ABSTRACT Title of thesis: AFRICAN AMERICAN HETEROSEXUAL COUPLES COPING WITH RACIAL DISCRIMINATION Maria (Masha) Kartashev, Master of Science, 2022 Thesis Directed by: Professor Mariana Falconier Department of Family Science This qualitative study investigated how African American heterosexual couples? relationship are affected by racial discrimination and how they cope with stress from racial discrimination (including communicating their own and responding to each other?s stress). The data were analyzed using thematic analysis, and themes were organized based on the areas of inquiry. Themes related to the impact of racial discrimination on the couple relationship included ?my partner?s experiences of racial discrimination also affect me,? and ?couples feel connected through the similarities in the experience of discrimination.? Themes regarding coping as a couple included ?talking about racial discrimination with your partner helps,? ?agree to disagree,? ?joking together to show solidarity,? and ?complementary gender responses to racial discrimination.? Themes were discussed using the systemic-transactional model of dyadic coping (Bodenmann, 1995, 2005). Though further research is needed to understand the impact of racial discrimination on African American couples and their coping, the current study suggests that couples cope with racial discrimination dyadically. This coping is diverse and sometimes gendered. Additionally, creating a safe space of compassion, despite differences in perceptions of racial discrimination, helps couples feel bonded by mutual trust, intimacy, and connectedness. Finally, limitations, clinical and research implications, and issues of reflexivity were discussed. . AFRICAN AMERICAN HETEROSEXUAL COUPLES COPING WITH RACIAL DISCRIMINATION by Maria Kartashev Thesis submitted to the faculty of Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Couple and Family Therapy 2022 Thesis Committee Dr. Marian Falconier, Associate Professor, Chair Dr. Mia Smith-Bynum, Professor, Committee Member Dr. Amy Morgan, Assistant Professor, Committee Member ? Copyright by Maria Kartashev 2022 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I would like to thank the couples who participated in the research and shared so vulnerably and generously their love and pain. As well as giving me feedback and advice. I am very grateful and appreciative of everything you shared with me. I would like to thank my thesis chair, Dr. Falconier, for believing in me, and for guiding me along the way. Also, thank you to the committee members, Dr. Smith-Bynum and Dr. Morgan, who took the time to share with me their expertise and guidance. As well as many other supervisors, professors, and scholars that inspired me in so many ways, thank you. I also want to thank my peers, friends, and my family for the meaningful conversations, support, and patience. Finally, to my wonderful partner, thank you for so much care, love, and safety you provided me. ???? ???? ???. ii TABLE OF CONTENT Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................ I Table of Content ............................................................................................................... III Chapter I: Introduction ........................................................................................................ 1 Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................... 1 The Impact of Racial Discrimination on African American Couples ......................... 2 Coping with Racial Discrimination ............................................................................ 3 Purpose of the Study ....................................................................................................... 7 Significance .................................................................................................................... 9 Chapter II: Literature Review ........................................................................................... 10 Racism toward African Americans .............................................................................. 11 African Americans? Gender Differences in the Experience of Racism ....................... 14 African Americans? Gender Differences in Coping with Racism ................................ 15 Relationship Characteristics of African American Heterosexual Couples ................... 17 The Impact of Racial Discrimination on African American Couples .......................... 19 Dyadic Coping in African American Couples: The STM Perspective ......................... 20 Gender Differences in Dyadic Coping ......................................................................... 23 Dyadic Coping with Racial Discrimination in African American Couples ................. 25 Qualitative Methodological Framework ....................................................................... 26 Research Questions ...................................................................................................... 27 Chapter III: Methods ......................................................................................................... 28 Research Design ........................................................................................................... 28 Participants ................................................................................................................... 29 Data Collection ............................................................................................................. 29 Procedures .................................................................................................................... 30 Instruments ................................................................................................................... 30 Demographic Questionnaire ..................................................................................... 30 Semi-Structured Interview ........................................................................................ 31 Post-Interview Survey ............................................................................................... 31 Analytic Procedure ....................................................................................................... 31 Rigor and Research Quality ......................................................................................... 33 Reflexivity ................................................................................................................. 34 Chapter IV - Results .......................................................................................................... 37 Demographic Characteristics ........................................................................................ 37 Themes and Subthemes ................................................................................................ 39 Impact of Racial Discrimination on the Couple Relationship .................................. 41 Coping as a Couple with Racial Discrimination ....................................................... 43 Results from the Survey Post-Interview ....................................................................... 52 Chapter V: Discussion ...................................................................................................... 53 iii Impact of Racial Discrimination on the Couple ........................................................... 53 Coping as a Couple with Racial Discrimination .......................................................... 55 Research Implications .................................................................................................. 63 Clinical Implications .................................................................................................... 64 Limitations .................................................................................................................... 67 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 68 Appendix ........................................................................................................................... 70 Appendix A- Recruitment Flayer ...................................................................................... 70 Appendix B- Recruitment Email ...................................................................................... 71 Appendix C- Surveys sent Before the Interview. ............................................................. 72 Appendix D-Consent Form ............................................................................................... 73 Appendix E- Script for Interview ..................................................................................... 78 Appendix F- Post Interview Survey .................................................................................. 82 References ......................................................................................................................... 83 iv African American Heterosexual Couples Coping with Racial Discrimination Statement of the Problem Defined as a system of superiority (Pieterse et al., 2012), racism is ever present and has a profound impact on African Americans daily lives (Jones, 2000). Jones (2000) presented a framework for understanding racism on three levels: institutionalized, personally mediated, and internalized. Institutionalized racism impacts access to material conditions such as education (e.g., Leonardo & Grubb, 2018) and power (Iheme, 2021). Personally mediated racism is defined as differential assumptions and actions toward others based on their race (Jones, 2000). Internalized racism is the internalization of negative messages about the self (Jones, 2000). Personally mediated discrimination due to racism is a source of chronic stress for African Americans (Mays et al., 2007; (Ong et al., 2009). African Americans experience racial discrimination regularly and across the life span, and it has a tremendous negative impact on their mental and physical health (Pearlin et al., 2005). Black people report significantly more racial discrimination-related chronic stress (American Psychological Association, 2020). Numerous studies have shown that perceptions of everyday racial discrimination correlate with adverse health outcomes, including increased rates of stroke, high blood pressure, anxiety, and depression (Williams et al., 2019). Mental and physical health can be adversely affected by simply anticipating discrimination (Sawyer et al., 2012) or by being self-conscious of one?s stigmatized status (Orom et al., 2017). Moreover, research has shown that experiencing anxiety symptoms in the context of racial discrimination may differ as a function of one?s acceptance and internalization of the dominant White culture?s beliefs about Black people (Sosoo et al., 2020). 1 Experiences of racial discrimination create a unique form of stress. In turn, stress due to racial discrimination can interact with other stressful events, heightening the intensity of those events? psychological and physical impacts (Clark et al., 2013). Significant sources of stress for Americans include financial strain, adverse work conditions, and family obligations (including children; American Psychological Association, 2020). These stressors are exacerbated for African Americans due to racism (e.g., Wickrama et al., 2005; Murry et al., 2001). The Impact of Racial Discrimination on African American Couples A considerable body of research has utilized individual frameworks for understanding the effects of racism, discrimination, stigmatization, and racial trauma. However, these effects can also be understood in the relational context of couples. A recent review of studies on Black American families' everyday life experiences noted a major void in stress-related studies (Murry et al., 2018). Historically, research focusing on African American families have comprised samples of predominantly low-income, single-mother, urban families (Murry et al., 2018). Furthermore, studies including African Americans have often included race as a descriptive category but have not always explored the role of racism and discrimination in families? responses to stressful life events (e.g., Murry et al., 2018). Researchers have been urged to further investigate how racial discrimination affects Black couples? relationships (Bryant et al., 2010; Murry et al., 2018). The historical barriers to marriage that Black couples face persist, and there is a steady decline in current marriage rates (Kreider & Renee, 2009). Race-related explanations for declining marriage rates include disproportionately high unemployment, incarceration rates, and unequal education rates among African American men and women (Chambers & Kravitz, 2011). Clearly, the systemic 2 oppression places considerable stress on not only African American individuals but on the couple as well. There are exceedingly limited findings regarding the impact of racial discrimination on the African American heterosexual romantic relationship. Some studies have, though, found that racism negatively impacts African American couples (Lincoln & Chae, 2010; Murry et al., 2002; Doyle & Molix, 2014; Lavner et al., 2018). However, others have found no associations between African American men and women?s experiences of racial discrimination and their own or their partner?s relationship quality (Clav?l et al., 2017). These contradictory findings between racial discrimination and relationship functioning call for a further, and perhaps different, examination of the impact of racial discrimination on African American couples? relationships. This study answers that call by using a qualitative approach to deeply examine African Americans? experiences of racial discrimination and how it impacts their relationship. Coping with Racial Discrimination The current research aims to understand not only the impact of racial discrimination on African American couples? relationships but also how these couples cope with it. To my knowledge, no research has examined couples coping with racial discrimination. However, studies have shown that African Americans cope and resist racial discrimination by utilizing their social support systems (e.g., Logie et al., 2014). One analysis found that, when coping with racist situations, Black people most frequently use active, emotional support and instrumental support strategies such as racial-ethnic socialization and parental support (Brown et al., 2011). Furthermore, one major area of research has been the function of the Black family as a protector of Black children against discrimination by giving messages of racial socialization (e.g., Berrey, 2009). For the African American community, social support can be found within the religious 3 community (Boyd-Franklin, 2013). The presence of social support makes a difference when coping with racial discrimination stress. However, little is known about one of the main social support systems: the partner. Specifically, little has been written about the Black romantic relationship as a protecting factor against racial discrimination. Stress and Dyadic Coping. For decades, the study of stress and coping strategies focused mainly on individuals. In recent years, though, stress began to be understood in the context of romantic dyads. Partners? coping with stress has been named dyadic coping, and it encompasses all strategies that partners use to help each other manage stress (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019). There is no exciting framework for understanding African American couples? coping with racial discrimination. African American partners are, though, likely to engage in strategies to help each other cope with the stress from racial discrimination; to date, however, no study has explored those potential dyadic coping strategies. Several models have been advanced to understand how couples cope with stress. According to a recent critical review of dyadic coping research (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019), the systemic?transactional model (STM; Bodenmann, 1995, 2005) is the most widely used. The STM is a systems-based approach that emphasizes the interdependence between partners? stress and coping processes. In other words, one partner?s experience of stress and coping responses cannot be fully understood without considering the other partner?s coping. The STM emphasizes that one partner?s stress always becomes the other partner?s stress through cross-over (contagion) spill-over effects (Bodenmann, 1997) or because it becomes a shared or dyadic stressor. One African American partner may also become stressed when perceiving and/or understanding their partner?s stress from racial discrimination through contagion. That said, one partner?s experience of racial discrimination could ultimately affect the 4 other partner through the spillover effect. This effect refers to the process through which stress originating outside the relationship and affecting one partner can spillover into the relationship, causing internal stress and affecting both partners. For example, when one partner experiences racial discrimination, they may become more irritable, impatient, withdrawn, inattentive, or less empathic or understanding, all of which can affect the interactions with their partners negatively (Buck & Neff, 2012). In addition to the crossover and spillover effects, one partner may be affected by the other?s experience of stress because they view their partner?s stressor as their problem as well. In other words, the stressor that originated individually becomes a ?we? or dyadic stressor. This has been found in studies examining couples coping with cancer in which both partners view the cancer (stressor) as a ?we? problem (Robbins et al., 2013; Berg et al., 2011; Rohrbaugh et al., 2008). One partner?s racial discrimination could possibly be experienced as a ?we? stressor by African American couples. In terms of dyadic coping, STM argues that, when one partner?s resources are insufficient for coping with a stressor, they may communicate the stressful situation to the partner. The partner then interprets the stress signals and responds to the shared information. Partners may respond to each other?s stress using positive or negative strategies. Positive responses to a partner?s stress include supportive, delegated, and common dyadic coping. Supportive dyadic coping occurs when one partner provides problem- and/or emotion-focused support that assists the partner in coping. Delegated dyadic coping occurs when one partner assumes responsibility for reducing their partner?s stress. Common dyadic coping occurs when both partners experience stress and symmetrically collaborate to handle these stressful situations. On the other hand, 5 negative strategies include hostile, ambivalent, and superficial actions/words that have deleterious intentions (Bodenmann, 2005). Several studies have observed the relationship benefits of dyadic coping (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019), such as improved relationship satisfaction (Falconier et al., 2015b). Despite this, few have considered race (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019) and