WOMEN IN AMERICAN THEATRE, 1850-1 870: 
A STUDY IN PROFESSIONAL EQUITY 
by 
Edna Hammer Cooley 
I i i 
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate 
School of the University of Maryland in parti.al 
fulfillment of the requirements for the 
degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy 
1986 
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c Edna Hammer Cooley 1986 
APPROVAL SHEET 
Title of Dissertation: Women in American Theatre, 
1850-1870: 
A Study in Professional Equity 
Name of Candidate: Edna Hammer Cooley 
Dissertation and 
Approved: 
Doctor of Philosophy, 1986 
Dr. Roger Meersman 
Professor 
Dept. of Communication 
Arts & Theatre 
Date Approved: .;;Jo . i?p ,vt_,,/ /9 Y ,6 
u 
ABSTRACT 
Title of Dissertation: Women in American Theatre, 1850-
1870~ A Study_ in Professional 
Equi!:Y 
Edna Hammer Cooley, Doctor of Philosophy, 1986 
Dissertation directed by: Dr. Roger Meersman 
Professor of Communication 
Arts and Theatre 
Department of Communication 
Arts and Theatre 
This study supports the contention that women in 
the American theatre from 1850 to 1870 experienced a 
unique degree of professional equity with men in the-
atre. The time-frame has been selected for two reasons: 
(1) actresses active after 1870 have been the subject of 
several dissertations and scholarly studies, while 
relatively little research has been completed on women 
active on the American stage prior to 1870, and (2) 
prior to 1850 there was limited theatre activity in this 
country and very few professional actresses. 
A general description of mid-nineteenth-century 
theatre and its social context is provided, including a 
summary of major developments in theatre in New York and 
other cities from 1850 to 1870, discussions of the star 
system, the combination company, and the mid-century 
audience. Important social influences on the theatre, 
and on women working in the theatre, include the emer-
gence of the Women's Rights movement in 1848, the ''Gold 
Rush" and consequent westward expansion, and increased 
immigration. A discussion of the nineteenth-century 
view of women's role in society and the prescriptive 
ideal of "belle femme" wife and mother demonstrates that 
the American actress, successfully employed, constituted 
a contradiction of society's ideal. 
Two indicators of professional equity are dis-
cussed: career opportunities and salaries. A descrip-
tion of the careers of four actresses, Mrs. W. G. Jones, 
Maggie Mitchell, Kate Reignolds, and Mrs. J. R. Vincent, 
illustrates four differentiated career patterns open to 
women in mid-century theatre. The management careers of 
Mrs. John Drew, Laura Keene, and Mrs. John Wood are 
described to exemplify opportunities open to women as 
theatre managers. Additional information on twenty-two 
other actresses active on the American stage from 1850 
to 1870 is also presented. Research on wages paid to 
men and women in mid-century theatre demonstrates the 
degree to which women's salaries were comparable to 
men's salaries. 
The study concludes that from 1850 to 1870, the 
American theatre offered women opportunities for stable 
employment, long and varied careers, success as theatre 
managers, and a degree of economic equity with male 
counterparts which exceeded economic equity possible in 
other occupations. 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
PAGE 
Chapter 
I. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l 
Identification of researcb need .... 1 
Survey of existing research ........ 1 
Definition of problem .............. 7 
Methods, Limitations ............... 11 
Expected Outcomes .................. 16 
II. THE THEATRICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT....... 18 
Theatrical Context ................. 19 
Stock companies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 
Star system ...................... 25 
Combination company ... . .......... 28 
Audience. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 0 
Social Context ............... . ..... 31 
Women's Rights, Gold Rush ........ 31 
Westward Expansion ............... 33 
Immigration ...................... 35 
Women's Legal Rights & Social 
Roles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 7 
Employment for women ............. 42 
Women employed in theatre ........ 45 
III. SALARIES ........... - .................... 57 
Comparison of women's and men's 
wages in various occupations ...... 60 
Comparison of women's and men's 
wages in 19th-century theatre, 
1850-1870. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 
Comparison of average 19th-century 
theatre wages wi.th 1985 theatre 
wages. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 7 
IV. CAREER OPPORTUNITIES FOR WOMEN IN 
THEATRE , 18 5 0 -18 7 0 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 0 
Growth of theatrical community ..... 90 
Identification of career patterns .. 92 
ii 
Chapter 
TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) 
PAGE 
Four representative actresses ...... 96 
Mrs . W. G. Jones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 7 
Maggie Mitchell .................. 111 
Kate Reignolds ................... 124 
Mrs. J. R. Vincent ............... 140 
Three women theatre managers ....... 165 
Mrs. John Drew ................... 166 
Laura Keene ...................... 171 
Mrs. John Wood ................... 182 
Other women in mid-nineteenth 
century theatre, summaries of 
careers of twenty-two actresses .. 187 
Summary ............................ 219 
V. CONCLUSION .............................. 2 21 
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................... 226 
iii 
CHAPTER ONE 
INTRODUCTION 
Among the areas in theatre history research which 
have attracted attention in recent years, two topics are 
particularly significant for this study. The first is 
the study of popular theatre in the nineteenth century 
from a contextual, social-historical point of . 1 view. 
The second is the role of women in the American 
theatre. 2 However, present scholarship on both the 
nineteenth-century American theatre and on the women 
1Discussions of a social history approach to the 
study of theatre history appear in Attilio Favorini, 
"The Uses of Theatrical Past: Recent Theatre History 
Texts," Educational Theatre Journal 26 (December 1974): 
536-44; and in David Grimsted, "An Idea of Theatre 
History, An Informal Plea," Educational Theatre Journal 
26 (December 19 7 4) : 425-432; and in Orley I. Holton, 
"Marking Present the Past: Theatre History," _Quarterly 
Journal of Speech 60 (February 1974): 105-109. See~so 
Harold Clurrnan, "Actors The Image of their Era," 
Tulane Drama Review 4 (March 1960): 38-44. 
2
chinoy, Helen Krich and Linda Walsh Jenkins, eds. 
Women in the American Theatre (New York: Crown 
Publishers, Inc., 1981), pp. ix-x. The editors state in 
the Preface that this publication is the first anthology 
of essays on the contribution of women to the American 
theatre. 
1 
2 
a c tive in tha t theatre has been s c ant. Little at t en tion 
ha s b een g iven to the actors and actre sses wh o who 
wor k e d regul a rly in the theatre and wh o ma inta ine d 
success in t e rms of perennial appeal to audiences. In 
particular, virtually no in.formation h a s been compiled 
on the careers of women who performed in the popular 
theatre prior to 1870, with the notable exception o f 
frequent references to Charlotte Cushman. 3 
Actors and American Culture, 1880-1920 by Charles 
McArthur studies the development of acting as a profes-
sion during the last two decades of the nineteenth 
century. 4 McArthur introduces his work with a brief 
3Recent bibliographical works which will be useful 
to researchers who wish to investigat e performers' 
careers are Stephen M. Archer, American Actors and 
Actresses: A Guide to Information Sources (Detroit: Gale 
Research Company, 1983) and Don B. Wilmeth, The American 
Stage to World War I: A Guide to Information Sources 
(Gale Research Company, 1978). See also Don B. Wilmeth, 
American and En lish Po ular Entertainment: A Guide to 
In orrnation Sources Detroit: Gae Research Company, 
1980). Also useful for obtaining critical comment on 
performers is Donald Mullin, comp. and ed. , Victorian 
Actors and Actresses in Review: A Dictionary of 
Contemporary Views of Representative British arlcf 
American Actors and Actresses, 1837-1901 (Westport, 
Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983) which contains reviews of 
sta ge productions arranged by performers' names. 
4McArthur, Benjamin. Actors and Ame rican Culture : 
1880-1920 (Phil a delphia: Temple University Press, 1984). 
This book i s adapted from McArthur 's doctora l 
dis s ertation entitled Actors and American Culture 
(Univer s ity of Chicago, 1979). 
J 
s ummary of developments prior to 1880, but his overview 
provides little specific information which differs from 
that to be found in other standard histories of American 
theatre. 
Theatre 
In Glenn Hughes' A History of the American 
1700-1950 , 5 Barnard Hewitt ' s Theatre 6 U.S.A., 
and Garff Wilson's Three Hundred Years of American 
Theatre, 7 the major focus on theatre prior to 1870 is 
almost exclusively on major male stars, particularly 
Edwin Forrest and Edwin Booth. The most recent history, 
Ethan Mordden's The American Theatre, 8 sketches the 
development of theatre from 1700 to 1900 in twenty-five 
pages~ giving no more than brief mention to nineteenth-
century performers, with the exception of Edwin Forrest. 
Mordden does not mention any women active in nineteenth 
century theatre. The cumulative result of these his-
tories is an impression that few women worked in 
5Hughes, Glenn. A History of The American Theatre 
1700-1950 (New York: Samuel French, 1951). -·-
6Hewitt, Barnard. Theatre U.S.A. 1665-1957 (New 
York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1959). 
