1788 
The marquis had left a 
pregnant consort, and the 
most endearing connections. 
M'Culloch 179.5 
No mention. 
Marshall 1803-1807 
No mention . 
Grimshaw 1822 
He hazarded his large 
fortune, by the laws of 
France; ••• 
Short Biography 1824 
••• he relinquished all 
the allurements of a princely 
fortune, in a beauttrul 
country, with the blandish­
ments of the splendid Court 
of Versailles J ••• 
112 
TABLE II (continued) 
Foster 1824 
No mention. 
Complete History 1826 
• left all the luxuries 
and indulgences of home . • • 
[Ticknor] 1825 
It seemed indeed, as if 
life had nothing further to 
offer him, than he could 
surely obtain by walking in 
the path that was so bright 
before him. . • • 
113 
TABLE III 
NEWS OF AMERICAN RETREATS AND ATTEMPTS 
TO DISSUADE LAFAYETTE 
A comparison of statements from several sources 
Original Sketch (Morse 1792) 
• • • intelligence arrived 
in Europe, that the American 
insurgents reduced to two 
thousand men, were flying 
through Jersey before a 
British force of thirty 
thousand regulars. This 
news so effectually ex­
tinguished the little credit 
which America had in Europe, 
in the beginning of the year 
1777, that the commissioners 
• • • could not procure a 
vessel to forward his inten­
tions. Under these circum­
stances, they thought it 
but honest to dissuade him 
from the present prosecution 
of his perilous enterprise. 
Ramsay 1791 
• • • intelligence arrived 
in Europe, that the American 
insurgents, reduced to 2000 
men, were fleeing through 
Jersey before a British 
force of 30,000. Under these 
circumstances, the American 
commissioners at Paris thought 
it but honest to dissuade him 
from the present prosecution 
of his perilous enterprise. 
Mrs. Warren 1805 
. • . an early period of the 
war, when the affairs of 
America wore the darkest 
aspect. 
========== Gordon 1788 
News arrived in France, 
that the remnant of the 
American army, reduced to 
2000 insurgents as they 
were called, had fled toward 
Philadelphia through the 
Jerseys before an army of 
30,000 regulars. This news 
so effectually extinguished 
the little credit which 
America had in Europe, that 
the commissioners could not 
produce a vessel to forward 
this nobleman's project. 
Under these circumstances 
they thought it but honest 
to discourage his prosecut­
ing the enterprise, till a 
change in affairs should 
render it less hazardous or 
more promising. 
M'Culloch 1795 
About this time intelligence 
arrived in France, that 
General Washington was flying 
thro' New Jersey before a 
victorious British army. 
Marshall 1803-1807 
..• on the current of 111 
fortune which set in late 
in 1776, he was advised not 
to embark. 
114 
TABLE III (continued) 
Portfolto 181.5 
News arrived in France, 
that the remnant of the 
American forces, reduced to 
two thousand insurgents, as 
they were called, had fled 
towards Philadelphia through 
the Jerseys, before an army 
of thirty thousand regulars. 
This news was a deathblow 
to the little credit which 
we still retained in Europe 
and prevented the commis­
sioners from procuring a 
vessel to convey the marquis 
hither. They confessed to 
him their inability to aid 
his enterprise, and advised 
him to delay its prosecution 
until some more propitious 
moment should occur. 
Butler 1821 
No mention. 
Foster 1824 
At this era, the affairs 
of America were bordering 
on despair, and were rep­
resented in France as so 
deplorable that it might be 
supposed sufficient to 
repress the most determined 
zeal. Reports were prop­
agated in that country that 
our army, reduced to a mere 
rabble, was flying before an 
Grimshaw 1822 
• • • intelligence arrived 
in Europe, that the American 
patriots, reduced to two. 
thousand men, were flying 
before a British force of 
thirty-thousand; under which 
~ircumstances, the commis­
sioners thought it their 
duty to dissuade him from 
the present prosecution of 
his dangerous enterprise. 
Short Biography 1824 
••• a country (as said by 
the Europeans) at the "ends 
of the earth." He arrived 
here in 1777, at the most 
gloomy period of the revolu­
tionary war--a time when 
the conquering army of 
Burgoyne was about making 
bold advances into the heart 
of our country. 
[Ticknor] 1825 
Nothing could be less 
tempting to him, whether he 
sought military reputation 
or military instruction, 
for our army at that moment 
retreating through New 
Jersey, and leaving its 
traces in blood from the 
naked and torn feet of the 
soldiery as it hastened 
onward, was in a state too 
115 
TABLE III (continued) 
army of thirty thousand 
regulars, nor was this very 
wide of reality. In conse­
quence of this, our commis­
sioners found it impossible 
to procure a vessel to 
convey the Marquis and their 
own despatches to Congress; 
they could not therefore feel 
justified in encouraging his 
bold contemplated enterprise 
. . . 