even fewer have specifically considered racial discrimination stress (Randall et al., 2017). Thus, dyadic coping has not been used to specifically understand how African American heterosexual couples cope with racial discrimination. Studies on other stressors from discrimination affecting couples? relationships, though, have suggested that dyadic coping may help couples manage racial discrimination stress (e.g., Falconier et al., 2013; Randall et al., 2017). Existing studies on the impact of racial discrimination on couple relationships have not utilized the framework of dyadic coping, leading them to miss opportunities for understanding the complexities of coping as a couple. For example, Baptist et al. (2019) examined interracial, Black-White couples. When experiences of couple racial discrimination were high in this group, levels of marital satisfaction remained the same among partners who reported high openness and reduced among partners who reported low openness (Baptist et al., 2019). Though this study underlined the support partners give one another, they overlooked common dyadic coping (e.g., both partners engage in shared problem-solving or joint emotion-regulation). Another study explored the mediating role of racism-specific support between racial discrimination and partners? mental and physical health in African American couples (McNeil Smith et al., 2020). In their research, perceptions of racism-specific support from the partner were associated with better mental and physical health for husbands and better physical and general health for wives (McNeil Smith et al., 2020). Another study found that spousal support moderated the effects of 6 racial discrimination for Black men but not Black women (McNeil Smith et al., 2014). Neither study used the framework of dyadic coping, nor explored different ways that couples cope with racial discrimination. Using a qualitative approach, the current analysis seeks to understand the impact of racial discrimination experiences on African American couple relationships. In addition, it endeavors to assess how partners in these relationships communicate the stress that comes from such experiences and how they respond individually and conjointly to each other?s stress. Furthermore, the current research explores the role that gender plays in the racial discrimination experiences of African American couples? relationships and in the partners? strategies for coping with such experiences. Research has shown that both men and women can provide positive dyadic coping (Bodenmann, 2005). Other researchers have found that women are more likely to provide positive dyadic coping to their male partners (e.g., Falconier et al., 2013; Zeidner et al., 2013). In turn, male partners in heterosexual relationships are more inclined to be distant and to provide negative dyadic coping (Manne et al., 1999; Yokotani and Kurosawa, 2015). The exploratory characteristics of the present qualitative study allowed the unclear role of gender in dyadic coping?specifically with racial discrimination?to be explored. Purpose of the Study The purpose of the current study was to advance the field of stress and coping research in general and for African American heterosexual couples specifically. It accomplished this goal by investigating the impact of racial discrimination experiences on African American heterosexual relationships and partners? dyadic coping. Using thematic analysis (Clark et al., 2013), African American heterosexual couples were interviewed to gain insight into (a) the impact of racial discrimination on the couple?s relationships, (b) how partners communicate with each other 7 about the stress from their experiences of racial discrimination, and (c) how they respond to each other?s stress. Social support is a key resilience factor when coping with racial discrimination (e.g., Logie et al., 2014), but the couple relationship has been often overlooked. Therefore, the present study?s inclusion of both partners enhances understanding of how couples cope with racial discrimination together rather than individually with racial discrimination. An additional purpose of the present study is to explore the role of gender as a factor in the stress and coping experiences of African American heterosexual partners. More specifically, the study explores how men and women may communicate their stress from racial discrimination differently and respond differently to their partner?s stress. Rationale Collecting in-depth accounts of the experiences of African American couples coping with racial discrimination sheds light on the important source of partner support. Due to the relative lack of information about how couples cope as a system with racial discrimination, a qualitative approach seemed most appropriate. Qualitative interviews permitted an exploration of African American couples? local narratives of and ways of coping with racial discrimination experiences. It also allowed them to provide as much or as little detail about their experiences as they found comfortable. In addition, because I, the researcher, am not part of the African American community, it was crucial that the experience of the African American couples be emphasized. The collaborative nature of qualitative research makes this possible. Qualitative methods allow participants to voice their experiences and ideas in an open-ended format, leaving space for diverse points of view. 8 Significance This study attempted to understand the impact of and coping strategies for managing the racial discrimination experienced by African American couples. Such an investigation could better equip clinicians to help couples seeking therapy and gain knowledge of how to reach out to those who do not. Furthermore, it hopes to inform policymakers, educators, or any providers who seek to help African American couples. The lack of literature on the positive function of the couple relationship might perpetuate a negative stigma such as the perception that the African American romantic partnership is ?too difficult and full of drama? (Hardy & Awosan, 2019, p. 421). The current research aimed to emphasize the resilience of African American couples? coping with racial discrimination. This is particularly important given that there is a need for research underlining narratives of resilience and prosperity in the face of constant racial trauma and/or stress. Additionally, there is a growing need for research to highlight the social location, specifically race, in the field of therapy in order to develop culturally competent practices. Across 1,149 articles published between 2015 and 2016 in 11 psychology journals, DeJesus et al. (2019) found that 73% had never even mentioned the race of their participants. Ignoring race in research and clinical literature may contribute to practices that disregard the psychological and emotional impact of racism on African American clients and their intimate relationship (Sue et al., 2007). 9 CHAPTER II: Literature Review There is no existing theoretical framework that explains the impact of racial discrimination on couples? relationships and how African American heterosexual couples in particular cope with such discrimination. However, the STM (Bodenmann, 1995) does provide a conceptual framework for understanding stress and coping processes in couples. One of the most widely used models of dyadic coping (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019), the STM presents a systemic framework in which one partner?s stress and coping process can only be understood in relation to the other partner?s. Its systemic lens, shared by other couple research models, (Revenson, 1994; Coyne & Smith, 1991; Berg & Upchurch, 2007), is critical for understanding couple relationships. Additionally, the STM acknowledges the role that contextual factors such as cultural issues play in shaping couples? stress experiences and coping responses (Falconier et al., 2016; Bodenmann et al., 2016). Despite this acknowledgement, contextual factors have only recently received greater attention and have been explicitly included in research studies (for a review, see Falconier et al., 2016; Falconier & Kuhn, 2019). In the present study, understanding racial discrimination toward African Americans not only meant comprehending the stressor at the center of this research. It also meant considering the context of racism in which African Americans have lived and its effect on their lives. Therefore, before reviewing the STM body of knowledge, the current literature review first discusses racism toward African Americans using Jones? theory of levels of racism (2000), African Americans? gender differences in their experience of racism, and heterosexual African American couples? relationships. Then, dyadic coping and specifically the STM are reviewed and discussed in relation to African American couples? coping with racial discrimination. Finally, I present the research questions and framework. 10 Racism toward African Americans To investigate African American couples? coping with racial discrimination, it is necessary to understand the constant and generational trauma of racism that they face. It is impossible for this chapter to review all the literature on racism in America, which encompasses 250 years of slavery; 100 years of Jim Crow laws; and high rates of incarceration rates, segregation, and unanswered calls for action after police shootings of unarmed Black Americans (Kendi, 2019). However, it is crucial to highlight how the current paper views racial discrimination, revealing the epistemological assumptions that guide this research. This paper views race as a social construct that captures the impacts of racism rather than as a biological construct that reflects innate differences in a population (Jones et al., 1991). A closer examination of the definition of race shows that this concept was created by Eurocentric ideology, which assigns human worth and social status using ?white? as the model of humanity to establish and maintain privilege and power (Jones & Carter, 1996). Thus, race is a socially constructed concept, and racism is an ideology or organized system of superiority that leads to discriminatory and prejudicial behavior (Pieterse et al., 2012). According to Jones (2000), racism is present at every system level: at an institutionalized (or structural), personally mediated, and internal level. The level of institutionalized racism is defined as ?differential access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society by race? (Jones, 2000, p. 1212). Structural racism is embedded in every institution, ranging from law to cultural customs. Institutionalized racism can be an active act of discrimination or passive inaction in the face of need. Further, it can be considered in both material conditions and access to power. Material conditions include differential access to quality education, housing, employment, appropriate medical services, and 11 a clean environment. Access to power may include differential access to information, resources, and voice (Jones, 2000). The couples in this research are, then, embedded in a society that systemically oppresses them based on their race. The next level of racism is personally mediated. It is ?defined as prejudice and discrimination, where prejudice is differential assumptions about the abilities, motives, and intents of others by race, and discrimination is differential actions toward others by race? (Jones, 2000 p. 1212). Although individuals may not consciously be racist, their biases and prejudices may be manifested in more subtle and unconscious ways (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2006). As a result, personally mediated racism may no longer be as overt as it may have been in the past and often takes more subtle forms (Sue & Spanierman, 2020). This type of discrimination has been identified as microaggression. Racial microaggressions are brief, commonplace, and everyday verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color (Sue & Spanierman, 2020). Microaggressions have been divided into three basic categories: micro-assault, micro-insult, and micro-invalidation. Micro-assaults are explicit derogations characterized by verbal or nonverbal attacks aiming to hurt through name-calling, avoidance behavior, or purposeful discriminatory actions. Micro-insults involve communications that convey rudeness and insensitivity and humiliate a person based on their heritage or identity. Micro-invalidations include communications that invalidate a person?s psychological thoughts, feelings, or experiential realities (Sue et al., 2007). The third level of racism described by Jones (2000) is internalized racism. She defined it as follows: 12 Internalized racism defined as acceptance by members of the stigmatized races of negative messages about their own abilities and intrinsic worth...It involves accepting limitations to one?s own full humanity, including one?s dreams, one?s right to self- determination, and one?s range of self-expression. It manifests itself as an embracing of ?whiteness?...; self-devaluation?; and resignation, helplessness, and hopelessness. (p. 1213) Racism has had a devastating impact on African Americans in general, and many studies have also demonstrated its negative impact on individuals. For instance, perceptions of everyday racial discrimination have shown to correlate with many adverse health outcomes for individuals, including increased rates of stroke, high blood pressure, anxiety, depression (Williams et al., 2019), birth outcomes (Chae et al., 2018), women?s healthcare (McCloskey et al., 2021), cancer onset and treatment (McGee, 2021), poor sleep patterns (Lewis et al., 2012), and visceral fat (Lewis et al., 2011). Research demonstrates that micro-aggression creates biological stress and emotional, cognitive, and behavioral difficulties (Sue & Spanierman, 2020). Health can be adversely affected by simply anticipating racial discrimination (Sawyer et al., 2012) or by being self-conscious of one?s stigmatized status (Orom et al., 2017). Racism is always present, impacting not only quality of life but the ability to live, as Black Americans have shown to have the lowest life expectancy (Arias, 2016). Current events further underline the ongoing impact of racism. For instance, the COVID- 19 pandemic has hit Black people the hardest (Dyer, 2020), and the killing of unarmed Black people continues unabated (Embrick, 2015). In addition, according to US Census Household Pulse data, in the week following George Floyd?s death, depression and anxiety increased in 13 severity among Black Americans at significantly higher rates than in White Americans (Eichstaedt et al., 2021). However, studies examining the impact of racial discrimination did not consider the impact of racial discrimination on the couple relationship and their coping strategies. The present study seeks to fill that gap. In doing so in heterosexual couples, it must also examine potential gender differences in the stress experiences of and coping with racial discrimination. As a result, gendered racism and gendered coping with racism are reviewed. African Americans? Gender Differences in the Experience of Racism Gender can alter African American couples? experiences of and coping with racial discrimination. Studies consistently demonstrate that Black women suffer from discrimination because of race and its intersection with gender, causing psychological distress (Moradi & Subich, 2003). Black women experience several forms of institutional racism and sexism, which is referred to as gendered racism (Essed, 1991). The negative effect of gendered racism on Black Americans' mental health, particularly Black women, has been well established in the literature (Paradies et al., 2015; Pieterse et al., 2012). Shorter-Gooden (2004) examined Black women?s experiences of discrimination in America and found that racist attitudes lead to a unique and more aggressive form of sexism for Black women. Another study on 189 socioeconomically diverse African American women aged 21 to 78 measured generic stress, race-related stress, and gender-related stress. It uncovered that all stressors equally contributed to African American women?s stress (Woods-Giscomb? & Lobel, 2008). Consequently, stress due to racism should be considered with the intersection of stress due to racism and sexism (Giscomb? & Lobel, 2005). Similarly, Black men?s experiences of racial discrimination are both racialized and gendered. For instance, in his study of ?marginalized Black men,? nearly all of Young?s (2004) 14 participants had been detained by the police at some point, often for being ?in the wrong place at the wrong time? (p. 119). Black men also have higher unemployment and incarceration rates than Black women and lower rates of college education (Tucker & Mitchell-Kernan, 1995). Even if Black men attain education and economic security, they are at higher risk for depression (Assari et al., 2018). In addition, qualitative research about microaggressions experienced by Black women and men found that Black women described being rendered invisible while Black men felt greater attention to their actions (Pitcan et al., 2018). Black women also spontaneously addressed their experiences of being stereotyped based on their identities as Black and female, whereas the men did not talk about gender (Pitcan et al., 2018). Quantitative and qualitative studies have shown that Black men and women experience some aspects of racial discrimination differently because of the intersection with gender (For review, Furdyna et al., 2008), but no study has examined whether and how such differences affect African American couples? relationships or their coping strategies. The current research explores how gender impacts dyadic coping with racial discrimination for African American women and men in a heterosexual relationship. It is necessary, then, to consider gendered coping with racial discrimination. African Americans? Gender Differences in Coping with Racism Some differences have been identified in how African American men and women individually cope with racial discrimination. For example, research has found that Black women seek social support and turn to religion more than Black men when coping with racial discrimination (Lewis, et. al., 2012). Other research has observed that Black women cope with racial discrimination by using a unique active coping strategy?in other words, a mental and physical effort used to address a given stressor directly (Woods-Giscomb?, 2010). The specific 15 active coping technique Black women use is derived from the Superwomen or ?Strong Black women? conceptualization (Woods-Giscomb?, 2010). Black women are specifically characterized by a necessity to exhibit strength, suppress emotions of sadness, resist expressing vulnerability or dependence, be determined to succeed, and feel obligated to help others (Woods- Giscomb?, 2010; Woods-Giscomb? et al., 2015). In contrast, Black men have been found to cope with racial discrimination by developing heightened vigilance in anticipation of expected violent racial discrimination (Pieterse, et. al., 