7wilson, Garff B. 
Drama and Theatre from 
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: 
Three Hundred Years of American 
Ye Bare and Ye Cubb to Hair 
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1973). 
8Mordden, Ethan. The American Theatre (New York: 
Oxford University Press, 1981). 
4 
nineteenth-century theatre, and that their careers were 
inconsequential. 
A recent work which begins to address the need for 
research on women in nineteenth-century theatre is 
Claudia Johnson's American_ Actress, which supports the 
major contention of this study concerning the oppor-
tunities available to women in American theatre during 
the past century. Johnson's work attempts to survey the 
entire nineteenth century, summarizing attitudes towards 
actresses, and presenting information on the careers of 
seven women whom Johnson describes as "unmistakable 
events" in theatre history. 9 
Research published in scholarly journals also 
neglects women in American theatre prior to 1870. I 
surveyed both the Humanities Index and America: History 
and Life, which each cite journals in which research on 
theatre history is published . The Humanities Index 
includes citations from the following journals: American 
Studies, The Drama Review, The Historical Journal, 
Journal of American Culture, Journal of American Histo-
'£;f_, Journal of American Studies, Journal of Popular 
Culture, Performing Arts Journal, Theatre Journal, 
9Johnson, Claudia. American Actress: Pers1ective on the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 984). 
Theatr e Notebook, 
:::: 
_, 
Theatre Research Inte rnationa l, 
Theatre Survey, Victorian Studies, Women's Studies. My 
e x amina tion of the Humanities Index, Volume I (April 
1974-March 1975) through Volume II (June 1984-March 
1985) di s closed a total of thir ty-six articles on 
nin e t eenth--century American theatre. Among the journals 
index ed in America: History and Life are: American 
Historical Review, American Quarterly, Historian , 
Journal of Modern History, Journal of Southern History, 
Missouri Historical Review, New England Quarterly, New 
York History, and Pacific Historical Review. This 
index, from initial publication in 1954 through 1985 
Supplement cites a total of one hundred ten articles 
having nineteenth-century American theatre as the 
primary topic. 
Among the combined total of one hundred forty-six 
articles on nineteenth-century American theatre indexed 
in the Humanities Index and America: History and Life, 
forty-two articles dealt with American theatre at 
mid-century, 1850-1870. Eighteen articles were primari-
ly concerned with women in nineteenth-century American 
thea tre. 
Nineteenth Century Theatre Research, a journal not 
indexed in either index surveyed above, began publica-
tion in 1973. I examined all issues of this journal, 
19 73 through Summe r, 1985 is s u e , and de termined that 
6 
nineteen articles about nineteenth-century American 
theatre were included. Sixteen of these articles 
contained material about American theatre prior to 1870; 
one article was about a nineteenth-century American 
actress. 
Women in the American Theatre by Helen Krich Chinoy 
and Linda Walsh Jenkins lists nineteen doctoral disser-
tations which study the careers of women who performed 
in the American theatre during the last century. Eight 
of the subjects were active prior to 1870. 10 My ex-
amination of the Comprehensive Dissertation Index and 
Dissertation Abstracts International identified one 
additional dissertation on a woman active in American 
theatre before 1870. 11 My search located twenty disser-
tations on the acting careers of men who worked in 
American theatre prior to 1870. 12 
lOThose actresses who had active careers prior to 
1870 and who are subjects of doctoral dissertations 
mentioned in Chinoy and Walsh are: Lotta Crabtree, 
Charlotte Cushman, Mrs. John Drew, Mrs. G. H. Gilbert, 
Julia Dean Hayne, Matilda Heron, Olive Logan, and Anna 
Cora Mowatt. 
11 Taylor, Dorothy Jean. Laura Keene in America 
1852-1873. Ph.D. Dissertation, Tulane University, 1966. 
This dissertation is not available through inter-library 
loan and is not on microfilm. Therefore, I could not 
consult this work for my study. 
12Actors who were active prior to 1870 and whose 
(Footnote Continued) 
7 
:'he li t erature search described above indicates ;:i. 
need for further research on American theatre prior to 
1870 and on the role and importance of women in that 
theatre. This study is intended to make a contribution 
t o that research need. 
My approach to this study has been influenced by 
the work of Gerda Lerner, who was inspired by Mary 
Beard's viewpoint that the history of women should not 
be governed by a central focus on women's oppression in 
a male-dominated society. 13 Lerner observes that much 
of the research on the history of women falls into two 
categories: compensatory history which focuses on the 
achievement of uniquely accomplished women, and contri-
bution history which describes "women's contribution to, 
their status in, and the oppression by male-defined 
(Footnote Continued) 
acting careers in American Theatre are subjects of 
doctoral dissertations are: George Becks, Edwin Booth, 
Junius Brutus Booth, John Wilkes Booth, Dion Boucicault, 
John Brougham, William E. Burton, William Crisp, E.L. 
Davenport, John T. Ford, Nat Goodwin, James A. Herne, 
Joseph Jefferson, Frank Mayo, John E. Owens, Edmund 
Simpson, Harry Bache Smith, William Warren, Jr., and 
Thomas Wignell. 
13 Lerna, Gerda. The Ma~ority Finds 
Placing Women In History (Ox ord: Oxford 
Press, 1979), xxi. Lerner refers to Mary 
Woman As Force In History (New York: The 
Company, 194 6) . 
Its Past: 
University 
R. Beard, 
Macmillan 
8 
society." 14 These inquiries, according to Lerner, have 
provided useful insights into certain aspects of women's 
experience, but Lerner contends that such approaches 
imply that women were passive and reactive. Such 
studies, Lerner finds, tend to minimize an examination 
of women's proactive choices and accomplishments, except 
as measured by male-defined indicators of success. 
Lerner acknowledges the obvious economic and profession-
al subordination of women over time, but she suggests 
that "The true history of women is the history of their 
on-going functioning in that male-defined world on their 
own terms. 1115 
The literature survey discussed earlier in this 
chapter indicates that a substantial amount of the 
history of women in mid-nineteenth century theatre falls 
into the two categories defined by Lerner. American 
Actress by Claudia Johnson and Women in American Theatre 
by Chinoy and Jenkins are examples of contribution 
history. Dissertations and biographies on the life and 
careers of exceptional actresses such as Charlotte 
Cushman are examples of compensatory history. A number 
of works describe the life and career of Cushman, who is 
14 Lerner , p. 146. 
15 Le rner, p. 148. 
9 
generally acknowledged to have been this country's fir s t 
great tragic actress and whose career was truly extraor-
. l6 d1nary.· However, the repeated mention of Cushman, and 
often Cushman alone reinforces the impression that she 
was the only American actress to have achieved success 
on the American stage in the mid-nineteenth century. 
Implicit in this erroneous conclusion is the judgement 
that any other women active on the stage at that time 
were of no significance in talent or accomplishment. 
Thus, after an encounter with such compensatory 
research, one might assume that the theatre prior to 
1870 afforded little opportunity for success to women 
other than the uniquely extraordinary, as exemplified by 
Charlotte Cushman. 
16Biographies on Cushman include Lawrence Barrett, 
Charlotte Cushman (Dunlap society, 1889), Joseph Leach, 
Bright Particular Star, (New Haven: Yale University 
Press, 1970), William Price, A Life of Charlotte Cushman 
(New York: Brentano' s, 1894), Emma Stebbins, Charlotte 
Cushman, Her Life, Letters and Memories (Houghton, 
Osgood, 1878) , James Willis Yeater, Charlotte Cushman, 
American Actress (Urbana, Illinois: University of 
Illinois Press, 1959). A recent disseration by Lisa 
Merrill, "Charlotte Cushman: American Actress On the 
Vanguard of New Roles for Women," New York University, 
1985) which studies Cushman as a role model for women in 
the light of nineteenth-century attitudes toward women. 
Discussions of Cushman are found in Johnson, pp. 
109-119, and in Wilson, A History of American Acting 
(Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1966) 
pp. 47-56. 
10 
In my research on min-nineteenth-century theatre, I 
found that a number of women maintained successful, 
lengthy careers in the American theatre. While limited 
extant records make it impossible to identify or enumer-
ate with exactness the total population of American 
actresses during that time, and while it is equally 
impossible to identify or locate any research materials 
on women who desired but did not obtain theatrical 
careers, one can assemble information on a number of 
actresses whose careers demonstrate that sustained 
success in the theatre was not limited to one or two 
extraordinary women. 
A number of questions arise concerning women who 
became actresses. Johnson's American Actress places 
heavy emphasis on the social stigma attached to the 
acting profess ion, particularly with regard to women. 