Complete Historx 1826 
At that period, the repre­
sentations in France 
relative to the state of 
American affairs, were most 
deplorable and sufficient 
to repress the most deter­
mined zeal. The army of 
Washington was represented 
as a mere rabble, flying 
before thirty thousand 
British regulars; nor was 
this far from reality • • • 
when they were informed of 
the reverses in New Jersey, 
they were compelled them­
selves almost to despair of 
the success of the revolu­
tion and with an honourable 
sincerity, endeavoured to 
dissuade the Marquis from 
carrying his design into 
execution. They even 
declared to him that their 
affairs were so deranged by 
this unhappy news that they 
were not able to charter a 
vessel for his passage to 
America. 
humble to offer either. 
Our credit, too, in Europe 
was entirely gone, so that 
the commissioners, as they 
were called, without having 
any commission, ••. were 
obliged at last, to acknowl­
edge that they could not 
even give him decent means 
for his conveyance • • • 
116 
TABLE IV 
LAFAYETTE'S REACTION TO AMERICAN MISFORTUNES 
AND TO THE ATTEMPTS TO DISSUADE HIM 
A comparison of statements from several sources 
Original Sketch (Morse 1792) 
It was in vain they acted 
so candid a part. The flame 
which America had kindled in 
his breast, could not be 
extinguished by her misfor­
tunes. "Hitherto," said he, 
in the true spirit of 
patriotism, "I have only 
cherished your cause--now I 
am going to serve it. The 
lower it is in the opinion 
of the people, the greater 
will be the effect of my 
departure; and since you 
cannot get a vessel, I shall 
purchase and fit out one to 
carry your dispatches to 
Congress and myself to 
America." He accordingly 
embarked. 
Ramsay 1791 
It was in vain that they 
acted so candid a part. 
His zeal, to serve a dis­
tressed country, was not 
abated by her misfortunes. 
Having embarked in a vessel, 
which he purchased for the 
purpose, he arrived ••• 
Mrs. Warren 1805 
• he embarked at his 
own expense, ••• 
Gordon 1788 
It was in vain however that 
they acted so candid a part. 
The flame, which the Ameri­
can sons of liberty had 
.kindled in his breast, 
could not be interrupted by 
their misfortunes. "Hither­
to," said he, in the true 
spirit of heroism, "I have 
only cherished your cause; 
now I am going to serve it. 
The lower it is in the 
opinion of the people, the 
greater 'effect my departure 
will have; and since you 
cannot get a vessel, I shall 
purchase and fit out one, 
to carry your dispatches to 
congress and me to America." 
He accordingly fitted out a 
vessel • 
M'Culloch 1795 
This only increased his 
ardour. 
Marshall 1803-1807 
No mention. 
Portfolio 1815 Grimshaw 1822 
But he was not to be dis­
couraged by these difficul­
ties. The flame of liberty 
But their. candour was 
expressed in vain. His 
zeal to serve a struggling 
117 
TABLE IV (continued) 
glowed in his breast, and 
being bent upon sharing in 
our glorious struggle, 
however desponding our 
situation might appear, he 
told the commissioners that 
the lower the fortunes of 
the American people, the 
more acceptable would be 
his services; and in the 
true spirit of heroism, 
concluded thus: "Since 
you cannot get a vessel, I 
shall purchase and fit out 
one to carry your despatches 
to congress and myself to 
America." A ship was 
accordingly purchased and 
equipt. 
Butler 1821 
No mention. 
Foster 1824 
This embarrassment, however, 
had the effect of increas­
ing rather than of restrain­
ing, his youthful ardor and 
heroism. He imparted to the 
commissioners his determina­
tion to purchase and fit out 
a vessel to convey himself 
and their despatches to America. 
Complete History 1826 
"Now then," replied the gallant 
noblemann is precisely the 
moment to serve your cause; the 
more people are discouraged, the 
greater utility will result from 
country, was heightened, 
not abated, by her mis­
fortunes. • • • 
Short Biography 1824 
• • • embarked in his own 
ship • • • 
[Ticknor] 1825 
"Then" said he, "I shall 
purchase and fit out a 
vessel for myself." He did 
so. 
my departure; and if you cannot 
furnish me with a vessel, I will 
freight one at my own expense, to 
convey your despatches, and my person 
to the shores of America." And 
as he said he did. 
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