2010). Furthermore, scholars have suggested that a distinct racial and gendered context that shapes African American males? coping with racial discrimination (Assari et al., 2018; Mitchell et al., 2017). One of those contexts is embedded within the masculinity norms in America. Masculine norms are the social rules and expected behavior associated with men and manhood within a given culture (Milner et al., 2018). Adherence to rigid masculine norms may lead to worsening depression and anxiety and substance abuse (Chatmon, 2020; Mitchell et al., 2017). This might be because adherence to rigid masculine norms restricts behaviors (e.g., not crying) and leads to difficulty expressing emotions (Mitchell et al., 2017). African American men might uniquely conceal emotions and present themselves as strong and calm (Nightingale, Aweson et al., 2019) to fight negative stigmas (Kang & Bodenhausen, 2015; Navarrete et al., 2010; Purdie- Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Sidanius & Veniegas, 2000) and avoid being violently harmed (Young, 2004; Robinson-Perez, 2021). As a result, research has demonstrated that Black men may specifically cope with racial discrimination by concealing vulnerability (Pieterse et. al., 2010). The noted gender differences in individual coping strategies for racial discrimination among African Americans suggest that there may be differences in the way partners support one 16 another when coping with racial discrimination in the context of couple relationships. Given that no study has examined this possibility, the present qualitative study sought to determine whether there are any gender differences in the dyadic coping strategies African American couples use to manage racial discrimination. Relationship Characteristics of African American Heterosexual Couples African American couples have the highest divorce rate of all racial and ethnic groups in the US (Kreider & Renee, 2009; Bryant et al., 2010). Though, some researchers have overlooked racial discrimination when understanding these findings (Hill, 2006). This neglect has contributed to scholars? descriptions of African American couples as ?deficient? in some aspects of their relational behavior compared to White couples (Johnson & Loscocco, 2014). The current research intends to examine African American couples within the context of systemic and personally mediated racist structures. Thus, the following section considers structural race- related explanations for declining marriage rates (Chambers & Kravitz, 2011). African American men and women both report partner income and educational attainment as key factors in marriageability (Awosan & Hardy, 2017). However, higher rates of unemployment for African American men and the relatively high employment rates of African American women might place pressure on existing relationships and make it more challenging to start a relationship (Furdyna et al., 2008; Pinderhughes, 2002; Awosan & Opara, 2016; Awosan & Hardy, 2017). African American men are also less likely to be college-educated than African American women (King & Allen, 2009). As African American women move up the educational ladder, they report encountering fewer African American men whom they believe to be marriageable partners (McDaniel et al., 2011). 17 When marriage between educated African American women and less educated African American men does occur, the educational gap can cause stress in the couple?s relationship (Furdyna et al. 2008; Smith-Bynum, 2013). For example, determining the household labor division is a potential point of conflict (Furdyna et al., 2008). In addition, dissimilarities in education and economic status between African American women and men contribute to other differences between partners, such as church attendance and desired number of children (Burton & Tucker, 2009). These disparities could in turn contribute to the high divorce rates among this group (Smith-Bynum, 2013; Clarkwest, 2007). The stress due to the employment gap between African American men and women is exacerbated by the traditional marriage paradigm. This paradigm, which requires the husband to be the breadwinner and the wife to care for the children and perform most household chores (Johnson & Loscocco, 2014), is difficult for African American couples to achieve. Johnson and Loscocco (2014), for instance, noted that African American women receive unrealistic messages from the church and social media. They portray a ?wife? role that is based on middle-class norms, which harms African American couples. Though the U.S. workforce is comprised of more women than men, the former is expected to assume most household responsibilities. African American women in heterosexual relationships are required to work as well as take care of the household (Johnson & Loscocco, 2014). Moreover, African American women have roles unique to them, such as caring for the larger African American community, performing the emotional labor of enhancing the men, talking about race with kids, and tending to the family image of race loyalty. They may also be pressured to give men a false sense of control over the household to compensate the men for the loss of gender privilege within the greater community (Johnson & Loscocco, 2014). Some African American women might additionally accept the 18 expectation of the male breadwinner, extending the stress for the male partner to provide financial stability while he is being discriminated against in the workforce (Awosan & Opara, 2016). The Impact of Racial Discrimination on African American Couples There is limited research on the impact of racial discrimination on couple relationships (Cutrona et al., 2011; Lavner et al., 2018), and the findings of these few studies have been mixed (Doyle & Molix, 2014; Clav?l et al., 2017). Some researchers have noted that perceived racial discrimination detrimentally is correlated with lower relationship quality for people who are discriminated against, and this correlation is moderated through internalized stigma (Doyle & Molix, 2014). For African American couples, racial discrimination negatively impacted relationship satisfaction (Lincoln & Chae, 2010) and stability (Murry et al., 2001). Moreover, in African American couples, the romantic partner?s experiences of discrimination were associated with increased psychological distress for the corresponding partner independent from one?s own level of racial discrimination. Thus, some evidence demonstrates an interdependent impact of racial discrimination on each partner and the overall relationship (Barr et al., 2022). Findings regarding the associations between African American men?s and women?s experiences of racial discrimination and his/her own or partner relationship quality are mixed. One study observed largely non-significant associations between racial discrimination and relationship quality (Clav?l et al., 2017). The authors explained that racial discrimination predicts increased social support in African American couples because of the tendency to consider racial discrimination an uncontrollable stressor that neither half of the couple is responsible for. This then protects the couple relationship from the negative results of discrimination (Clav?l et al., 2017). These varied findings call for a new understanding of the 19 impact of racial discrimination through a qualitative method and a better understanding of African American couples? coping with racial discrimination. There is no existing framework for understanding how African American couples cope with racial discrimination. In lieu of such a model, the present study used an existing dyadic coping framework to guide the inquiry into African American couples? coping with racism. Specifically, the Systemic-Transactional Model was used because it is a systems-based model that emphasizes the interdependence between romantic partners? stress and coping processes (Bodenmann, 1995). It is also the most comprehensive dyadic coping model (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019), and it allows for the incorporation of contextual factors such as racism to provide insight into stress and coping in couples (Falconier et al., 2016). Dyadic Coping in African American Couples: The STM Perspective The field of dyadic coping was developed to introduce the complexity of stress and coping processes in the context of the couple?s system (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019). Within the couple?s relationship, partners? stress and coping processes are interdependent. Before dyadic coping was conceptualized, stress had largely been studied and understood as an individual phenomenon. In contrast, dyadic coping underlines that individuals cannot be fully understood without considering the relationships they are embedded within (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019). The phenomenon of dyadic coping has been conceived of through models that highlight different aspects of coping (Revenson, 1994; Coyne & Smith, 1991; Berg & Upchurch, 2007). The most widely used dyadic coping model is the Systemic-Transactional Model (Bodenmann, 1995, 1997). According to STM, one partner?s stress inevitably affects the other through cross- over, spillover (Bodenmann, 1995, 1997, 2005), or because the stressor is dyadic. Cross-over refers to the phenomenon in which one partner becomes stressed by the other partner?s stress 20 (contagion; Westman, 2001). Spillover refers to a situation in which one partner?s external stress spills into the relationship and creates internal stress, impacting both partners and the relationship (Bodenmann et al., 2007; Westman, 2001). Dyadic stressors affect both partners and are viewed as a common (or ?we?) stressor. African American couples could be impacted by both their own racial discrimination stress and that of their partner (contagion). It could also be that only one partner?s experience of discrimination impacts both partners through spillover. According to the STM, partners communicate their stress verbally and/or non-verbally (Bodenmann, 1995, 1997). Such communication may include an implicit or explicit request for assistance in the coping process (Bodenmann, 1995, 1997). In turn, partners may respond positively or negatively to the other?s communications of stress and requests for assistance or choose to ignore them. Partners? coping responses vary based on the type of stressful situation, personal characteristics (e.g., emotion regulation, attachment, cognitive styles, psycho-social history, and development), current circumstances, and the quality of the couple's relationship. Coping responses also depend on whether partners have individual, partner, or couple-oriented goals?in other words, depending on whether the focus is on themselves, the partner, or the couple relationship (Bodenmann, 1995, 1997). The STM describes negative and positive forms of dyadic coping. Positive dyadic forms of dyadic coping involve supportive, delegated, and common. Supportive dyadic coping describes a partner?s response of support to the stressed partner. Supportive responses may be emotion-focused (e.g., providing empathy, understanding, validation, etc.), aiming to reduce the negative feelings around the stressful situation, or problem-focused (e.g., giving advice, suggesting solutions), aiming to solve the problem. Delegated dyadic coping describes responses 21 in which one partner helps the other cope with their stress by performing tasks typically done by the stressed partner in order to make them feel less overwhelmed. Common dyadic coping refers to partners? conjoint strategies for coping with stress. Such strategies are symmetrical or complementary and can be emotion-focused (e.g., joint solidarity, understanding, joint positive reframing of the situation, relaxing together) or problem-focused (e.g., searching for information or solutions together; Bodenmann et al., 2016). Negative dyadic coping can be minimizing, blaming, mocking, distancing from, and disregarding the other partner. Negative dyadic coping includes hostile responses (e.g., blaming the partner for not coping well), ambivalent support (e.g., providing support but believing that the partner should solve the problem without that support), and superficial support (e.g., insincere support, support without truly meaning to provide support; Bodenmann, 1995, 1997). The STM states that a couple?s relationship is not only impacted by external stressors but that it can also be a source of stress itself (Bodenmann et al., 2007). Such stress can be extradyadic, outside the relationship, or intradyadic, generated within the relationship. In this regard, racial discrimination can be considered an extradyadic dyadic stressor in the context of African American couples, as both partners are likely to experience it. Interestingly, in the context of couple relationships, some stressors that have an individual origin (e.g., a medical condition, unemployment, etc.) are perceived as dyadic or ?we? stressors. Often, partners feel that the stressful situation affects both and that both therefore participate in the coping process (Randall & Bodenmann, 2017; Bodenmann, 2005). In regard to racial discrimination, one partner?s experience of racial discrimination may become a ?we? stressor as the other partner feels it affects them as well, involving them in the coping process. 22 Scholars have found that dyadic coping strongly predicts relationship satisfaction, regardless of gender, age, relationship length, education level, and nationality (Falconier at el., 2015b). Supportive dyadic coping is associated with relationship satisfaction in Latino (Falconier et al., 2013), European (Vedes et al.,2013), and Canadian couples (Randall et al., 2015). Delegated dyadic coping has been linked to constructive conflict resolution and relationship satisfaction for Latino (e.g., Falconier et al., 2013) and Western European couples (e g., Vedes et al., 2013). Similarly, common dyadic coping has been associated with decreased negative emotional expression in partners diagnosed with depression (Bodenmann et al., 2004), and helps work through grief (Bergstraesser et al., 2015). Dyadic coping plays an important role in couples? coping with a medical illness, with better dyadic coping contributing to partners? well- being (e.g, Traa et al., 2015). Specifically, common dyadic coping was associated with lower depression in both partners in a study examining Danish couples coping with breast cancer (Rottmann et al., 2015). Additionally, common dyadic coping improved physical well-being in studies investigating American women with breast cancer (Feldman and Broussard, 2006) and men with prostate cancer (Berg et al., 2011). Thus, dyadic coping can help gain insight into African American couple?s coping with racial discrimination and racial discrimination?s impact on their relationship. Gender Differences in Dyadic Coping Some findings have illustrated that dyadic coping strategies can depend on gender (e.g., Falconier et al., 2015a; Helgeson et al., 2022). This is expected considering the different social constructs regarding coping in men and women. In American society, women have traditionally been socialized to be more interdependent and have more caregiving roles than men (Cross & Madson, 1997). Numerous studies on dyadic coping have shown that in cultures with western 23 values such as the U.S, women are more likely to provide positive dyadic coping to their male partners (e.g., Bodenmann et al., 2010a; Falconier et al., 2013; Zeidner et al., 2013). Moreover, women tend to communicate their stress more often (e.g., Donato et al., 2009), while men are more likely to provide negative dyadic coping (Manne et al., 1999; Yokotani & Kurosawa, 2015). For example, research on the impact of daily difficulties on relationship satisfaction and dyadic coping has observed that female extradyadic stress and intradyadic stress had partner effects on male intradyadic stress and the male relationship satisfaction, respectively. These findings suggest that women?s stress from external and internal sources to the relationship poses more risks to the couple?s sense of satisfaction with their relationship (Falconier et al., 2015a). Research on the predictor of partners? emotion regulation for dyadic coping found that, in heterosexual relationships, only women?s emotion regulation skills predicted dyadic coping. This reveals women?s unique role in dyadic coping. In addition, although women may manage their negative emotions in ways adaptive ways for their individual well-being, these benefits may not always affect relationship functioning in the same way (Falconier, et. al., under review). When one analysis considered the cultural characteristics of the sample, it found that, in Latino men, traditional gender role orientation in men lowered the use of supportive dyadic coping (Falconier, 2013). Thus, some research suggests that gender consideration in dyadic coping can depend on the population's specific social location.. This may mean that gender has unique implications for the dyadic coping of heterosexual African American couples. 