If, as Johnson asserts, the general view of actresses 
during the nineteenth century was that they were disso-
lute hoydens, then what kind of woman chose to be an 
actress? How apparent and forceful were these negative 
attitudes towards actresses? What rewards did a theatre 
career 
social 
offer to offset 
disapproval? In 
the disadvantages imposed by 
a time when most women had 
little occupational and economic freedom, how was the 
actress similar to or different from other women in her 
professional and economic options? Once employed with 
r-
l_ l 
s ome regular ity a s an actres s , did a woman have the 
optio n t o demon s trate autonomy in her c a reer? Could che 
actre s s ma k e choices about where she would work and how 
t o conduct her career? Were the options for women in 
the theatre s imilar to the options for men in theatre? 
Given similar employment responsibilities, how did 
women' s wages in 
thea tre? How did 
compared to women 
theatre compare with men's wages in 
women in theatre fare economically 
in other occupations? Could women 
assume management positions in theatre? 
I believe that the answers to these questions can 
be. found in an examination of the careers of women who 
have not been singled out by historians as "extraordi-
nary" among the community of mid-nineteenth-century 
actres s es. I contend that such women, choosing a career 
in the theatre and fashioning that career according to 
choice, are examples of Lerner's concept of "women 
functioning in a male-defined world on their own terms." 
In order to carry out an examination of acting 
careers, some choice must be exercised in deciding which 
actre s ses to study, which to exclude. The availability 
of research materials set parameters for this study. 
Within the limitations imposed by extant information on 
mid-nineteenth-century theatre, my survey identified 
certa in career pa tterns which are described in Chap t er 
Four. These car eer p a tterns exemplify the options op en 
12 
t o both men and women in mid-nineteenth-century theatre . 
To illustrate each career pattern, I have randomly 
selected a woman whose career reflects a choice to 
follow that career pattern. I have selected women whose 
stage careers are neglected in current research, and 
whose success seems to have been forgotten. My selec-
tions are subject to selection bias and cannot meet any 
criter i a for representativeness, a result of the limited 
extant information which rules out precise and accurate 
quantification methods. The methodology employed here 
is adductive, utilizing traditional documentary analysis 
to arrive at . . 17 1.nterpretat1.on. In assembling informa-
tion about these women as illustrations of specific 
career types, by addressing the questions posed earlier 
a.bout the mid-nineteenth-century actressp and by examin-
ing the manner and effect of these women's functions in 
17F d" . f dd . . . or a 1.scuss1.on o a uct1.ve reasoning in 
historical research see David H. Fischer, Historians' 
Fallacies (New York: Harper and Row, Inc., 1970), pp. 
xv-xvi and p. 1 ff. Fisher writes that the logic of 
historical thought ". . consists neither in inductive 
reasoning from the particular to the general, nor in 
deductive reasoning from the general to the particular. 
Instead, it is a process of adductive reasoning in the 
simple sense of adducing answers to specific questions 
so that a satisfactory explanatory 'fit' is obtained . " 
Also see Mary Ann Yodelis Smith, "The Method of 
History," Research Methods in Mass Conrrnunication, edited 
by Guido H. Stemple, III, and Bruce H. Westley 
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1981), pp. 
314-315. 
13 
the thea t re, I be lieve a perspective on the degree of 
succ e ss and the option s available to women in mid-nine-
t e enth- ~entury Americ an theatre becomes clear, permi t -
ting a more pene tra ting insight into the context in 
which the mid-ninet e enth-century actress worked. 
For purpo s e s of limiting and defining the study, 
the decades 1850 to 1870 will constitute the time frame 
for this inquiry. As I will discuss in Chapter Two, the 
1850's and 1860's were a time of growth and expansion in 
American theatre. Census data for these decades indi -
cates a substantial increase in the number of persons 
employed as performers. The Seventh Census of 1850 
indicates that 722 white males were employed as actors, 
an occupational category which included entertainers of 
various types (circus performers, acrobats, dancers , 
singers, etc.). 18 In 1860, the Eighth Census counted 
total of 1,478 19 actors. The Eighth Census does not 
state whether or not women are accounted for in this 
total. Unlike the previous census, however, women are 
18DeBow, J.D.B. Seventh Census 1850; Statistical 
View, Compendium (Washington, D. C. : Beverly Tucke," 
Senate Printer, 1854) p. 126. 
19Kennedy, Joseph C. G. Pofiulatior.. of The United 
States in 1860; Compiled From t e Original Returns of 
The Eighth Census (Washington: Government Printing 
Otri ce , 1864) pp. 656-657. 
14 
c l early include d in the table listing population by 
o c cup a tion in such categories as nuns and 
s e ams tre sses. 20 By 1870, the Ninth Census indicates a 
tot a l of 2,053 actors, including 1,361 men and 692 
21 
wome n . The ratio of men to women in theatre reflected 
in these numbers is 2:1. In comparison with the census 
f o r a ll occupations in 1870, in which men outnumber 
women by approximately 10 to 1, the male majority in the 
the atre was considerably smaller than in all other 
occupations b . d 22 com ine . There is no evidence to 
indicate that the theatre was overwhelmed by a male 
majority prior to 1870, and there is substantial 
evidence that within this small professional community, 
a significant number of women were active. This study 
will provide information on a number of women who 
managed successful careers in the theatre between 1850 
and 1870. 
This study will describe the social and theatrical 
context in which actresses worked from 1850 to 1870 and 
20Ibid., p. 668 and p. 672. 
21
walker, Francis A. Ninth Census (Washington: 
Gove rnment Printing Office, 1872) quoted in American 
Industry and Manufactures in the 19th Century (Elmsford, 
N.Y.: Maxwell Reprint Co . , 1970), p. 832. 
22Ibid., p. 808. 
15 
di s cuss two major factors which identify occupational 
equity: salaries and opportunity for careers. 
Since the number of males and number of females 
required to perform in a stage production is determined 
by the requirements of the script, hiring practices in 
theatre have always been tied to the nature of dramatic 
literature. Generally, plays call for more men than 
women. The reasons for this tendency throughout history 
may lie in patriarchal values, viewpoints that males and 
their stories make for better drama.tic fare~ or a number 
of other possibilities such as the predominance of males 
as playwrights. This study does not intend. to pursue 
these questions. Rather, given the observation that 
dramatic literature provides more roles for men than for 
women, this study assumes that equal opportunity hiring 
assuring an equal number of jobs for male actors and 
female actresses is seldom possible in theatre. There-
fore, in this study the investigation of career oppor-
tunity does not address whether there were equal numbers 
of jobs for men and women in theatre, but whether ~en 
and women, once hired with sufficient regularity to rely 
on acting for a means of support, had similar options to 
select a type of acting career which satisfied personal 
needs. To provide details which illustrate the variety 
and kinds of careers conducted by women, specific 
careers will be discussed. Four actresses whose careers 
16 
a r e illustrative of particular car ee r patterns will be 
discussed in detail in Chapter Four, Section One . The 
second section of that chapter will discuss three 
successful women who were both actress es and managers of 
theatres. And the third and final section of Chapter 
Four will summarize the careers of twenty ·-two other 
women who maintained active careers as actresses between 
1850 and 1870. 
The outcome of the study is expected to support the 
argument that women in the mid-nineteenth century 
American theatre enjoyed success, career longevity, and 
differentiated career patterns comparable to those of 
men in the theatre. 
Because this study will repeatedly compare the work 
of women performers with the work of men performers, I 
will distinguish the genders by using the traditional 
terms "actress" for women and "actor" for men. I 
believe this will avoid confusion for the reader which 
might result from adherence to recent trends to use the 
term "actor" to apply to both women and men. 
As a final introductory note, I wish to acknowledge 
the resources and assistance obtained at the libraries 
and collections where I conducted the research for this 
study. In the Washington, D.C., metropolitan area, the 
holdings at the Library of Congress provided most of the 
material for this study. In addition, ma terial s housed 
17 
at t h e Fo l ge r Sh ak e spea re Libra r y we re helpful, a nd 
r e sources at the public librarie s in the District of 
Co l umbia an d Montgomery County were us e d .. I made 
fr e quen t u se of materials from the McKeldin Library , 
Un i v e r s ity of Maryland, and the Montgome ry College 
Library, Rockville, Mary land. Useful information was 
al s o found a t the Howard University Library in the 
Cha nning Polla ck Theatre Collection. In New York City, 
I found important source material at the Lincoln Center 
Pe r f orming Arts Library and in the Rare Book Collection 
at Columbia University. I also visited the Harvard 
University Library Theatre Collection, which provided a 
wealth of primary source material. . Visits to the 
Research Library of the New York Historical Society in 
New York City, and to the Manuscript Division of the 
Maryland Historical Society in Baltimore provided 
valuable information. I also obtained useful informa-
tion by telephone and mail contact with the Pennsylvania 
Historical Society in Philadelphia. 
CHAPTER TWO 
THE THEATRICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT 
In order to understand the mid-nineteenth-century 
theatre and the significance of the careers managed in 
that theatre by women, a general description of the 
theatre and its social environment is necessary. In 
this chapter I will first provide a surrnnary description 
of the stock theatre context in America as it developed 
between 1825 and 1850. Then I will discuss the major 
theatre developments in New York City theatre during 
mid-century, 1850-1870, identify other cities with 
significant mid-century theatre activity, and discuss 
the major influences on mid-century theatre: the star 
system, combination company, and mid-century audience. 