24 Dyadic Coping with Racial Discrimination in African American Couples To my knowledge, no research has used dyadic coping to enhance understanding of how African American couples cope with racial discrimination. Therefore, this section aims to combine research on African Americans couples? coping with racial discrimination and dyadic coping. Research has shown that Black Americans develop unique coping mechanisms to combat racial discrimination stress (e.g., Logie et al., 2014). The research emphasizes that Black Americans utilize their social support systems to cope with racial discrimination stress (e.g., Logie et al., 2014). Although discrimination is suggested to be a shared experience, little empirical evidence exists on the stress-coping impact in the context of intimate partner relationships. Some scholars have discussed that partners can provide each other emotional support by sharing their racial discrimination experiences, which can validate and provide a buffer to them (Nightingale, Jones & Smith, 2019). The systemic transactional model might, then, help explain how African American couples cope as a system with the stress of racial discrimination. The literature has observed differences in how African American women and men in heterosexual relationships cope with racial discrimination. The current study utilized the STM to explain those differences and show that dyadic coping can be gendered, impacting male and female partners in different ways (e.g., Falconier, 2013). McNeil and colleagues (2014) uncovered that spousal support moderated the effects of racial discrimination on depressive symptoms for Black men but not women. Another recent study on African American couples? coping with racial discrimination explored the stress-buffering effects of racism-specific support on the relationship between experiences of racial discrimination and one?s own and one?s 25 partner?s self-reported mental, physical, and general health (McNeil Smith et al., 2020). They observed that wives? mental health was more dependent on the husbands? experiences of discrimination (McNeil Smith et al., 2020). However, both studies described above failed to consider the variety of coping that the couples utilized together and the unique roles of each partner in the dyadic coping. To fill this gap, the STM, as a model that describes variety of couples coping, was used to explain the coping of couples with racial discrimination. The STM was adopted to consider the unique properties of the stressor of racial discrimination and gender?s impact on it. Qualitative Methodological Framework The current study used thematic analysis, a method for identifying, analyzing, and reposting patterns (themes) within data. The thematic analysis was guided by a constructionist theoretical perspective (Braun & Clarke, 2006), which posits that each individual finds meaning differently from the same object, experience, or event (Braun & Clarke, 2006). In addition, epistemological assumptions of constructivism assume that it is not possible to be objective. As researchers, we are not separate from what we study, meaning that the researchers themselves are not experts. Researchers introduce their own biases and must therefore maintain reflexivity throughout the research process, making biases an explicitly part of the research (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Qualitative research has previously been used to explore shared experiences in couple relationships (Eisikovits & Koren, 2010). Some authors refer to this as a dyadic approach because it focuses on the relationship as the main unit of analysis and aims to provide an ?understanding of the relationship between two people? (Thompson & Walker, 1982, p. 889). The advantage, as described by Allan (1980), is the opportunity to obtain data generated by 26 that interaction. The disadvantage of this approach is that interaction between the participants may unintentionally silence one partner?s account. Particularly when discussing sensitive topics, a partner may deliberately avoid addressing issues they might have otherwise voiced in an individual interview (e.g., Eisikovits & Koren, 2010). Thus, I took measures to ensure that couples have a place to share their thoughts privately. Research Questions This study sought to answer the following research questions: 1) What is the impact of Black heterosexual partners? experiences of racial discrimination stress on their relationship? 2) How do Black heterosexual partners cope as a couple with stress from racial discrimination, including when communicating the stress and responding to each other?s stress (verbally and non-verbally)? 3) How does gender affect each partner?s experience of communicating their stress from racial discrimination and responding to the other partner?s stress? As noted previously, intentional or unintentional stress communication (verbal or non- verbal) and partners? responses to such communication are parts of the dyadic coping process (Bodenmann, 1995). 27 CHAPTER III: METHODS Research Design This study employed in-depth semi-structured qualitative interviews to access the cultural context of the participants' experiences. The interview included a set of open-ended questions that created a systemized knowledge base concerning the main themes of the research (Naples, 2003). An in-depth interview method was chosen to gain further insight into the lived experiences of African American heterosexual couples? coping with racial discrimination. This method can also promote empathy and rapport between the researcher and the participants. The researcher?s reflexivity process was a major design consideration over the course of this research. Through reflexivity, emotional responses to participants? stories were monitored, especially when interviews became emotionally intense. Before conducting interviews, I explored biases and experiences that influenced data collection and analysis by keeping a journal. Journaling was used to document these responses and consider them in the analysis phase. I also ensured that the environment remained safe, informing participants that it was unnecessary to discuss any details they did not wish to disclose. This guaranteed that the conversation did not extend beyond their comfort level. by. Safety was created through my knowledge as a therapist and my nonverbal validation of the experience of racial discrimination. At the beginning of the interview, it was stated that this research was conducted with a commitment to social justice and with the understanding that discussing the subject of racial discrimination with a White person might be uncomfortable. Participants were reminded that they could stop at any time with no repercussions. The couples noted that this statement was helpful. 28 Participants Participants were five couples identifying as Black/African American heterosexual couples from Mideast cities. Eligible pairs were required to have lived together for at least one year, be proficient in English, and have self-reported experiences of racial discrimination. The current research excluded a variety of populations, such as same-sex couples and polyamorous relationships. In addition, couples in which one or both members identified as Caribbean or African were excluded. Participants used both Black and African American interchangeably. Flyers (Appendix A) containing pertinent study-related information and researcher contact information were distributed throughout the target geographical area. The advertisement flyer was posted on several social media platforms (e.g., Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook) and sent by email to community advocacy groups, university listservs (Appendix A), a variety of organizations, and within the university (Appendix B). Data Collection The research study and interview protocol were approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of Maryland, College Park. The Qualtrics survey containing all the identifying information was password protected and accessible only through my password- protected computer. Only the research team had access to the information. All identifying information from the Qualtrics demographic survey was deleted, and participants were given a pseudonym to maintain the confidentiality of the participants. Additionally, for the Zoom interview meetings, participants had the option of turning their camera off to further maintain their privacy and confidentiality, though all participants chose to have their cameras on. Only the audio recording of the interview was used when transcribing the interviews, and the audiotaped interviews were stored on a secure flash drive. Finally, a short survey was sent to each partner 29 following the interview, asking if they wished to add any details about their experiences with racial discrimination that they did not share during the interview (Appendix E). Procedures Upon receipt of IRB approval, I began recruitment using a snowball sampling method. Eligible participants were contacted by email or phone to schedule an online interview (Appendix D). They were asked to use a laptop or desktop computer with a video camera and to access the Zoom application in a quiet and private location. The interviewer conducted the conversations in a private and secure location such as a home office or a private/quiet space on campus. A link to the Zoom meeting was provided through email confirmation. The semi- structured Zoom interview then took place, in which the interviewer asked each question chronologically and followed up with probing questions as necessary for further insight (Appendix E). I explicitly informed participants of the ability to withdraw from the study at any time using the informed consent document and verbal communication, allowing time for questions and clarification. Thereafter, all participants were asked to respond to a demographics questionnaire (Appendix C). After the interview, each respondent was compensated with a digital $20 gift card. Instruments Demographic Questionnaire The demographic questionnaire (Appendix C) collected items about the participants? ages, education levels, incomes, relationship lengths, number of children, and children?s ages. 30 Semi-Structured Interview Semi-structured interviews were used to gather data on the impact of racial discrimination and coping with discrimination due to racism. The interviews (Appendix E) of open-ended questions with flexibility for follow-up probes based on participant responses. The interview script served as a guideline for the data collection process. Any reason for deviation from the script was explained in the reflexive journal. Post-Interview Survey At the end of each interview, a brief optional open-ended survey was sent to each participant to ask for any further information that they would like to share separately from their partner (Appendix F). Analytic Procedure Thematic analysis was used to identify, analyze, and report patterns (themes) within the data. Thematic analysis is a qualitative analysis method that involves examining a data set and identifying commonly recurring patterns (themes; Braun & Clarke, 2006). This was performed in five stages. First, I familiarized myself with the data by reading and re-reading the transcribed interviews. Second, I generated initial codes and, third, collected the codes and organized them into themes. Fourth, I assessed whether the themes reflected the coded extracts. Fifth, the themes were solidified, and a thematic map was created (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The results were then written in a manner that related the analysis to the research questions and literature, producing a scholarly report of the analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The data analysis began before the data collection with an exploration of the topic and my own work understanding the racism within myself and my communities (Daly, 2007). Making the decision to conduct research on African American couples as a White immigrant 31 required intentional exploration of discrimination within myself and my environment as well as my own experiences of discrimination. Mindful exploration of my own understanding of discrimination helped me avoid projecting my own experiences onto the couples and ensured that I was aware of my biases. The data was transcribed initially through Word, a function that provides the transcription of a recording. I uploaded the audio file to Word and used the transcribe feature that converts speech to text, with each speaker individually separated. Later, I listened to the interview and fixed the Word-generated transcription, adding descriptive components of the conversation such as laughter. During this stage I also continued writing in my journal, seeking meaning within the conversations and beginning to consider the codes and interpret the data (Bird, 2005; Lapadat & Lindsay, 1999). Using the Dedoose? software (2021), I began exploring different coding options, naming different segments of the data, and comparing them to one another (Daly, 2007). I coded what each partner shared and then compared their accounts to determine whether and where they agreed and disagreed. After coding, I returned to the interviews and re-coded them, searching for additional codes and ensuring that I used the code created in the later stages on the entirety of the data. I participated in the five stages of the coding process: 1) becoming familiar with the data, 2) generating initial codes, 3) searching for themes, 4) reviewing themes, 5) defining themes, and creating a thematic map (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Dr. Falconier read all the transcribed interviews (stage 1) and participated in the fourth (assessing whether the themes reflected the coded extracts), and fifth (creation of thematic map) stages of the thematic analysis. After further consultations with professors, I developed new names for themes and chose to concentrate solely 32 on categories about the couples? relationships. The extracts were read, and the coherence of each theme was ensured. Then, together with Dr. Falconier, I explored what story each theme tells and how it fits into the broader narrative of the analysis. A final thematic map was created, and the discussion and the result portion of this paper constituted a report of the told stories, making sure that the story had important meaning beyond the collected sample. Rigor and Research Quality Numerous strategies detailed below were used to increase the rigor and research quality (Cypress, 2017). Rigor is simply defined as the quality or state of being especially exact, careful, thorough, and accurate (Cypress, 2017). In qualitative studies, rigor is defined as the strength of the research design and the appropriateness of the method to answer the questions at hand (Cypress, 2017). The current study used peer examination to ensure rigor, specifically credibility and consistency. Credibility refers to the correctness and accuracy of a study?s findings. In a constructivist approach, credibility means the accurate and truthful depiction of a participant's lived experience (Krefting, 1999). Peers and faculty?s examination of the research idea and results helped establish a deeper reflexive analysis (Krefting, 1999). Credibility is maintained through peer examination because it allows the researcher to gain perspective and interpret the findings from different points of view. Two Black female professors reviewed the results and provided extensive feedback. The research was also discussed with four graduate students with different social locations during a Ph.D.-level qualitative data course. Peer examination helps maintain consistency, which is concerned with the stability, uniformity, and equivalence of a study. Dr. Falconier helped establish consistency by checking the research plan and implementation. 33 Credibility can additionally be established through an interview technique that involves creating a comfortable and safe environment for the participants to share the complexities of their experiences without leading them in a specific direction (Krefting, 1999). As a graduate student in the couple and family therapy program and as a child clinical psychologist in Israel, I have experience creating safe environments for exploration without imposing my views on others. I was able to utilize my ability to join with clients when I interviewed the participants. I ensured that participants felt my presence and compassion, even if I verbally refrained from validating them. The vulnerable emotions and stories that the participants shared are a combination of their openness and my ability to facilitate that openness safely. Finally, one of the major techniques used to establish rigor was reflexivity. Reflexivity guarantees both credibility of the research and the neutrality of the research. Neutrality is the practice of increasing the worth of the findings by decreasing the distance between the researcher and the participants (Krefting, 1999). Since the qualitative researcher is often considered a participant in the research and not merely an observer, they must maintain a detailed account of their emotional process. My process of reflexivity is detailed below. Reflexivity Reflexivity refers to the process through which the author?s own social position characteristics (gender, race, class) shapes the study. Reflexivity is a method for monitoring the researcher?s subjectivity throughout the process and the ways their sense of self changes through the experience (Daly, 2007). I am a White international student (pronouns she/her). In my childhood, my family and I emigrated from Russia to Israel and thereafter from Israel to the US. When I came to the US, I had an inadequate understanding of feminism, diversity, equity, and inclusion. Actively learning 34 about inequality, racism, sexism, and discrimination in America encouraged me to become more aware of the way I conduct myself as a ?non-resident alien? and now within my professional path. As I read more, it became clear to me that I will never be able to truly understand the depth of the racial trauma of African Americans and the coping mechanisms that they have developed. Like many before me, learning about racism in the US gave me words to better understand experiences of discrimination within my countries of origin and my social locations within them (Lentin, 2020). I did not want the participants to have the burden of educating me about the basic concepts of racism, discrimination, and microaggressions, so I continued my education on the oppressive systems that Black communities currently and historically face. Nonetheless, couples often asked me if I knew about certain concepts such as microaggressions, or if I knew what certain acronyms stand for (e.g., HBC/U). I appreciated their explanations, and I believe it allowed them to voice some of their experiences explicitly. Furthermore, couples did acknowledge my social location. Many times, participants shared their experiences in the context of my identity. I explained to the participants that I am an international student. I believe that this statement impacted the couples because they began several explanations by placing them within the context of the US, such as by starting sentences as ?here in America.? As a White interviewer, I also extensively deliberated about whether I should verbally validate the participants or simply remain close to the script. Through the reflexivity process, I learned that verbal validation would mostly serve me by reinforcing my own feeling that I was showing that I am social justice oriented. Consequently, I chose to remain silent and used my facial expressions alone to show the couples that I followed them and could sense their pain. For most of the interviews, I was silent, thanking them for sharing and asking the next question. I 35 believe that this created spaces in which the partners felt able to fully express their feelings and tell their stories. Couples shared that this was helpful. As these examples have illustrated, reflexivity (Daly, 2007) had an important role in the shaping of this research. Finally, during my coding and writing, the limitations of my social location became particularly clear. I sought feedback from my thesis advisor, African American professors, and colleagues. I learned that I had overlooked crucial details. My White privilege was evidenced by the weak language I had used, which had failed to emphasize the monstrosity of racial oppression. As a person who does not share the lived experience of the participants, and specifically as a White researcher aiming to better understand Black people, I fully understand that criticism was needed. 36 CHAPTER IV - RESULTS Demographic Characteristics Ninety-two couples showed interest in the research. Of these, the first five couples who met the inclusion criteria were interviewed. The couples all self-identified as African American/Black heterosexual couples from Mideastern cities, and all participants were born in the US. Four couples were married, and one was engaged; they had lived together for 3, 5, 12, 28, and 22 years respectively. They have yearly net incomes per household of $63, 105, 130, 140, and 230 thousand. All couples were parents: Three couples had two children and two couples had one child each. The ages of the women were 26, 28, 31, 41, and 57. Male ages were 26, 28, 36, 41, and 55 respectively. Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for all participants and includes all the pseudonyms used. Median income data provided by the US census was used to compare the current sample to the general African American population in the US, Maryland, and the District of Columbia (DC). The US median income for the year of 2020 was $69,994, while the median income for the African American population was $43,674 (Shrider et al., 2021). In Maryland, the median income was $87,063 and $69,964 for the African American community (Shrider et al., 2021). In DC, the median for the whole population was $90,842 and for the African American community $48,515 (Shrider et al., 2021). Thus, it seems that African American couples in the current study had overall higher income than the African American population in general. 37 Table 1 Demographic characteristics of the sample Yearly net income per Age a household Number Length of Relationship (Ye (US Dollars of relationship Pseudonyms Gender status ars) per year) children (Years) Education Imani Female Engaged 26 105,000 1 3 BA Some College or Associate Anthony Male Engaged 26 105,000 1 3 degree Laila Female Married 28 63,000 2 5 BA Malik Male Married 28 63,000 2 5 BA Nova Female Married 31 140,000 1 12 MA Carter Male Married 36 140,000 1 12 BA Zuri Female Married 57 230,000 2 28 PhD Zion Male Married 55 230,000 2 28 MA Denise Female Married 41 130,000 2 22 MA Amir Male Married 41 130,000 2 22 MA 38 Themes and Subthemes Themes were organized around two main areas of inquiry guided by the research questions: The impact of racial discrimination on the couple?s relationship, and coping with racial discrimination as a couple. Within each area of inquiry, different themes and subthemes were defined. Diagram 1 is the thematic map that summarizes both the themes and subthemes in each area of inquiry as well as their relationship to one another. Within the first area of inquiry, the impact of racial discrimination on the couple relationship, two themes were identified: ?My partner?s experiences of racial discrimination also affect me,? and ?couples feel connected through the similarities in the experience of discrimination.? The second area of inquiry, that of the couple?s coping strategies to deal with racial discrimination, included four themes. The first theme was ?talking about racial discrimination with your partner helps,? and this theme contains four subthemes: ?Making sense of past experiences of racial discrimination together,? ?women share it all and men are more selective,? ?women help men process racial discrimination experiences,? and ?providing understanding and comfort while communicating.? The other three themes in this area of inquiry were ?agree to disagree,? ?joking together to show solidarity,? and ?complementary gender responses in moments of racial discrimination.? 39 Diagram 1 Thematic map of the themes and the sub-themes. Coping as a couple with racial discrimination Talking about racial discrimination with Agree to disagree Joking together to show Complementary gender your partner helps solidarity responses in moments of racial discrimination Making sense of past experiences of racial discrimination together The impact of racial discrimination on the couple?s relationship Women share it all and men are more selective Women help men process racial discrimination experiences. My partner?s experiences of couples feel connected through racial discrimination also affect the similarities in the me experience of discrimination Providing Understanding and Comfort While Communicating. Note. This model shows the themes and the sub themes in the two major areas of inquiry, impact of racial discrimination on the couple relationship and the coping with racial discrimination. 40 Impact of Racial Discrimination on the Couple Relationship The first area of inquiry is the impact of racial discrimination on the couple?s relationship. All couples shared many examples of racial discrimination and the different impacts on their life. Racial discrimination is pervasive, and the overwhelming number of examples and harmful impacts of racial discrimination are beyond the scope of this paper. Instead, the impact on the relationship is highlighted in this section. From the data, two main themes developed: ?My partner?s experiences of racial discrimination also affect me,? and ?couples feel connected through the similarities in the experience of discrimination.? My Partner?s Experiences of Racial Discrimination Also Affect Me. All participants shared that they are impacted negatively not only by their own experiences of racial discrimination, but also vicariously through their partner?s experiences. All couples expressed that they are negatively affected by their partner?s experiences of discrimination. In situations in which a participant experienced (or heard about) their partner experiencing racial discrimination, the participant showed similar reactions as if the discrimination was directed towards them. They shared the hurt, deep sadness, protectiveness, and pain of the unfair oppression of their partner. Denise shared the pain of seeing her partner discriminated against: You know, just? it just hurts me as a spouse that like, I have to see him go through and experience discrimination and racism, because I know he doesn't deserve it. He's like a, uh, a great person and no one wants to see their other half or their significant others, being treated bad by other people, because we know how great they are. So, for me it's that's another point of like mental health and mental stress is just seeing someone else that you love, be treated unfairly. It ?weighs on?the brain and the body too. 41 Antony shared that when he hears his partner?s descriptions of racial discrimination it hurts: ?What ? she experiences [is] not uncommon. And it hurts. It hurts.? (Male, age 26). Laila also shared the pain she feels from hearing about her partner?s experiences of discrimination and wanted to underline that it is not normal even though it is so pervasive: ?I think it makes me feel offended. It makes me feel sad?he's used to it.? Thus, it seems that couples feel the pain of discrimination not only through their own experiences but also through the experiences of their partner. Couples Feel Connected Through the Similarities in the Experience of Discrimination. Couples shared that they felt a sense of safety in their partners? shared racial backgrounds, because of which they felt assured that they would be understood when discussing experiences of racial discrimination. Three couples discussed how sharing experiences of discrimination connected them, making them feel that they have each other as a safe space that shields from the constant harm of oppressive systems. Malik said that coping with experiences of racial discrimination brings the couple together through joint conversations ?[coping with racial discrimination] brings us closer together, because we [Short Pause], both have thoughts, but we have to come to a mutual consensus essentially.? Anthony says that processing past childhood experiences of racial discrimination made the couple bond: Some of the experiences we've had, uh, just specifically talking about like our childhood, it was really hitting home to me... Due to some of the struggles like her and I share we can connect and, I won't say like trauma bond, but [both Laugh]. That's what it feels like sometimes. 42 Antony talks about the importance of feeling that he frequently does not need to explain to his partner his experiences of racial discrimination, because they are both African American: ?Because we come from the black community like I don't have to put too many things [in words] ?she understands the deep size [of racism] ?she understands some of the groans that I have as a Black man. I understand some of the pain she has as a Black woman.? Coping as a Couple with Racial Discrimination A few key themes emerged from the data related to the couples coping with racial discrimination. These coping strategies served two purposes, helping both to navigate situations of discrimination as they occur and to manage one?s thoughts and feelings after an act of discrimination. The themes that came up are ?talking about racial discrimination with your partner helps,? with the subthemes of ?making sense of past experiences of racial discrimination together,? ?women share it all and men are more selective,? ?women help men process racial discrimination experiences?, and ?providing understanding and comfort while communicating.? Further themes in this area of inquiry are ?agree to disagree,? ?joking together to show solidarity,? and ?complementary gender responses in moments of racial discrimination.? Talking About Racial Discrimination with Your Partner Helps. All couples discussed the importance of open communication about their experiences of racial discrimination. During the interview, many times couples shared that they are familiar with each other?s experiences of racial discrimination. However, the ratio of communication differs among couples and between the genders. The subthemes in the current section chosen to better describe the different ways that couples communicate about racial discrimination. All couples share their past experiences of discrimination with one another, and this is organized in the sub-theme ?making sense of past 43 experiences of racial discrimination together.? However, only three couples explained that they are providing understanding and comfort to each other while communicating. The gender differences in the communication are expressed through the sub-themes of ?women share it all and men are more selective,? and ?women help men process racial discrimination experiences.? Denise provides one example of talking with her partner about racial discrimination, expressing that sharing experiences of racial discrimination helps her get validation: Let's just unpack this right here, right here right now. So, we do communicate with each other pretty well? sometimes I'm like ?did we experience this?? ?Is this in my head or did this really happen??. And he's like ?no, no, it really happened.? Making Sense of Past Experiences of Racial Discrimination Together. Participants shared that they talk about past experiences of racial discrimination with their partner, and that this helped them cope together with past pain caused by racial discrimination. All participants shared past experiences as far back as their childhoods and early adulthood, and how they now understand these through the lenses of racial discrimination. Of these past occurrences, at the moment of incident they might not have internally named it as being racial discrimination, but they had a feeling that something was wrong. There is a sense of value in acknowledging the experience of discrimination that was overlooked in the past, finding words to describe them. Imani shared an experience of racial discrimination she had as a child, sharing that she was stereotyped. Later, she explains how she coped with the experience then and how she is coping with it now with her partner: Like a few months ago ... I was, like wow like, they really said that [racist thing] ? it hurts now. But looking back I was definitely used to just like those comments ... But then we come to this place space in time, there's more language to define, like what those 44 behaviors were. So, then it didn?t quite matter or seemingly matter, but now it's like? wow, I have experienced this lot of stuff?. I don?t try to like to carry it as like, uh, woe, but it?s a part of the journey and like being able to like, share those stories with him and kind of reflecting through. Women Share It All and Men are More Selective. During two of the interviews the female partners shared that they heard about their male partner?s experience of racial discrimination for the first time or heard the full details for the first time. Amir shares that he communicated some of his experiences with his partner, but he will try not to share it all, so as not to cause her more pain: I don't share everything with her because I don't want her to, I don't know, it's just adding more fuel to the flame?It's just like ?hey, we, we know the deal I can handle it.? I'm gonna [be] an adult, I can move forward and so I won't say anything. Uhm, so I will keep things to myself where I feel like if it's not beneficial to her and to her healing. Four couples explained that the female partner feels more comfortable discussing matters of racial discrimination, while the male partner shares less. Nova explained that she shares every experience of racial discrimination with her partner even if its small ?...I share everything. Because I just, something happened at work. It could be the smallest of things, I'm like let me tell you about this, you know.? Moreover, throughout the interview Nova and Carter talked about Carter?s minimal communication regarding his experiences of racial discrimination. During the interview Carter shared that he is not as strong as he might appear and that he is vulnerable to racial discrimination. Later, Carter explained that he regrets admitting to this because he wants to appear strong: 45 I?m pretty vulnerable, pretty open to whatever is happening that we see has been happening in these last months almost a year now maybe? I?m just not, not as tough as I may seem?I kind of regret saying it? 'cause I'm a dude [Chuckles]. And you know, I, I guess the part of me is like, well, yeah, that's not something you tell somebody 'cause ? you want to be strong, especially in front of someone that's you know had this, maybe had this thought of me, you know, as being strong. Women Help Men Process Racial Discrimination Experiences. Four female participants shared that they not only communicate more about experiences of racial discrimination but also encouraged their partner to share his experiences of racial discrimination in order to protect the relationship and partner from the negative impact of racial discrimination: So, for me, I just wanted to make sure like within our relationship that we?re open and we talk about it and I?m trying to get him to do more talking, because? something could happen, and then. you know, there's this anger or frustration that we don't know where it's coming from. You are feeling down, you're feeling tired? and then we come to find out that it's something that happened at work or something that someone said. Denise shared how she helps her partner, who is more introverted than her, to talk because this is the only way she knows how to cope with racial discrimination: I talk more than he does. He's definitely, uhm, he's introverted, and he likes to keep things to himself. So, if he is experiences something, he maybe keeps it to himself. But for me, like I have to talk about it, so I have to say ?hey, it didn't make me feel too good. Uhm, you know we went to this place, and we experienced this [racial discrimination]? It is important to note that three men expressed that they do communicate with their partner their experiences of racial discrimination and see value in doing so, even if they 46 communicate less than the female partner. For example, Anthony shares that he feels comfortable sharing with his partner and sees the benefit in that: Sometimes I'll just. Just bleed out some of my pain. She'll wrap pieces of it and like connect it together. She'll share some of what allowed her to do that from her experiences, and how I can work on healing myself. Providing Understanding and Comfort While Communicating. Three couples talked directly about creating a safe haven for one another when communicating about experiences of racial discrimination. They described ways in which they contribute to the creation of this safety and comfort in order to protect the relationship and the individuals from the harm of the pervasive racism. Denise expressed that having space to process in the relationship is very important for her: I think the most important thing is just having [the] feeling like, uh, I have a space to talk about these things and we have a platform within our relationship that we can discuss and have compassion for each other when each of us faces something and needs to express ourselves. Imani shares how much physical comfort is important to her: Well, when I get nervous or anxious, his hands, when they're even like really cold, they just have this, like I can just put his hands and like press [them] down on my body. And it helps me to stay in it when things feel like I?m spiraling, or I'm just like really in a panic or whatever it is. There's that?which comforts me. It allows me to feel safe and be vulnerable. Laila shares the importance of wanting to hear and understand experiences of racial discrimination, even if the experience is not fully understood: 47 There's still certain things that he may not understand, or that I might have to break down to him because of the different experiences, but for the most part you know there is definitely the relatability and the wanting to understand [are helpful]. One female participant shed some light on the protective power of compassion when discussing racial discrimination. Imani shares, ?we have to have grace and compassion. We need to understand and know that even if our experiences aren't the same. If we share experiences? there has to be a lens of support.? Agree to Disagree. Two couples take the approach of ?agreeing to disagree? when they talk about experiences of racial discrimination, which means that the conversation ends with each of them having their own opinion. Specifically, when talking about experiences of racial discrimination of the whole African American community. There is a difference between female and male partners in conceptualization of the reason for the state of Black communities in the US and how to resolve it. Those two couples shared that the conversations which led to disagreement are about the conditions of the greater African American community. Zuri gives an example of how talking about racial discrimination with her partner leads to disagreement: Yeah, and I would say, and I mean, our differences in some cases and sometimes we bring up, Uhm, you know things that are going on just in the news or just in the Community? So, I would say we have some differences of you know how to approach the issues that are going on like in the city, major city like Baltimore. Uhm, so you know we we?ve had pretty much at this point, we just kind of agreed to disagree. Nova also shared that there is disagreement regarding racial discrimination, ?I think we differ on certain levels when we?re talking about racial injustice and discrimination so. Yeah, I mean we hear each other out, but it?s also kind of like agree to disagree.? In both cases above, 48 the female participant advocates that racism is impacting the lives of the Black community while the male partner