The second section of this chapter will discuss 
the social context of mid-century America. I will 
summarize the major historical events of the time: the 
beginning of the Women's Rights Movement, the "Gold 
Rush" and westward expansion, increased immigration. In 
order to clarify the social attitudes which surrounded 
issues about women's employment, I will discuss the 
impact of the "cult of true womanhood," a term which I 
18 
19 
will define and attribute in that discussion. Informa -
tion will b e presented about women's employment 
opportunities in mid-century America, and I will discuss 
employment opportunities for women in theatre in the 
mid-nineteenth century in this country. 
Section One: The Theatrical Context 
During the first half of the nineteenth century 
theatrical activity increased in several American 
cities, notably Philadelphia and New York. From 1825 
on, the nation's theatrical center was New York, al-
though active companies were thriving in Boston, Phila-
delphia. and Charleston. During the period 1825-1850, 
theatres in these cities typically hired and maintained 
a company of several actors who could play a variety of 
roles. Each of these resident stock companies developed 
its own repertory of plays, primarily of English and 
European source, but including many new American plays 
as well. The plays tended to be either heroic tragedies 
in verse or sensational melodramas, and the stock 
company performers had to be capable of playing in 
styles suited to any of these kinds of plays. 
Stock company actors and actresses developed a 
"line of business," which meant that the performer 
played certain kinds of roles: the saucy servant, the 
dashing hero, the e lderly mother, etc. A particularly 
-I 
20 
versatile ac t or might be considered capable of "major 
business ," which me ant he or she was regularly cast in 
rnaj or r o l e s, though not necessarily type-cast in only 
one kind o f major role. 
The stock companies played several nights a week 
to an audience in cities which were relatively small by 
today's standards. 23 Theatres were able to draw con-
tinuing patronage by changing the bill nightly. This 
required the acting company to prepare a large number of 
scripts for performance, and within a given week, the 
actors played several different roles. 24 
New York became the most active theatre city 
during the nineteenth century. From 1800 to 1825 the 
Park Theatre was New York's most successful theatre. 
The Park presented standard drama (as opposed to operas, 
23 DeBow, Op. Cit., pp. 338-393, provides 1850 
Census figures for populations of cities and towns. The 
following city populations are included: New York 
515,547; Boston - 136,881; Philadelphia - 121,376; New 
Orleans 116, 375; St. Louis - 77,860; Charleston -
L.l, 985. 
24 Good discussions of the development of resident 
theatres appear in Barnard Hewitt, Theatre U.S.A. 1665 
to 1975, pp. 103-160; Glenn Hughes, A History of the 
American Theatre 1700-1951, pp. 90-161; and Garff 
Wilson, Three Hundred Years of American Drama and 
Theatre from Ye Bare and Ye Cubb to Hair.., pp. 56-72. 
Ethan Mordden, The American Theatre, provides scant 
information. Other relevant sources cited in Footnotes 
23, 24, 25, 26 and 27 which follow. 
2 J. 
spec cacles or other enterta inments) with a r egular stock 
company. Gradually other theatres opened in New York, 
many of them capable of seating an audience of 3,000 or 
mo r e persons, As business flourished, the New York 
theatre s began to operate six nights a week, continuing 
the tradition of changing the bill frequently. 25 
By 1850 the most prestigious New York theatre was 
t h e Broadway, with Burton's Theatre competing for the 
best audiences. Both the National ( formerly known as 
Chatharn's) and the Bowery continued successfully al-
terna ting classics with contemporary plays. Barnum's 
American Museum regularly supplemented its "curiosities" 
and other entertainments with the presentation of plays, 
and the Astor Place Opera House produced plays as well 
as operas. The Olympic closed in 1850, but Brougham's 
Lyceum opened and became popular. A variety of enter-
tainments ranging from ballets to concerts and including 
plays were available at Niblo's Gardens and the Castle 
Garden. During 1850 the large Tripler Music Hall 
opened, intended primarily for operas. In addition, New 
York had a number of minstrel halls and other places of 
ent e rtainment. In 1852 the Lyceum was taken over by 
James W. Wallack, who opened Wallack's Theatre in 
25 Hugh e s, pp. 90 - 151. 
22 
September to begin a thirty-year reign a s New York' s 
most consistently fine theatre. The decade of the 1850s 
began with flourishing theatre activity in New York, and 
the population of the city and the number of theatres 
was to continue to grow. 
By 1860 the Broadway Theatre had closed and the 
building was torn down. Laura Keene's Theatre had been 
built and opened in 1856; later it was to be re-named 
the Olympic. Burton's Theatre had been remodeled and 
opened as the Winter Garden, and the New Bowery Theatre 
had opened. In 1861 Wallack moved his company to a new 
and well-equipped theatre, and during the 1860s his old 
theatre was successively managed by Mary Provost and 
George Wood. The Worrell sisters managed another 
playhouse, and there were theatres for German and French 
drama. 
plays. 
The Academy of Music also began to feature 
In 1868 the Pike's Opera House opened, followed 
in 1869 by Booth's theatre. 26 
Thus, between 1850 and 1870, the New York theatre 
became firmly established. Growing stock companies in 
New York, as well as in other cities, offered consider-
able opportunity for the talented and theatrically 
26H . ewitt, pp. 161-217; Hughes, pp. 169-205; 
Wilson, pp. 144-180. 
23 
i nc line d. Ga rff Wilson states tha t by 1860 there were 
"pro bably more than fifty resident companies operating 
in the United States. 1127 In Boston the Boston Theatre, 
the Boston Museum, and other stock theatres entertained 
audiences through the mid-century decades. 28 Phila-
delphia's Walnut Street Theatre and Chestnut Street 
Thea tres operated during the 1850s and 1860s. 29 John 
2 7w· 1 146 1. son, p. . 
28Early theatre in Boston is described in W.W. 
Clapp, Jr., A Record of the Boston Stage (Boston: J. 
Monroe, 1853. Later Boston theatre is covered in Eugene 
Tompkins and Quincy Kilby, The Hi.story of the Boston 
Theatre 1854-1901 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company; 
1908). A detailed history of the Boston Museum from 
1841 to 1851 is Claire McGlinchee, 
The First Decade of the Boston Museum (Boston: Bruce 
Humphries, Inc., 1940). A summary of the Boston Museum 
from its founding in 1841 to its closing as a stock 
company house in 1895 is Howard Malcolm Ticknor, "The 
Passing of the Boston Museum," The New England Magazine, 
28:4 (June 1903) :379-396. 
29
see Arthur H. Wilson, A History of the 
Philadelphia Theatre 1835 to 1855 (Philadelphia: 
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1935). Also William 
B. Wood, Personal Recollections of the Sta~e 
(Philadelphia: H.C. Baird, 1855) written by t e· 
co-manager of the Chestnut Street Theatre from 1809 to 
1826. See also Francis Courtney Wemyss, Twenty-Six 
Years in the Life of an Actor and Mana er (New York: 
Burgess, Stringer an Company, 7 w ich covers 
experiences of the actor-manager from 1822 to 1846 in 
Philadelphia and Pittsburgh theatres. Barnard Hewitt, 
Theatre U.S.A., p. 488, refers to unpublished manuscript 
in · University of Pennsylvania Library entitled The 
Philadelphia Stage from the Year 1749 to the Year 1855 
by Cha rle s Durang. 
Ri ce ma nage d a p opu l a r theatre in Chicago, 30 a nd further 
west Ben De Ba r ma i ntained a summer season i.n St. Louis 
and mov e d hi s c omp a ny to New Orleans for the winters 
. h C . " 1 W 31 A · prior t o t e i v i ar. ctive stock companies were 
p opula r in Providen ce, Salt Lake City, San Francisco, 
d , h . . 32 a n severa 1. o t er cities. Long after the number o f 
30
see Rob e rt She rman, Chicago Stage : Its Records 
a nd Achievements (Chicago: Robert L. Sherman, 1947) 
which s u rveys Chica go theatre 1834-1871. 
31The most comp l e te history of New Orleans theatre 
is John S. Kendall, The Golden A9e of the New Orleans Thea tre (Ba ton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University 
Press, 195 2 ). See also James H. Dorman, Jr., Theatre in 
the Ante-Be llum South 1815-1861 (Chapel Hill: University 
of North Carolina Press, 1967) which summarizes growth 
of St. Lou is a nd New Orleans theatres in pre-Civil War 
yea rs, pp. 223-230. Dorman describes Ben De Bar's rise 
a s the "most important theatre manager in the south" (p. 
225). Dorman's sources indicate that theatrical 
activity in New Orleans continued despite the War. 