acknowledges racism, but they have different understanding of its manifestations and what need to be done on order to combat it. Joking Together to Show Solidarity. Two couples shared that they use humor when coping with racial discrimination and that this helps them to feel more united as a couple. The pervasive state of racial discrimination and the constant assault to African American?s dignity creates a feeling of the absurdity of the unchanging conditions of oppression. However, humor helps to relieve some of the deep sadness and hopelessness of the absurdity of the situation. Imani shares that she copes with racial discrimination using humor, ??and I guess maybe even using some humor [Chuckles], to get like through it. Is, uh, something that happens today.? Nova shares that it is important for her that her partner engages in humorous processing of racial discrimination: I think the most helpful he could be is when he jokes with me. Instead of uhm trying to like, reassure me... Because the reassure doesn't work for me. I mean maybe to somebody else, but for me it doesn't mean anything 'cause nothing is changing. But if I'm joking about something and then he kind of adds in like another joke on top of it, to me, that's like that solidarity that I probably need more than reassurance that, [will not help, like] ?oh, you know, you're competent, your blah blah blah?. I just like, you know, having that solidarity with him and knowing that like we can laugh at stuff... I think for me that's probably the most helpful. Complementary Gender Responses to Racial Discrimination. All male and female participants acknowledged the importance of staying calm during discriminatory situations. However male participants underlined the need to stay calm more rigorously than the female 49 participants. All participants shared that they see the importance of naming racial oppression, but female participants underlined it much more. Three couples shared that they were able to learn from one another, developing new ways of coping that consisted of balancing their two approaches. Denise explained that her partner helps her stay calm and safe, specifically in public situations: If we're in a public situation, he's definitely the calming force. And over the years?because there have been times where I'm like, ?Oh, I'm angry, I'm walking out of here?. But uhm, you know, he's been the calming force and he actually tries to prevent things from happening if he sees it, he'll make sure we go in another direction or something like that Malik shared the importance of staying calm for African Americans, that it is a way to stay alive in the face of violent racial oppression: At the end of the day, historically as an African American, you can be right, but still be wrong, or still end up dead, or it still end up being hung, or still being up end up being killed. At a different point Malik explained how he as a man experiences racial discrimination, feeling other people fear him: ?As a black male, so that can cause a lot of tension and inferior or fear to other races.? This might be one of the reasons that male participants underlined the need to stay calm. As mentioned, all participants acknowledged the importance of naming racial discrimination. However, all female participants shared that they are more inclined to name racial discrimination and react with protectiveness and battle injustice. Three couples saw value in the female?s ability to underline the importance of naming racial discrimination. Three male 50 partners value the female partner?s encouragement to notice racial discrimination. Malik shares the value he gets from his partner?s ability to name racial discrimination passionately: Uhm, I would say the most helpful is actually her protection mode, and like seeing her passion because I don't go there first. I go from more of a ?I could be right, but I it's I'm still wrong? with like type deal. Like I could be right, but nobody gonna listen or whatever. But her passion and desire to want to express and share and speak up for that equality?it definitely is helpful for me, because at least it confirms the things that I feel. Three female partners value the calmer approach of the male partner. Laila talks about how she and her partner complement each other, how he helps her to stay calm and how she encourages him to name racism: We communicate about those things often, and sometimes, you know, we encourage each other to say something, and sometimes we encourage each other to not say something and just to move with grace and understanding that they would never understand. And you know that's just the fact of the matter. So, yeah, so we kind of help each other like cope through?those situations and ?for me I'm a reactor, like I would react off of something if I'm upset and I'm very vocal about it. He [Malik] on the other hand, is not as vocal, so he helps kind of calm me down and help me like, think about things before responding. Another couple described the male partner?s open mindedness, not expecting racial discrimination, while the female partner is prepared to experience and protect the family from racial discrimination. The couple describes that they were able to maintain this balance. Amir summarizes this: Being together I think was like was a blessing because we fed each other so I made her more open minded, and she also exposed me to some blind spots that I had. 'Cause I had 51 some [stutter] serious blind spots. In a perfect world I would love to just be Like ?hey, let's be super, uh, open and whatever?, but in the world that we live in, that's not the case. We can't do that. You have to recognize that there are some issues that need to be resolved systemically. ?. I think we balance each other out so she was like, you didn't, you don't notice this, but this is why this is happening. And then me being open minded helped her just being more open minded. So uhm, yeah, so it definitely has helped us as a couple. Finally, one couple shared that they complement each other when thinking about naming racial discrimination in the hope to improve the treatment of the African American community. They come together and think about whether naming racial discrimination is worth the personal sacrifice: Uh, we have to come together and figure out what's [stutter] most important is: focusing on the racial thing most important? or is focusing on the solution most important? and a lot of times as an African American race we have to avoid talking about the racial thing because it's been, it's deep rooted for so long where we just need to focus on the solution part. And unfortunately, that causes this system of racism to continue on. We just want to move forward, right? But you do need somebody to actually say ?OK, forget moving forward, let's stop, and pause and reflect on this right here, and so this doesn't happen again.? Right, uh, but that comes with much sacrifice. Results from the Survey Post-Interview Given the opportunity, three couples did not feel the need to add additional substantive responses. Two couples used the survey to express their thanks for the opportunity to share and to provide positive feedback about the interviewer. 52 CHAPTER V: DISCUSSION There is a dearth of research examining how African American couples cope with racial discrimination (McNeil Smith et al., 2020) and in turn how racial discrimination impacts their relationships (e.g., Broman, 2005; Lei et al., 2016). Moreover, research on African American heterosexual couples is often deficiency focused (Cutrona et al., 2011; Lavner et al., 2018). This qualitative study aimed to gain insight into the impact that experiences of racial discrimination stress have on the couple relationship and how couples cope with stress stemming from racial discrimination. Additionally, this study sought to enhance understanding of how gender impacts the communication of stress due to racial discrimination and coping. For that purpose, I conducted semi-structured interviews with five middle-to-upper-class heterosexual African American couples. Findings from these semi-structured interviews are discussed using the systemic transactional model of dyadic coping (Bodenmann, 1995; 2005). The discussion includes the study?s research and clinical implications and limitations. Impact of Racial Discrimination on the Couple The normalcy and pervasiveness of racial discrimination against African Americans in the U.S. has been well-documented. (e.g., Jones, 2000; Schwartz, 2020). Historically and in the present, generations of Black lives have been oppressed through dehumanization, stigma, implicit bias, delegitimization, segregation, and exclusion (Kelly et al., 2020; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; Jones, 2000; Tourse et al., 2018; Rothstein, 2017). The numerous forms of oppression present a unique stressor for African American couples, which impacts their relationship. The current research found that couples appraise the stressor of racism as dyadic (?we? stressor), and some also feel bonded in their similar experiences of racism. 53 In this study, African American participants reported being affected not only by their own experiences of racial discrimination but also by their partner?s. It was evident that witnessing or learning of their partner?s experiences of racial discrimination affected the participants deeply. This theme is consistent with a recent quantitative study on African American couples, who reported that a partner?s experience of racial discrimination was associated with both their own and their partner?s psychological distress (Barr et al., 2022). In line with the STM model (Bodenmann, 1995, 2005), the stress of racial discrimination spills over into the relationship, causing internal stress and making stress a dyadic phenomenon for African American couples. Racial discrimination is a dyadic stressor for American African couples because both partners experience racial discrimination and may even experience it in shared situations. Furthermore, it is dyadic because one partner?s experiences of racial discrimination may affect the other partner. Corresponding with the paragraph above, some couples felt that viewing racial discrimination as both partners? stress was a form of bonding. Couples felt understood by their partners and connected through their similar lived experiences of racial discrimination. In the current study, some couples explained that when discussing painful experiences of racial discrimination, they felt mutual trust, intimacy, and connectedness. This coincides with a recent qualitative study underlying that having the same race as their partner served as a shared cultural understanding for African American couples (Nightingale et al., 2019). Research on dyadic coping explains that people appraise their partner?s assessment of the stressor, which helps them determine the coping they will utilize (Bodenman et al., 2016). Research has shown that when couples appraise a situation more similarly, they are more satisfied in their relationship (e.g., Iafrate et al., 2012). The reason for the connection between similar appraisals of a situation and relationship satisfaction might be that the former helps a couple feel that the coping with that 54 situation will also be joint. Indeed, research suggests a positive connection among relationship satisfaction, common dyadic coping, and couples? appraisal of a stress as joint (Checton et al., 2015). For example, couples who cope with chronic illness and perceive the illness as ?we are in this together? are empowered by this perspective, sustaining high relationship satisfaction, and utilizing common dyadic coping (Checton et al., 2015). The same could be true for African American couples coping with racial discrimination; if they perceive that they are together in their fight against discrimination, they feel empowered and connected. Coping as a Couple with Racial Discrimination There is some variability of coping with racial discrimination within this group of heterosexual African American couples. Findings are discussed from an STM perspective. The theme of ?talking about racial discrimination with your partner helps? was present in all interviews. The finding demonstrates that communicating experiences of racial discrimination with a partner was important to all participants. This seems to be in line with a previous study that examined relationship satisfaction in mixed-race couples. The authors found that a general openness about the experience of discrimination can buffer its negative effects on the relationship satisfaction of Black partners married to White partners (Baptist et al., 2018). The STM (Bodenmann, 1995, 2005) argues that, when one partner?s resources are insufficient for coping with stress, they may communicate that stress to their partner to seek assistance with coping (Bodenmann et al., 2016). The current study therefore supports the notion that communication about racial discrimination is a necessary step for couples to cope with such a stressor. Discussing experiences of racial discrimination with a partner may serve as an implicit or explicit request for the partner?s assistance. Furthermore, participants in this study explained that 55 doing so may also help them make sense of past experiences of racial discrimination. The process of naming and understanding prior experiences of discrimination made participants feel empowered and validated. Recent research on therapy with African American couples has underlined the importance of partners sharing past experiences of racial discrimination with one another to promote connection through vulnerability (Nightingale, Awosan et al., 2019). The current research adds that, when partners share these experiences, the process may help them both feel more connected and better understand such experiences. The STM model is primarily used to explore how people cope with daily struggles (e.g., Falconier et al., 2015a) and illnesses (e.g., Checton et al., 2015) within the couple context rather than past traumatic experiences. Discussing past experiences of racial discrimination within a couple context might be an important addition to the model. All partners noted the importance of sharing their experiences of racial discrimination with their partners. That said, there were some gender differences regarding communication about racial discrimination. Some male participants described choosing to not share some experiences or to share selectively, noting that they needed to appear strong for their partner. Indeed, some female participants expressed during the interview that it was the first time they had heard about certain past experiences of racial discrimination against their male partners. In contrast, the female participants reported being more likely to openly share experiences of racial discrimination and to share them all. This gendered difference in the extent to which each partner shares their experiences of racial discrimination was organized in the subtheme ?women share it all and men are more selective.? Gender differences in communication have been documented in previous research on dyadic coping. Specifically, women have been found to communicate about stress more 56 frequently than their male partners (for a review, see Falconier & Kuhn, 2019), who are more likely to withdraw. (Kuhn et al., 2017). Some researchers have explained that gender differences appear to be more defined when partners experience negative effects due to stress (Gottman &Levenson, 1988). In stressful situations, women have traditionally been socialized to be more interdependent and have more caregiving roles than men. In contrast, men have been socialized to be strong and emotionally invulnerable, a reaction that might appear withdrawn (Cross & Madson, 1997). Much of the research on dyadic coping has not considered race and specifically the intersection of race and gender (Falconier & Kuhn, 2019). However, it is important to explore explanations of this phenomenon beyond gender and to consider the intersection of race and gender, because racism might amplify the gender issues present in heterosexual couples. Indeed, the intersection of race and gender leads to unique experiences that are not accounted for when considering solely gender or race (Crenshaw, 1995). Hence, men might have appeared less communicative, due to their gender, and their race. African American men specifically present themselves as strong and avoid communicating emotions to fight pervasive negative stereotypes that characterize them as lazy, hypersexual, violent, inherently dangerous, and irresponsible providers (Nightingale, Awosan et al., 2019). African American women also present themselves as strong, but research also found that Black women do communicate openly to advance the larger cultural goal of openly expressing opinions (Hecht et al., 2003; Davis, 2015). Black women use discourse strategies to successfully fight the silence imposed by oppressive structures (Houston, 1991). Throughout the interviews, both male and female participants explained that the female partner helped the male partner identify experiences of racial discrimination that they may have 57 overlooked. This might be perceived as supportive dyadic coping by the women toward the men. This was organized under the theme ?women help men process racial discrimination experiences.? All research on dyadic coping suggests that the man benefits from the (female) partner?s support more than the female partner benefits from the support of the male partner (Neff & Karney, 2005). This is because women are thought to be the emotional regulators in heterosexual relationships (e.g., Randall et al., 2013). For African American women, this role can be particularly taxing. Johnson and Loscocco (2014) explained that the role of a Black wife in Black marriages is difficult due to the unique roles Black women play. For instance, they devote time to caring for the larger African American community, perform the emotional labor of enhancing the men who face de-masculinization through racism, discuss race with kids, and tend to the family image. Quantitative research has uncovered that African American wives carry an undue burden of supporting their husbands due to the consequences of societal inequality (McNeil Smith et al., 2020). McNeil and colleagues (2014) also observed that the social support African American wives provide their husbands protects husbands from the negative effects of racial discrimination on mental health. Social support from husbands, however, was not a protective factor for wives. Findings from the current qualitative study align with the research described above and the claim that African American women are uniquely tasked with combatting persistent negative societal stereotypes. In the current study, women's ability to name racial discrimination impact some relationships positively. African American women might choose to name racial discrimination because of the ?Strong Black Woman? ideal that emphasizes strength, self- sufficiency, and resilience in Black American women (Davis et al., 2015). The ideal of the strong Black woman can be a powerful tool of resistance (Griffin, 2012), but it also can negatively 58 impact mental health (Abrams et al., 2019). Nonetheless, some of the couples explained that the male partner also has unique tasks within the couple's relationship when coping with racial discrimination. According to the STM (Bodenmann, 1995), common dyadic coping refers to partners? engagement in conjoint strategies to cope with stress. Partners may engage in symmetrical actions (e.g., both brainstorming solutions) or complementary strategies (e.g., one partner provides solutions and the other evaluates them). In the present study, couples engaged in common dyadic coping with racial discrimination in complementary ways. This was evident in the ?complementary gender responses in moments of racial discrimination? theme. Additionally, the complementary methods of couples? common dyadic coping in this study were gendered. Women tended to name and denounce racial discrimination, while men encouraged calmer responses. Both in the moment that racial discrimination occurred and when reflecting on it after, the partners agreed that women tended to protest and respond with more open expressions of anger than men. Both partners also agreed that men tended to prioritize safety rather than call out the act of discrimination. As a result, they attempted to remain calm and conceal their anger. One potential reason the male participants choose to remain calmer is the differences stemming from the intersection of gender and race. This is in line with the large body of literature that has stated that Black men are feared by Whites (e.g., Marriott, 2022; Hooks, 2003; Saint-Aubin, 2002; Pitcan et al., 2018). Because of the stigma that Black men are threatening (Hurwitz & Peffley, 1997; Robinson-Perez, 2021) and associated with guns (Payne et al., 2001), they are perceived as being at greater risk for police brutality and violent racism (Young, 2004). Research has also documented that people evaluate Black men more negatively than Black women, White men, or White women (Kang & Bodenhausen, 2015; Navarrete et al., 2010; 59 Purdie?Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Sidanius & Veniegas, 2000). In childhood, Black boys are perceived by preschool teachers to be the source of classroom trouble more often than Black girls, White boys, or White girls (Gilliam et al., 2016). Black women and girls are not immune to the violent consequences of racial discrimination; however, those are minimized in media coverage (Crenshaw et al., 2015). Thus, media is creating the perception that there are higher stakes for the racial discrimination of Black men in comparison to Black women (Crenshaw et al., 2015). In any case, the understanding that racial discrimination against Black men can be more deadly propelled the male participants to encourage the female participants to react more calmly to avoid being violently discriminated against. Some couples viewed the complementary methods of common dyadic coping as a blessing. Partners felt fortunate to learn from each other?s ways of coping with racial discrimination and were grateful to provide each other balance. Because of the shared meaning and the resulting shared vision for sustaining relationship satisfaction, this collaborative common dyadic coping is one of the significant positive predictors of relationship satisfaction (Falconier et al., 2015b). The benefits that common dyadic coping bring to relationship satisfaction have been observed across variety of cultures (e.g., Falconier et al., 2013b; Randall et al., 2015; Xu et al., 2016). Common dyadic coping is also linked with sexuality, romance, passion, constructive conflict resolution, shared meaning, and commitment (Ledermann et al., 2010; Vedes et al., 2013; Landis et al., 2014), and less verbal aggression and anger (e.g., Bodenmann et al., 2010b). Common dyadic coping has also been linked to decreased negative emotional expression in currently or formerly depressed individuals and their partners (Bodenmann et al., 2004). Researchers have additionally associated it with positive health parameters in couples where one 60 partner is coping with cancer and other health problems (Robbins et al., 2013; Rohrbaugh et al., 2008; Berg et al., 2011). Both partners in several of the couples interviewed for this study noted the importance of coping with racial discrimination by showing compassion for their partners and providing space and comfort to discuss the issue. These data were organized in the theme of ?providing understanding and comfort while communicating.? Partners emphasized the critical nature of discussing experiences of racial discrimination with a partner who can listen and provide both verbal and physical comfort. For example, one partner described the calming effect of her partner?s touch when experiencing pain and anger related to racial discrimination. This is what the STM (Bodenmann, 1995) describes as emotion-focused supportive dyadic coping. African American partners are in a unique position to provide each other a safe space to discuss racial discrimination and provide each other the understanding and comfort they need to cope with it. However, not all partners felt that they were a source of comfort and support for each other. Some couples in this study made it clear that each partner had different views regarding racial discrimination. Indeed, the disagreements were more apparent in issues surrounding racism toward the African American community at large rather than about their own personal experiences of discrimination. The theme of ?agree to disagree? describes that pattern. This pattern was specifically observed in discussions of racism within the African American community as a whole rather than partners? individual experiences of racial discrimination. In those conversations, couples reported that women emphasized structural racism, while the male participants presented a counter critical viewpoint of the African American community. How African American couples cope with political differences within the romantic relationship is a potential issue for future research. Political polarization could have consequences for couples 61 who can no longer communicate because of their divergent views (Israel, 2020). Moreover, it might be that the external stressor of racial discrimination in those couples becomes an internal or intradyadic stressor. This means that the couple?s dynamics are likely to be affected negatively by the decision to agree to disagree over their political understanding of the African American community. One study that examined the impact of stress from daily hassles on relationship satisfaction, well-being, and dyadic coping uncovered that extradyadic stress from daily hassles directly relates to lower psychological and physical well-being. In contrast, extradyadic stress was found to impact relationship satisfaction only when the stressor became intradyadic. Thus, it might be important to prevent the stressor of racial discrimination from becoming intradyadic for African American couples (Falconier et al., 2015a). One study supported the notion racial discrimination adds a stressor to the heterosexual African American couple's relationship in predominantly low-income couples. It found that experiences of discrimination were common among men and women and were negatively associated with relationship functioning (Lavner et al., 2018). In the current research, couples did not directly state that they were less satisfied in their relationships. However, the couples that did not feel bonded by the experiences of discrimination likewise did not report providing understanding and comfort when communicating. This group also did not express appreciation for complementary coping with racial discrimination. This finding reveals the importance of couples being able to create a conversation around race that is compassionate to differences and that underlines similarities. Couples who are able to learn from each other?s different ways of coping, feel more bonded by the experience of coping with racial discrimination together. Some couples described being able to process the similar and different ways they cope with racial discrimination in a playful and joking manner. This was expressed through the theme 62 ?Joking together to show solidarity.? Coping together using humor is a form of emotion-focused dyadic coping. Indeed, a recent study revealed an association between humor and positive dyadic coping (Lillie et al., 2021). Coping with racial discrimination using humor has a rich history within the African American community (Gordon, 1998; Watkins, 2002). One recent work argued that African Americans? humor, and specifically ?the verbal art of the insult,? is used to reclaim power (Outley et al., 2020, p. 4). Research has also noted that using humor can be a helpful tool when counseling African American college students (Vereen et al., 2006). To the best of my knowledge, no research, except the current work, has shown that African American couples use humor to cope with racial discrimination together. Research Implications The intention of the current research was not to homogenize the experiences of African American couples but to illustrate that racial discrimination impacts couples? relationship and couples? coping with racial discrimination. Furthermore, the sample in the current research referred to African American couples in a mid-to-upper SES, with higher education than other African Americans in the area and in the US in general (Shrider et al., 2021). Consequently, the results apply to middle-to-upper-class African American couples, answering prior researchers' calls to further examine this community (Smith-Bynum et al., 2013). Little research has previously investigated how African American couples cope together with racial discrimination; therefore, this study addressed that critical gap in the literature. However, the small sample size means that more research is required with a larger sample. It is also important to consider the diversity of the African American community and to conduct research with more specific populations such as those of different social-economic statuses and education levels. 63 The current research both amplifies what is common between the couples? dyadic coping with racial discrimination and notes the differences in dyadic coping strategies. African American partners seem to be in a unique position to provide each other a safe space to talk about racial discrimination and provide each other the understanding and comfort they need to cope with it?especially when they perceive racial discrimination as a ?we? stressor. Other couples expressed difficulty agreeing on their understanding of racial discrimination. This might impact their ability to cope with racial discrimination together. Future research should explore how African American couples cope dyadically and what coping strategies promote relationship satisfaction. It might be useful to use mixed methods, meaning both qualitative and quantitative, to better understand what might promote positive dyadic coping with racial discrimination. The current research demonstrated that coping with racial discrimination is gendered, although this finding might be due to the focus on gender binaries. Further research must account for a variety of genders and sexual orientations as well as further explore how couples conceptualize gender. Clinical Implications This study has direct implications for those serving the needs of middle-class African American heterosexual couples. As this was a small study, the findings mainly have the potential to create awareness of the impact of racial discrimination on a middle-to-upper-class African American heterosexual couple and dyadic coping. The current research could also provide insight into the critical role that gender plays in heterosexual couples? coping with racial discrimination and its impact. Furthermore, the findings informed the development of clinical interventions for African American heterosexual couples. 64 First, like prior research in therapy (Nightingale et al., 2019; Bean et al., 2002), I wish to underline the need to discuss race with African American clients. Racial discrimination is constant, and it is necessary to understand how couples experience it, how it impacts them, and how they cope. The diversity within the African American community does not, though, allow any assumptions to be made about experiences, impact, or coping. Thus, it is important to ask how couples identify themselves (e.g., African American or Black), their experiences with racial discrimination, and their process of coping with and understanding this discrimination. In these discussions, gender should always be kept in mind. This was supported by Mikle and Gilbert?s (2019) systemic review of the importance of culturally significant programs for African American couples' relationships. Second, therapists should ask about dyadic coping with racial discrimination, exploring communication styles and effective and ineffective coping strategies. The therapeutic process might benefit from a balanced approach to discussing racial discrimination. They could both encourage conversations about the harmful impact and the resilience of the community and the couple. Furthermore, the couples shared that their communication is gendered. It might be beneficial for therapists to deconstruct views of woman- and manhood and help partners understand how such views have influenced what and how they communicate to their partners about racial discrimination. Female and male participants both underlined the need to name racial discrimination but also react more calmly. In particular, men emphasized calmer reactions, whereas women emphasized naming racial discrimination. Helping partners explore their different responses to instances of racial discrimination might help them understand the value of each strategy and reduce the potential for conflict. 65 Third, the current study revealed that some couples feel bonded through their shared experiences with racial discrimination. Couples who described feeling bonded were the same ones who mentioned creating a safe space to discuss racial discrimination and complement each other. It might be, then, that the therapist should promote safety within the relationship. In other words, they could foster a feeling that partners can be vulnerable with one another and openly share their pain from racial discrimination. In contrast, couples who chose to agree to disagree when discussing racial discrimination often experienced conflict surrounding the conceptualization of African American community oppression and coping. In similar couples, the therapist might encourage empathy and compassion not only when discussing each other?s experiences of racial discrimination but those of the community as a whole. Fourth, the current interviews were conducted by a White couple and family therapist. A few steps were taken to create some sense of safety for the couples. The interviewer was described as ?slow to speak, quick to listen,? an important necessity for a White person when listening to racial discrimination. Even if a White therapist has the urge to validate the many experiences of racial oppression the couples experience, it might be wiser to leave more space for the couples to share. Instead, the therapist can validate using facial expressions and by thanking them for their trust. Additionally, it is important to avoid defensive responses and to react to feedback in a manner that is open to listening and taking responsibility. Finally, the current research implies that helping the couple feel bonded from their experiences by seeing similarities has important implications for their feelings of togetherness. However, it can be insufficient to ensure positive dyadic coping. This study showed that it is important to acknowledge both similarities and differences. Therapists should help couples view 66 their differences with compassion and respect so they can grow together. This can also impact each partner?s coping and make them feel united in the face of pervasive racial trauma. Limitations The current research was conducted by a White woman. This had implications in every step of the research. Nightingale and colleagues (2019) wrote that ?some couples discussed needing to speak in the same careful and constrained way with White therapists that they speak in the presence of White co-workers. Many couples admitted that they would edit and ?sugar coat? what they shared with White therapists (p. 54).? The race of the interviewer might have also impacted the way couples in this study discussed racial discrimination and their own relationship, portraying a positive image of the African American family. It might be that the couples that came to the study wanted to showcase their beautiful ?Black love? to combat the many stereotypes about African American heterosexual romantic relationships (Billingsly, 2016). This detail is both a limitation and a strength of the research. The couples might not have fully shared their struggles, but they nonetheless might have used their agency to promote positive stories of Black love. It is important to recognize that the sample consisted of African American couples of middle-to-high SES. There was a difference in age and SES within the sample, which might have impacted how the couples experience and discuss racial discrimination. Regarding age, a recent study used two generations of heterosexual Black couples to examine how racial discrimination experienced by a romantic partner was associated with poor health among Black adults. It found that older Black couples experience discrimination in different ways than younger Black couples (Barr et al.,2022; Sims et al., 2012; Smith and Ruiz, 2002). Additionally, the sample used was particularly small and thus did not have generalization power. 