Other studies of theatre in the southern states are 
J ame s H. Dorman, "Thespis in Dixie: Professional Theatre 
in Confede rate Richmond," Virginia Cavalcade, 28 (Summer 
1978) :5-13 which describes the maintenance of three 
playhouses in the Confederate Capital during the war 
years. Se e also Joseph Patrick Roppolo, A History o~ 
the En lish Lan ua e Theatre in New Orleans, 1845-1861, 
unpu ishe P .D. Disseration, Tu ane University, 1950. 
32Theatre in Providence is described in George 0. 
Willard, History of the Providence Stage 1762-1891 
(Providenc e : News Company, 1991). San Francisco theatre 
even t s, including a listing of plays, dates, theatres 
and playwrights represented during the 1850s is found in 
Joseph Gaer, ed., The Theatre of the Gold Rush Decade in 
San Francisco (New York: Burt Franklin, 1935. Reprinted 
in 1970). See a lso Douglas McDermott, "The Development 
of The atre on the American Frontier, 1750-1890," Theatre 
Surve y, 19 (1978) :63-78, for discussion of three-phases 
(Footnote Continued) 
25 
stock c ompanie s had diminished, players who had spent 
years i n s u ch theatre s spoke appreciative].y of the fine 
t r a ining g round provided by the stock operations. 
Two developments were to have a negative impact on 
t h e stock company tradition. First the star sys tern, 
which h a d its genesis in the visits to America of famous 
Eng li s h actors such as George Frederick Cooke in 1810, 
Edmund Kean in 1820 and 1825, William Charles Macready 
in 18 26 and 1843, and Charles and Fanny Kemble in 1832.. 
Theatre managers discovered that the presentation of a 
star performer boosted ticket sales considerably, and 
gradually that s t ar sys tern eroded the stock company 
organiza tions. The tendency for American audiences to 
respond enthusiastically to visiting actors and actress-
es from England and Europe resulted in part from the 
"cultural inferiority complex" attributed by many to the 
(Footnote Continued) 
of theatrical development in the various frontier 
regions. Phase one was the strolling players and small 
family touring groups of 8-10 persons; phase two 
characterized by larger repertory companies (12-24 
persons ) touring a circuit of towns; and phase three 
typified by larger companies in larger urban playhouses 
with l ong periods of residence and less touring. See 
also Constance Rourke, Troupers of the Gold Coast of th~ 
Rise of Lotta Crabtree (New York: Harcourt Brace and 
Comp a ny, 1928) which provides descriptions of traveling 
per f ormers and working conditions in the California 
mining c amps of the 1850s and 1860s. Als o Henry Pitt 
Phe lps, Players of a Century: A Record of the Albany 
~~~  (Alb an y , 1880. Re issued 1972 by Benjamin Blom, 
Inc .). 
2. 6 
popula ce of the new nation. A strong preference for the 
"imported" star developed. 33 
The visiting stars typically played several 
performances in New York, Philadelphia, Boston and other 
cities. In each city the resident stock acting company 
played supporting roles to the repertoire of leading 
roles each visitor brought with him or her. This had 
three obvious effects: it reduced the prestige of the 
resident stock actor and actress to a supporting posi-
tion, the very large salaries demanded by stars affected 
resident company salaries adversely, and the system 
required that the plays presented be those which the 
visitor was prepared to perform. In most cases the 
plays were classics, often those by Shakespeare. 34 The 
aura of superiority surrounding the visiting foreigners 
may have reduced the possibility for many talented 
Ar.nerican perf armers to achieve equal degrees of pres-
tige. In fact, during the nineteenth century, most of 
those Americans who did achieve major celebrity in the 
theatre did so only after performing in London, where, 
if they were well-received, their right to stardom was 
authenticated for American audiences. 
3 \Jilson·, p. 60. 
34 Hughes, 97 139 pp. - . 
2 7 
Th e two maj o r n a tive-born American st a rs to emerge 
prio r to 185 0 we r e Edwin Forrest and Charlotte Cushman . 
Othe r star s s uch as Junius Brutus Booth, Mary Ann Duff, 
and Thomas Abt horpe Cooper were born in England. 
Wi ll iam B. Wood wa s b orn in Canada. James H. Hackett, a 
con t emp orary o f Forrest, was born in the United States, 
but hi s p opularity was eclipsed by Forrest. 35 
Forres t f irst achieved success in England between 
1836 a nd 18 45, and perhaps his experience set the 
prece dent f o r l a ter Americans who found the need to 
obtain a pproval f rom London audiences and critics. 
Forre s t was known mostly for his Shakespearean roles, 
and during the prime of his popularity a feud developed 
between himself and English actor Charles Macready. 
Followe rs of the two actors disputed the respective 
merit s of each man, and eventually the debate had tragic 
35The career of Junius Brutus Booth is summarized 
in Hewitt, pp. 98-103. Cooper's work is described in 
Wilson, pp. 32-33, and in Hewitt, pp. 42-ld and pp. 
72-76. Mary Ann Duff's success as a tragic actress is 
di s cusse d in Wilson, pp. 93-94; see also Johnson, 
Ame rican Actres s and Garf f B. Wilson, A History of 
Ame rican Acting. William B. Wood's career as actor and 
manager is mentioned in Wilson, Three Hundred Years of 
American Drama and Theatre, p. 92. James H: Hackett, a 
comic actor best known for portrayals of Falstaff and 
n at ive yanke e characters, is described in Hewitt, pp . 
1 23-124, a nd in Wil s on, Three Hundred Years of American 
Drama a nd Thea tre, pp. 92-93 . 
28 
results in the l oss of twenty-two lives during the 
no torious Astor Place riot of 1849. 36 
Charlotte Cushman began as a singer, but her voice 
failed and she turned to a career in dramatic acting. 
She was established as a leading lady by 1848, and from 
1849 to 1875 she reigned as this country i s major tragic 
actress. Miss Cushman was tall and somewhat masculine 
in appearance and bearing, a factor in her success, 
perhaps. Richard Moody speculates that these qualities 
helped to protect her from the scorn assumed to have 
accrued to more attractive actresses whose personal 
morals may have been held suspect. 37 In addition, 
Cushman's masculinity served her well in the custom of 
the time to have women play certain male roles (Romeo, 
Hamlet, and others). 
The popularity of stars encouraged tours to cities 
where audiences fi.lled the theatres to see these famous 
36 Account of the Terrific and Fatal Riot at the 
New York Astor Place Opera House (New York: H.M. Ranney, 
1849). Also described in Hewitt, pp. 147 ·-152; Hughes, 
pp. 150-151; Wilson, pp. 85-87; Mordden, pp. 17-18. 
37Moody, Richard. "American Actors and Acting 
Before 1900: The Making of a Tradition." The American 
Theatre: A Sum of Its Parts (New York; Samuel French, 
Inc. , 197 l) , p. 52. Moody's speculation assumes that 
attractive actresses were socially spurned. This study 
will later discuss that attitude as a generalization for 
which there is not s ufficient evidence. 
29 
I n these towns with establishe d stock com-
panies, the star performer arrived and played with the 
r esident stock actors and actresses. During the 1860s 
star s _began to travel with other performers who played 
some ,.: 0.L the supporting roles while resident stock 
company members filled the remaining parts. Gradually 
this arrangement gave way to the "combination company," 
the 
from 
term which identified a single production touring 
38 
city to city with the same cast. Production 
cos ts for the combination company were less than for 
maintaining a resident repertory company, and the 
manager who booked a combination company could count on 
higher profits owing to the public's eagerness for 
visiting performers. This trend encouraged many per-
formers to tour in plays which provided a starring 
vehicle for their talents, and a number of actors and 
38Poggi, Jack. Theatre in America: The Impact of 
Economic Forces, 1870-1867 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell 
University Press, 1966), pp. 4-8. Poggi summarizes the 
evolution from visiting star to combination company. 
See also Alfred L. Berheim, The Business of the Theatre: 
An Economic History of the American Theatre 1750-1932 
(New York: First published in twenty consecutive issues 
of Equity Magazine, July 1930-February 1932. Reissued 
1964 by Benjamin Blom, Inc.), pp. 26-27. 
J O 
actresses conm1it:ted years to touring agai!l and again in 
l: d . 39 t 1e sanie pro.uc t1. on . 
The combin.::-Jtj_on company system began to impa c t 
negatively on the resident stock company tradi.tion. The 
numbers of stock companies began to decline, and by 1880 
n 1 a few S t O k th t . . . 4 0 o. y c ea :res were 1.n operac1.on. 
Another influence on American theatre in the nine·· 
teenth century was, of course, the audience which 
supported that theatre. Many theatre historians and 
critics have reflected on the unique social and philo-· 
sophical characteristics of the American audience of 
that time. Jacksonian democracy in the first half of 
the century encouraged theatre fer the masses. theatre 
for the Common Man. David Grimsted (among others) has 
pointed to the optimistic view of life during the period 
from 1800 to 1850 as consistent with the moral order 
found in typical nineteenth-century American melodrama. 
In those plays the clear-cut distinction between vice 
39Joseph Jefferson played Rip Van Winkle in 
various cities for fifteen years. Maggie Mitchell, 
whose career is described in Chapter Four, toured 
thirty-six years in Fanchon, The Cricket and other 
favorite roles. A later example was James O'Neill, who 
first performed the leading role in The Count of Monte 
Cristo in 1883, and then virtually devoted decades to 
touring in the part. 
40 Poggi, p. 7. Also Be rhnheim, pp. 30-31. 
3 1 
a.nd virtue , the prot e ction of h ome (and symbolic femi-
nine chas tity), and content concerning social ills 
(unfair employment practices, financial scams, child 
abus e , h e a l th problems, etc.) all serve as reflections 
o f the audience's mentality. The tendency to stereotype 
characte rs, es pecially with regard to ethnic types and 
e conomic clas s types, probably mirrors social attitudes 
common at the time. The parallel between the melodrama 
and the attitudes and beliefs of the American audience 
assured t hat such plays attained general popularity. 41 
Revivals of the classics persisted as well and met other 
audie nce needs. 
Section Two: The Social Context 
The nature of the nation in 1850 was defined by 
its traditions, its important recent history, and its 
population. Just prior to 1850, two important events 
occurred which impacted in different ways on the subject 
of this study. 
41 Grims ted, David. "Melodrama as Echo of the 
Historica lly Voiceless." Anonymous Americans: 
Ex!;lorations in Nineteenth-Cent~_ SocTal History, 
edited by Tamara K. Hareven (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: 
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971), pp. 80-95. Also, a thorough 
study of the relationship between melodrama and society 
is David Gr imsted, Melodrama Unve iled: American Theatre 
and Culture 1800-1850 (Chicago: The University of 
Ch i c ago Press , 1968). 
3 2. 
l n 1848 . in Seneca Falls, New York, t he f i rs t 
wome n's rights convention, organized by Lucre ti.a Mot t 
and Elizabe th Cady Stanton, gave formal impetus t o s l ow 
bu t eve ntua l reform in legislation favoring equal righ t s 
for wome n. In the same year New York passed the first 
state law permitting women to control their own real and 
pers onal property while married; and by 1860 fifte en of 
the thirty-five states had passed simila r legislation . 42 
These events of 1848 heralded a change in laws and 
attitudes that eased the possibility for women to handle 
their own money, make their own investments, and manage 
the ir own businesses and careers. 
The second significant event was the discovery of 
gold at Sutter' s Mill, California, in 1849, and the 
42Discussion of the Seneca Falls Convention and 
its effects is found in Eleanor Flexner, Century of 
Struggle: The Women's Rights Movement in the United 
States (Cambridge & London: The Belknap Press of Harvard 
University Press, Revised Edition, 1975); a more recen t 
interpretation of the women's rights movement in 
mid-nineteenth century is in Catherine Clinton, The 
Other Civil War (New York: Hill & Wang, 1984), Chapter 
5, pp. 72-91. See also Norma Basch, In the Eyes of the 
Law: Women, Marriage & Property in Nineteenth Century 
New York ( Ithaca & London: Cornell University Pre ss, 
1982) for study of ideological conf l ict surround 
legislation in New York over property rights for women. 
Basch discusses parallel legislative developments in 
other states, provides a summary overview of the 
his tori cal background of women's property laws, and 
ma kes a detailed study of the 1848 New York statute an d 
simila r laws p a ss e d elsewhe r e granting women right s t o 
c on t rol the ir p r ope r t y. 
33 
r esult:ing 21 Gold Rush." The rapid flow of hopeful 
pro s p e ctors to the west coast changed population pat-
terns a c ross the continent, accelerated western urban 
growth and s pawned new rural communities and transient 
mj_ning camps where performers found eager audiences 
during the 1850s. The discovery of gold in 1849, and 
sub s equent opening of gold and silver mines in various 
western territories, created an economic boom in the 
early 1850s which resulted in more affluence in the 
general population, and the opportunity to tour in 
western mining areas attracted many actors and 
43 
actresses. 
During the 1850s the westward expansion encouraged 
continuing improvement of transportation, both by 
waterways and by railroad. The increased availability 
of ever-improv- ing transportation throughout the 1850s 
43 standard histories of the Gold Rush are Rodman 
Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848-1880 
(New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1963), and 
William S. Greever, The Bonanza West: The Stork of the 
Western Mining Rushes, 1848-1900 (Norman, 0 lahoma: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1963). A record of plays 
produced in San Francisco during the Gold Rush is in 
Joseph Gaer, ed., The Theatre of the Gold Rush Decade in 
San Francisco. See also Constance Rourke, Trou1ers of the Gold Coast and Douglas McDermott, "The Deve opment 
of the Theatre on the Frontier" and explanatory 
information in Footnote 27. Also Douglas McDermott, 
"Touring Patterns on California's Theatrical Frontier, 
1849-1859," Theatre Survey 15 (May 1974) :18-28. 
34 
and J360s helped performers in their t our ing patterns. 
Prio r to the Civil War, for instance, the entire company 
working for Ben De Bar i.n St. Louis traveled by river 
boat to its winter season in New Orl eans. The gradual 
improvement i.n trans-continental tra.nsportation made 
tours in the west easier for performers like Laura Keene 
who made her home in the east. Dur ing the 1860s the 
combination company, a traveling production which moved 
from town to town by rail, its complete cast touring 
together, 
. 44 
service. 
became feasible due to increased rail 
44
oevelopment of railroads has been the subject of 
numerous studies. Good general overviews can be found 
in such standard histories as John M. Blum et al., The 
National Experience: Part Two, A History of the Unitea 
States Since 1865 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 
Inc. , 1981), see Chapter 18, pp. 452-458. Specific 
railroad history in the context of general developments 
in national transportation is in George Rogers Taylor, 
The Transportation Revolution 1815-1860 (New York, 
Evans ton and London: Harper Torchbooks, Harper & Row, 
1951. Reprinted 1968), which surveys expansion of river 
steamboats in the East, the Mississippi Valley, Great 
Lakes regions, and the far west (pp. 58-67) and 
discusses the growth of the national railroads (pp. 
7 4-103) and provides bibliographical resources. For a 
discussion of the integration o f rail lines into a 
national rail network between 1861 and 1890 see George 
Rogers Taylor and Irene D. Neu, The American Railroad 
Network (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956). 
See also Stewart H. Holbrook, The Story of American 
Railroads (New York: Bonanza Books, Crown Publisher, 
1947), and John F. Stover, The American Railroads 
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961). The 
relationship between expanded rail service and 
(Footnote Continued) 
35 
Throughout the nineteenth century, continuing 
streams of immigrants profoundly increased population 
clusters in the cities. Some immigrants moved west, 
mostly to try their luck at farming. In the 1850s, 
German and Scandinavian immigrants tended to move to the 
upper midwes tern part of the country, but the bulk of 
the newcomers settled in the industrial states in the 
east. Immigration had important effects between 1850 
and 1860. Census data shows that mass immigration hit a 
peak in numbers in the early 1850s .. The Eighth Census 
(1860) provides a table indicating numbers of alien 
passengers arriving in the United States in 1841+ as 
73,615. The same table shows the total number arriving 
in 1851 as 379,466, and in 1854 a total of 427,833 
people arrived. Numbers then began to decrease until 
45 1860, when 153,640 arrivals are recorded. As cities 
(Footnote Continued) 
theatrical touring is discussed in Bernheim, pp. 19-20; 
also see Philip C. Lewis, Trouping: How the Show Came to 
Town (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1973) for 
survey of touring companies & stars from the arrival of 
the Hallams in Williamsburg, 1750, to touring companies 
in 1905, with description of railroad travel and 
hardships in Chapter 6, pp. 106-113. 
45 statistics of the United States in 1860; 
Com iled from the Ori inal Returns and Bein the Final 
Ex i it o t e Ei~ t Census (Was 1.ngton: Government 
Printing Off ice, 1 66) p. 520. A number of sources 
provide interpretations of immigration and its impact. 