67 It has also been shown that Black Americans? experiences of racial discrimination vary by education level. People who have some college experience are more likely than those who have not to say they have faced certain discriminatory situations because of their race (Pew Research Center, 2019). Moreover, research on African American couples coping with racial discrimination found that, in higher socioeconomic status samples, ?Afrocentricity??a positive appraisal of one?s ethnicity and African culture?was positively associated with marital quality. This was not true, though, for the lower socioeconomic status sample (Kelly & Floyd, 2001). The current samples' higher socioeconomic status might, then, have implications for the ways couples cope with racial discrimination. Further research is needed to differentiate between socioeconomic statuses. Conclusion The experiences shared by African American couples in the present study revealed that the pain and trauma of past and present racial discrimination brings some partners together. They also showed that each of them is affected not only by their own experiences of racial discrimination but also their partners.? Couples further described the importance of communicating their stress about racial discrimination to each other and the different ways in which they cope with such stress. Their dyadic coping included support for each other as well as symmetrical (e.g., joking) and complementary conjoint strategies. In addition, their complementary strategies demonstrated how the intersection of race and gender also shaped their coping responses to experiences of racial discrimination. Some couples shared that they grew individually and as a couple by learning from each other?s ways of coping with racial discrimination, while others agreed to disagree about such experiences. Further research is needed to gain greater insight into the impact of dyadic coping with racial discrimination. That 68 said, the current study suggests that creating a safe space of compassion, despite differences in perceptions of racial discrimination, helps couples feel bonded, enhancing mutual trust, intimacy, and connectedness. Research on dyadic coping has emphasized the importance of apprising a stressor as a ?we stressor? in order to cope with the stressor together (Checton et al., 2015; Magsamen- Conard et al., 2014). It has also observed that similarities between the couples is an important component of greater relationship satisfaction and facilitates dyadic coping in a positive manner (e.g., Iafrate et al., 2012). However, I believe that it is not sufficient for African American couples to simply appraise the stressor conjointly and see the similarities in experiences of racial discrimination. It is important to also name the gender differences in the experience of the stressor. Acknowledging differences and similarities allows the couple to see each other as subjective human beings and learn from one another. This research illustrated that African American couples that are able to acknowledge the differences in their experiences, with respect and compassion, are able to also learn from those differences. It also allows them to bond and feel blessed that they have each other to cope with racial discrimination. Some of this conclusion was also driven by my own journaling process of exploring my own experience of discrimination. Acknowledging similarities and differences allowed me to learn from the couples and better understand them and myself. 69 Appendix Appendix A- Recruitment Flayer Art by Imani Lynn 70 Appendix B- Recruitment Email Hello [name], My name is Masha Kartashev and I am currently working toward an M.S. in Couple and Family therapy. For my thesis, I am examining the experience of African American heterosexual couples coping with racial discrimination. We are looking for African American heterosexual couples willing to have a one-hour interview via Zoom. We are currently recruiting for this study. You are eligible to participate if: 1. Over the age of 18 2. Born in the US and proficient in the English language. 3. Cohabitating for at least a year with your partner. 4. Both partners have experiences of racial discrimination. What is involved in participating in the study? ? A 5-minute brief questionnaire administered online, for screening and research purposes. ? An interview of both partners together, via Zoom lasting approximately one hour. The interview will ask questions about your experience of discrimination and how you coped with it within a couple's relationship. ? An optional Post interview open ended questionnaire. Each partner will receive a $20 gift card after the interview process. If you or anyone you know is interested in this study, please contact me at masha@umd.edu, or (240) 780-8543. Also, you can share the attached flyer. You can also contact Dr. Mariana Falconier at marianak@umd.edu. Thank you! Masha 71 Appendix C- Surveys sent before the interview. Screening questions Please answer yes or no to the following questions: 1. Are you over the age of 18? 2. Were you born in the US? 3. Are you living with your partner for at least a year? 4. Did you experience racial discrimination? Demographics Please complete the following form by providing information or circling the answer that applies to you Number that was given by researcher ___________ 1. Age 2. Gender 1. Female 2. Male 3. Non-binary 4. Fluid 5. Transgender Male 6. Transgender Female 3. Status 1. Married 2. Cohabitating 3. Separated 4. Divorced 5. Engaged 4. Length of relationship:??? (years) 5. Do you have children: Yes No 5.1.Number of children: 5.2. Children?s ages: (1)?.., (2)??., (3)??, (4)??, (5)?.. 6. Educational level 1. Some High School 2. High School Diploma 3. Some College or Associate degree 4. Bachelor?s degree, Master?s degree 5. Doctoral degree 7. What is your annual household income? ___________ ($ dollars) 72 Appendix D-Consent form Institutional Review Board 1204 Marie Mount Hall ? 7814 Regents Drive ? College Park, MD 20742 ? 301-405-4212 ? irb@umd.edu CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE Project Title AFRICAN-AMERICAN HETEROSEXUAL COUPLES COPING WITH RACIAL DISCRIMINATION Purpose of the This research is being conducted by Dr. Mariana Falconier and Study Maria Kartashev (Masha) at the University of Maryland, College Park. We are inviting you to participate in this research project because you indicated that you and your partner are over 18, identifying as African American, born in the US, proficient in the English language, living with your partner for at least a year and have experienced racial discrimination. The purpose of this research project is to understand how African American couples cope together with discrimination and therefore, you can only participate in this study if both, you and your partner consent to participate in it. We will use what we learn to inform policymakers, therapists, educators, or any providers that seek to help African American couples. Procedures I will ensure that you meet the eligibility criteria by asking you (by phone or email) and your partner if you are over 18, identifying as African American, born in the US, proficient in the English language, living with your partner for at least a year and have experienced racial discrimination. After ensuring that you meet the eligibility criteria, an email including a consent form and demographic survey will be sent to you. After both partners separately read and sign the consent form (by typing your name), and complete the demographic survey (5 min), we will set a date and time for a 60-minute online interview. You will be asked to use a laptop or desktop computer, access the Zoom application, and have a stable internet connection in a quiet private location. The interviewer will be also required to be in a private and secure location (home office or a private/quiet space on campus) to conduct the interview. A link to the Zoom meeting will be provided via email confirmation. 73 The interviewer will ask each question chronologically and will follow up with a probing question(s) as necessary for further insight. During the interview, questions will be asked about your relationship, experiences with racial discrimination and how you communicate about it as a couple. For example, ?When you experience racial discrimination and the stress that comes from it, do you communicate it to your partner? if so, how? What do you find most helpful of his/her responses to your stress for you and your relationship??. You can decline to answer any question that you wish or end the interview at any time. After the interview, you and your partner will be compensated with a $20 gift card per person, using an electronic gift card and an optional survey will be sent to you about the process of the interview (optional 5 min). Potential Risks and The study poses minimal risks. The sensitive nature of discussing Discomforts stressful topics may be emotionally distressing for you and/or your partner. It is possible that you and/or your partner may experience feelings of discomfort (e.g., sadness or anger) as a result of participating in the interview. I am a couple's therapist intern and have received training in how to monitor for any risk signals during your participation and to make referrals to a crisis center or a community counseling center, if needed. Some examples for potential risk signals include, but are not limited to dissociation (have an out-of-body experience), feeling emotionally numb or detached, heart-pounding, uncontrolled crying, or uncontrolled yelling. If you begin experiencing any of these feelings during the interview, please let me know. If you choose to seek professional help, please note that neither the primary investigator nor the University of Maryland has funds to pay for such services and that the costs of such services must be paid by you and/or your partner. However, the researcher will provide a list of no-cost/reduced-cost resources/services (such as the Center for Healthy Families that has a sliding fee scale). The intern-therapist might also use mindfulness and relaxation techniques in case of emotional distress (such as breathing techniques). You can skip any questions or end the interview at any time. If you experience any discomfort or feel overwhelmed by the contact of the interview, please let your interviewer know, they will 74 stop the interview and provide some initial help. They will also provide a phone number for a crisis hotline (Montgomery County 240-777- 4000; Prince George's County 301-927-4500). There is a potential risk for breach of confidentiality. This risk will be mitigated through password protection of any files and audio recordings, limited access to only PI and Co-PI, identifier redaction during transcription and Excel sheet that links identifiers to pseudonyms and dyad numbers being password protected and separate from any other data. Because of the sensitive nature of the data being collected, a breach in confidentiality concerning study participation or disclosure of confidential information represents a primary risk associated with study participation. Confidentiality could be breached by research staff or by participants in the study. The seriousness of the consequences of a breach of confidentiality would depend on the nature of the information revealed and to whom the information was revealed. Given the numerous steps we take to protect participant confidentiality, we think the risk of a breach of confidentiality is low. This risk will be mitigated through password protection of any files and audio recordings, limited access to only PI and Co-PI, identifiers redacted during transcription and Excel sheet that links identifiers to pseudonyms and dyad numbers being password protected and separate from any other data Potential Benefits There are no direct benefits from participating in this research. However, we hope that the findings from this study will help in understanding and addressing how Black couples cope with- and experience discrimination. Moreover, talking about this subject within a couple might help partners name their emotions, voice their feelings and further connect. Confidentiality We will keep everything you tell us completely confidential. We will record the interview so that we can be sure to get all the information correctly. Once our interview is over, we will use the audio recording to transcribe everything that was said, while identifiers are erased during transcription. Once we do that, we will delete the audio recording. In the meantime, the recording will be kept safe in a password-protected file that is only available to the principal investigator and co-principal investigator. Additionally, for the Zoom interview meeting, participants will have the option to turn their cameras off to further maintain their privacy and confidentiality. The Qualtrics survey that contains identifying information (no name or contact information will be collected), and the Excel sheet that links identifiers to pseudonyms and dyad numbers, will be password protected and accessible only through the password-protected computer of the researcher. No individual will have access to the information except for the principal 75 investigator and co-principal investigator. All identifying information from your interview will be deleted, and you will be given a name code to maintain your confidentiality and number identifying your couple. If we write a report or article about this research project, we will also never use your name or any personal information about you and your partner. Right to Withdraw Your participation in this research is completely voluntary. You and Questions may choose not to take part at all. If you decide to participate in this research, you may stop participating at any time. If you decide not to participate in this study or if you stop your participation at any time, you will not be penalized or lose any benefits to which you otherwise qualify. If you decide to stop taking part in the study, if you have questions, concerns, or complaints, or if you need to report an injury related to the research, please contact the investigator: Maria Kartashev (Masha) Department of Family Science School of Public Health University of Maryland, College Park Masha@umd.edu 240-780-8543 Dr. Mariana Falconier Department of Family Science School of Public Health University of Maryland, College Park marianak@umd.edu Participant Rights If you have questions about your rights as a research participant or wish to report a research-related injury, please contact: University of Maryland College Park Institutional Review Board Office 1204 Marie Mount Hall College Park, Maryland, 20742 E-mail: irb@umd.edu Telephone: 301-405-0678 For more information regarding participant rights, please visit: https://research.umd.edu/irb-research-participants 76 This research has been reviewed according to the University of Maryland, College Park IRB procedures for research involving human subjects. Statement of By checking ?Yes, I Agree? and signing your name below, Consent indicates that you are at least 18 years of age; you have read this consent form or have had it read to you; your questions have been answered to your satisfaction and you voluntarily agree to participate in this research study. You will receive a copy of this signed consent form. If you agree to participate, please indicate below No, I do not agree Yes, I agree NAME OF PARTICIPANT [Please Print] DATE 77 Appendix E- Script for Interview Thanks for joining me today. ? Do you have any questions that we can clarify about the consent form? ? The purpose of this study is to understand how African American heterosexual couples cope with discrimination utilizing their relationship. ? We will use what we learn to inform the field of couple and family therapy and the research community. Our talk today will take approximately one hour. I am going to ask you some questions to capture your perspectives on coping with racial discrimination within your relationship. There is minimal risk in participating in this study, you might experience feelings of discomfort (e.g., sadness or anger), please let me know and we can end the interview. If you feel uncomfortable with any of the questions, please let me know and we can take a break or you can stop answering the questions at any time. There are no direct benefits from participating in this study. This conversation will be recorded so that we can get all the information correctly. We will not use any names nor personal information, and when we present our findings, we will only generally describe what people think and feel. Nothing you tell me will be identified as coming from you. Once we transcribe this interview, we will delete this recording. In the meantime, the recording will be kept safe in a password-protected file that is only available to a few members of the research team. Your participation is voluntary, and you can choose not to take part at all or stop participating at any time. If you have questions, concerns, or complaints please contact Dr. Mariana Falconier at the University of Maryland, College Park (marianak@umd.edu). If you 78 agree to participate, please say ?Yes, I agree?. By doing so, you indicate that you are at least 18 years of age. You have read this consent form or have had it read to you; your questions have been answered to your satisfaction and you voluntarily agree to participate in this research study. Here?s a little about me: I?m a Russian Israeli woman and I have been in the U.S. for 4 years. I would like to acknowledge that I am a White interviewer. My White racial identity might be a source of discomfort when talking about racial discrimination. I am committed to anti-racism work within myself and my community. I have some knowledge of the literature on the racial discrimination experienced by African American people. Of course, I will never be able to fully understand your experience. Still, I committed to this topic because there are almost no studies investigating this topic. I will do my best and listen carefully to everything that you share. Please let me know if there is anything that I can do differently during the interview, and I will take responsibility for that. Thank you. Now we will move on to the interview. I will ask each of you a few questions, some of the questions will be pointed to one of you and some to both, I will let you know before asking the question. Before I start how do each of you describe your identity in general? How do you describe your racial and gender identity? 1. To Partner A: You qualified to participate in this study because you said that you had experienced racial discrimination. Would you mind sharing your experiences of racial discrimination? Would you mind providing some specific examples? 79 a. To Partner A: What is the impact on you? b. To partner B: What is the impact of Partner A?s experiences on you? c. To both: How have these experiences affected your relationship? d. How does your gender identity shape your experiences of discrimination?? Same questions 1 to the other partner 1. You have both shared in your experiences of racial discrimination, the stress that it creates for each of you and how you individually cope with that stress. Now I would like to discuss more what you do for each other and as a couple to cope with racial discrimination stress. a. To Partner A: When you experience racial discrimination and the stress that comes from it, do you communicate it to your partner, if so how? b. To Partner B: How do you respond when he/she shares with you or you notice that your partner is experiencing stress from an experience(s) of racial discrimination? c. To Partner A: What do you find most helpful of his/her responses to your stress for you and your relationship? (follow up probe if needed) d. What do you find least helpful? (follow up probe if needed) Same questions to the other partner 2. To Both Partners: If you were part of a support group and you had to advise to couples about how to cope with racial discrimination stress with your partner, what would you tell them? 3. To Both Partners: Is there anything from your experiences of racial discrimination and how you individually and together manage them that has not been discussed and you 80 think it is important for me to better understand your experiences? 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