For example, a thorough study is Marcus Lee Hansen, The 
(Footnote Continued) 
36 
g r ew in p opulation, ab s orbing t he new immigran t s dn r ing 
the ear l y 1 8 50 s , t h e d ema nd f or entertainment grew , and 
of cou r s e among t h e n ewcomers we r e a ctors and actre s ses 
seek i ng work in the exp anding American t h eatre . I n 
1856, William J . Bromwell published a study of i.rnmi.gra-
ti.on based on data from State Department reports and 
ship-passenger records. Brornwell's book contains table s 
s ummarizing the numbers of male and f emale immi grants 
arriving from December 31, 1840, through December 31, 
1855, classified by occupation. Bromwell' s data indi-
cates that from 1840 to 1855 a total of 329 actors and 
(Footnote Continued) 
Atlantic Migration 1607-1860 (New York: Harper 
Torchbooks, Harper & Brothers, 1940. Reprinted 1961) 
which discusses motives for migration changing patterns, 
and details of immigration to U.S. during 1830s, 1840s 
and 1850s. A study focused on the relationship between 
migration and urbanization is David Ward, Cities and 
Immi rants: A Geo rah of Chane in Nineteentft-CentuE.Y_ 
America (New Yor : Ox or University Press, 7 ) . A 
well-documented summary of nineteenth-century 
immigration and its positive impact on the national 
economy is Stanley Lebergott, The Americans: An Economic 
Record (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1984). See 
also Os c a r Handlin, Imrni~ration as a Factor in American 
History (Englewood Cli fs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 
1959), and John Higham, Send Them to Me: Immigrants in 
Urban America, Revised Edition (Baltimore: The John 
Hopkins University Press, 1984). Essays exploring the 
cultural impact of mass immigration are collected in 
Henry Steele Commager, ed. , Itpmigration in Americar~ 
His tory: Essays in Honor of Theodore C. BJegen 
(Mi nneapoli s : Unive r s ity of Minne sota Pres s, 19bT').""" 
37 
actresses were reported as arriving. The largest influx 
of actors I 6 (73) and actresses (25) arrived in 1850.~ 
Jacksonian democracy of 1850 was cha racterized by 
growth, and by tensions born of contradiction. The 
post-Revolutionary decades had seen development in the 
young country of attitudes supported by laws that 
offered the white male portion of the population the 
right to vote and to hold elected office without the 
European restrictive requirement of property ownership. 
North Carolina was the last state to remove property 
ownership as a requirement for voting, a change which 
was effected by law in 1856. 47 The move to liberal and 
progressive legislation for white males was dramatically 
contrasted by continuing slavery for male and female 
46 Bromwell, William J. History of Immigration to 
the United States 1819-1855 (New York: Redfield, 1856. 
Reprinted 1969 by Augustus M. Kelley, Publishers, New 
York). 
47 For a summary of changes in voting laws see Kirk 
H. Porter, A History of Suffrage in the United States 
(Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, Publishers, 19""69. 
Original copyright 1918 University of Chica.go), which 
provides a table on page 110 showing duration of laws in 
the states which limited voting rights to 
property-owning, tax-paying male citizens. A more 
recent study of suffrage laws is Chilton Williamson, 
American Suffra e: From Pro ert to Democrac 1760-1860 
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, ) w ic 
provides detailed study of the evolution from Colonial 
property-owning requirements for voting to the abolition 
of such restrictions by the eve of the Civil War. 
38 
blacks in the south and by the failure to offer white 
women the same rights enjoyed by white men. 
Another tension existed between the lives of the 
majority of women and the cultural ideal for women, the 
"cult of true womanhood," which persisted throughout the 
nineteenth century. Barbara Welter's classic and often-
quoted essay on this ideology describes society's 
expectations that women display four cardinal virtues: 
. t . b . . d d . . 48 R d pie y, purity, su m1ss1veness an omesticity. oote. 
in old European customs and attitudes, this ideal held 
that the female, because of assumed innate differences 
from the male (including numerous limitations in abil-
ity, strength, intellect, judgement, and emotional 
stability), was by her nature intended to occupy a 
"sphere" separate from the male world of commerce, 
business, politics and professional pursuits. Many 
contemporary scholars have discussed the reality of life 
for women in the nineteenth century, emphasizing that 
for a vast number of women this "belle femme" role of 
the weak woman dependent for economic support and social 
48
wel ter, Barbara. "The Cult of True Womanhood 
1820-1860," American ~uarterly 18 (Summer 1966) 
:151-174. Welter studie women's magazines, novels and 
other publications, and personal diaries, memoirs, and 
other personal papers, which provided insights into 
societal views of women and women's expectations for 
themselves. 
39 
position on a stronger male partner/protector was simply 
not .b · 1 · 49 a poss1.. 1.. 1..ty. Those women who constituted the 
poor and the working-class portion of the total popula-
tion of women were ignored in this prescriptive concept. 
The ideal woman, by necessity, had to be affluent enough 
to be professionally or occupationally idle. Her chief 
responsibility was the management of home and children. 
Since domestic service was one avenue open to women for 
employment, there were ample numbers of servants avail-
able for those who could afford to hire them, so there 
is some debate as to whether the actual work of a 
nineteenth-century "lady" running her household was 
comparable to the work of a contemporary woman doing her 
own housework. 
49An excellent overview of recent works related to 
women's work, the "private sphere and public sphere" 
concepts is Recent United States Scholarship On The 
History of Women by Barbara Sicherman, -E. William'. 
Monter, Joan Wallach Scott and Kathryn Kish Sklar 
(American Historical Association, 1980). This 
publication summarizes recent research in Women's 
History and provides an excellent annotated 
bibliography. Other specific works which are helpful 
include Barbara J. Harris, Beyond Her Sphere: Women and 
the Professions in American History (Westport, Conn.: 
Greenwood Press, 1978); Susan Estabrook Kennedy, If All 
We Did Was to Weep at Home: A History of White 
Working-Class Women in America (Bloomington, Indiana: 
Indiana University Press, 1979); Nancy Woloch, Women and 
the American Experience (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 
1984). 
L; 0 
Since this study deals with women employed in thf?. 
t h e atre, and since many of the actresses whose careers 
will be described were married women, societal attitudes 
towards both employment for women and marriage must be 
mentioned. The "cult of true womanhood" dictated that 
if a woman was employed, this was to be temporary until 
she could be properly married and taken care of by a 
man. In many cases, women with promising beginnings to 
their careers gave up employment when they married; 
undoubtedly many had to give up working to avoid "embar-
rassment'' for their husbands. The pattern for actresses 
seem to be different. Biographical materials researched 
for this study indicate that many of the women active in 
nineteenth-century American theatre were married. Many 
of them were widowed and married again. Many of them 
divorced and married again. Some had multiple divorces. 
Anne Hartley Gilbert's autobiography (published in 1901) 
states in the context of discussing the first production 
of Caste in 1867: "By the way, the modern talk about 
marriage interfering with an actress' popularity does 
not seem to apply to those old days. All of us in this 
cast were married women, and no one valued our work the 
41 
1 'I 5 0 1.ess . · In mid-nineteenth-century America divorce was 
ano the r contradiction of the ideal. The change in laws 
permitting married women to control and actually own 
their own monies and real estate simplified divorce and 
made possible the termination of an unhappy marriage for 
a woman who could earn her own living. Actresses, like 
other women, did obtain divorces. But because journal-
istic practices were different in the 1850s and 1860s 
than they are today, there was little publicity given to 
personal scandal. An exception in the theatrical world 
was the coverage given to the divorce case of Edwin 
Forrest and Catherine Sinclair. Forrest was the major 
American male stage star at the time he and his wife 
began divorce proceedings, each filing suits against the 
other. The trial began in December, 1851, and the 
For.-rests charged each other with adultery, which cap-
tured the interest of the press and the public. Subse-
quently, Forrest appealed the judgement, which favored 
his wife, and the appeal proceedings lasted for sixteen 
years. Less flamboyant divorce proceedings among 
theatre people attracted little attention. 
SOGilbert, Anne Hartley, Edited by 
Ma rtin. The Sta~e Reminiscences of Mrs. 
York: Charles Scribners' Sons, 1901) p. 96. 
Charlotte M. 
Gilbert (New 
I ...I 
42 
Emp l oyment for women was another contradict i on of 
the idea l, a nd during the 1850s and 1860 s , and in the 
later d e c a de s of the l a st century, many women worked for 
a liv i n g . As me ntioned earlier, domesti.c service was a 
t r a dition a l typ e of employment available for lower-class 
wome n . Service in a home was regarded as acceptable 
within t h e vision of the ideal since the employed woman 
dir e c t l y supported the mission of the "lady" who managed 
t h e hou s ehold. In reality, domestic service was simply 
the only means for earning money open to many unskilled 
and uneducated women, and homework, laundering, cooking 
and child care provided many young immigrants a way to 
ma k e a living . 
In urban areas, other limited forms of employment 
we r e a v a ilable to women. Seamstresses were in demand, 
along with milliners and other garment workers. Many 
wome n worked in their homes, and others sewed in mid-
century g a rment f a ctories. The growth of the cotton 
industry in the south expanded the milling industries in 
the n orth, and factory girls grew in numbers in New 
England and Atlantic states where textiles were 
51 produce d. 
51A good discussion 
o ccupationa l opportunities 
of working-class women's 
is in Barbara Mayer 
(Footnote Continued) 
1-,3 
In 1845, the New York Tribune ran a series of 
articles on working women urging that women be permitted 
to work as sales clerks, an occupation almost exclusive-
ly limited to men. Gradually sales-clerk positions were 
given to women in the 1850s, increasing in the 1860s. 
During the 1860s the effect of the Civil War 
opened new avenues of employment to women. War needs 
increased opportunities for nurses, and a few individual 
women established careers as doctors. Women were needed 
as bookkeepers, and women were hired as office clerks in 
federal agencies. This began the growth of stenography 
and office work as a woman's occupation. 
Emma Willard's academy for teachers, founded in 
1821 and the model for more than two hundred similar 
schools to be established during the nineteenth century, 
was the initial institution for training women as 
elementary and secondary school teachers. Women con-
tinued to find employment as teachers in growing numbers 
(Footnote Continued) 
Wertheimer, We Were There: The Stor in 
America (New Yor : Pant eon Boo s, so 
provides an annotated bibliography. on 
women at mid-nineteenth century is Catherine Clinton, 
The Other Civil War: American Women in the Nineteenth 
Century. 
L14 
th r ough t h e 1850s and 1860s so that by 1870 more than 
52 ha l f t h e classroom teachers in the country were women.-
The rapid increase in periodical literature in the 
ante -be llum years provided literate women the opportuni-
ty to write. Catherine Clinton notes that the ideal 
woman concept encouraged the development of magazines 
which published articles to enlighten and refine the 
"lady." 
short 
Some women turned their energies to novels, 
stories, and plays, while others became 
. 1 · 53 JOurna 1.sts. The opportunities for women writers were 
limited, and many fine writers were ignored by critics 
who assumed, as Nathanael Hawthorne quipped, that these 
were only "scribbling women. 1154 
52 Clinton, p. 46. 
53Accounts of women's careers in 
nineteenth-century journalism can be found in Marion 
Marzolf, Up From the Footnote:_ A Histor~ of Women 
Journalists (New York: Hastings House Publis ers, 1977); 
also Ishbel Ross, Ladies of the Press: The Story of 
Women in Journalism bS an Insider (New York and London: 
Harper & Brothers, Pu lishers,--r936). See also Maurine 
H. Beasley, "Pens and Petticoats: Early Women Washington 
Correspondents," Journalism History, 1: 4 (Winter 
1974-75) :112-115; and Maurine H. Beasley and Sheila 
Silver, ~~men in Media: A Documentary Sourcebook 
(Wa s hington, D.C.: Women's Institute for Freedom of the 
Press, 1977). 
54Hawthorne used this phrase in a letter to his 
publisher, William D. Ticknor, in January, 1855. 
Hawthorne was writing about his plans to continue in his 
office as Consul in Liverpool, England, and he wrote: 
(Footnote Continued) 
I+ 5 
A very small number of talented women became 
a rt ists , but this avenue was usually open only to the 
fortunate who could obtain training through connections 
-~ 
provided by a male relative in the arts.)J 
In the success of mid-nineteenth-century actresses 
lies a dual illustration of the tension between the 
cultural ideal and reality . First, the actress then, ~s 
now, carried with her the onus of social suspicion which 
dates back to medieval Europe and the vagabond troupes 
of prostitutes and thieves who performed in feudal 
castles and townships. Prohibited from performing on 
the English stage up to and through the reign of 
Elizabeth I, women first appeared in the English theatre 
after 1660 when theatres reopened after the Puritan 
suppression. A dichotomy of attitude attended the 
success of Restoration actresses in England. Some 
people believed that the introduction of women to the 
(Footnote Continued) 
"Besides, America is now wholly given over to a d----d 
mob of scribbling women, and I should have no chance of 
success while the public taste is occupied with their 
trash and should be ashamed of myself if I did 
succeed." The letter in which this statement appears is 
in Caroline Ticknor, Hawthorne and His Publisher (Port 
Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, Inc., 1969. Original 
copyright 1913 by Caroline Ticknor), p. 141. 
55 Nochlin, Linda, "Why Have There Been No Great 
Women Artists?", Art News, January 1971, p. 23; see also 
Clinton, pp. 46-50. 
46 
stage improved the morality of the theatre. Others 
continued to suspect that actresses were morally deca-
dent. But, despite objections, once women began to 
a ppear on the English stage, they were thereafter 
demanded by the audience. Post-Renaissance English 
audiences and their later American counterparts were not 
willing to watch a young boy portray the great dramatic 
h . 56 .eroines . Therefore the theatre needed the services 
of women, so the fact of gender could work in favor of a 
talented actress in contrast to the problem gender 
presented for women in other occupations where the same 
, job could be carried out by a preferred male. Also, for 
a time during the mid-nineteenth century, American 
audiences enjoyed the trend of seeing women perform 
men's roles, such as Hamlet and Romeo . .5 7 This wide-
spread practice gave women opportunities not available 
56
s ee Rosamund Gilder, Enter the Actress: The 
First Women in the Theatre (Freeport, N. Y.: Books for 
Libraries Press, 1971. Originally published 1931). 
Gilder traces the history of actresses from Ancient 
Greece to the career of Madame Vestris in 
nineteenth-century England. 
57Discussions of women in men's roles is found in 
Hewitt, p. 133-134, and in Johnson, p. 59-63. Specific 
instances of women playing men's roles are found in 
biographical materials on Charlotte Cushman, Adah Isaacs 
Menken, Mrs. John Drew, and others. See also Yvonne 
Shafer, "Women in Male Roles: Charlotte Cushman and 
Other," in Women in American Theatre edited by Chinoy 
and Jenkins, pp. 74-81. 
47 
to men , fo r the re was no comparable trend t:o have men 
play women's rol es . 
The wj_sh of the American audience to see women 
pl ay ing women's roles insured the second contradiction 
of t h e idea l. The actress had to be employed by a 
theatre in order to play the women's roles, and there-
fore the employment of women in the theatre was both 
demanded a nd accepted by the public. 
The nature of the contradiction of the ideal is 
more complex in view of the fact that a stage career by 
its very nature provides self control for a woman~ 
rather tb.an dependence on a male. The decision to act 
on a stage is a decision to publicly display self, which 
was contrary to the "belle femme" ideal's insistence on 
reticence and modesty. Furthermore, the woman onstage 
controls that self-display. The work of a performer is 
work that is largely self-reliant. One's performance is 
inescapably and primarily dependent upon one's self. 
The women who worked in mid-nineteenth-century 
theatre did not have the services of casting agents or 
personal managers, a category of occupations which 
developed a fter 1870. Therefore, in order to conduct a 
career in mid-nineteenth-century American theatre, a 
woman had to be assertive, self-reliant, and ambitious, 
characteristics which were quite opposite from the 
ideal. 
48 
Biogr a phical information surveyed for this study 
indi ca t es that many of the women who worked in the 
theatre in the 1850s and 1860s came from poor families 
or wer e members of theatrical families, or both. Thus, 
employment in the theatre was consistent with some other 
patterns of employment for women during the mid-century. 
There we re exceptions in the case of some women, such as 
Anna Cora Mowatt Ritchie, a middle-class woman who 
turned to the theatre after her husband suffered irre-
vers ib le economic failure. Many of the actresses who 
established careers in the 1850s and 1860s were English 
born and had their first stage exposure in England. 58 
Apparently these women believed that there was economic 
and occupational opportunity in the young American 
theatre which exceeded possibilities in their native 
English theatre, and for this reason a number of 
performers immigrated. Census data indicates that 
between 1820 and 1860 a total of 588 actors (including 
women) immigrated to the United States, the larger 
portion arriving between 1841 and 1850. 59 
58Examples whose careers are described later in 
this study include Mrs. John Drew, Clara Fisher, Laura 
Keene, Jean Davenport Lander, and Mrs. J. R. Vincent. 
59Kennedy, Joseph C.Y. Preliminary Report on The 
Eighth Census, 1860 (Washington: Government Printing 
(Footnote Continued) 
49 
Many of the actresses married men who worked in 
the theatre, and many of these women used their married 
names as their stage names. For instance, Mrs. J. W. 
Wa llack, Mrs. George P. Farren, Mrs. W. G. Jones, Mrs. 
G. H. G.L lbert, Mrs. John Wood, and many others, were 
known by their husband's names. This custom, which was 
a carry-over from British tradition, gives the impres-
sion that at mid-century the women's roles were simply 
ass ign e d to "an actor's wife." In actuality, these 
women often maintained their careers independent of 
their husband's fortunes. Some of them carried through 
decades the name of a husband who had died, such as Mrs. 
W. G. Jones, Mrs. G. H. Gilbert, Mrs. John Drew, and 
Mrs. J. R. Vincent. Some women established theatre 
careers which exceeded the success of their actor 
husbands, such as Madame Elizabeth Ponisi, Maggie 
Mitchell, and Agnes Booth. 
Claudia Johnson's book American Actress summarizes 
the long disapproval, if not absolute hostility, ex-
pressed by American clergy for the theatre during the 
(Footnote Continued) 
Office, 1862), p. 17. The table citing numbers of 
aliens ariving in the United States does not specify the 
number of females a nd males, only a total number of 
persons. 
50 
nineteenth century. 60 Certainly the attitudes of the 
church affected the attitudes of many Americans, yet the 
theatre prospe red . Unquestionably, both men and women 
who worked in the theatre met with social ostracization 
by some whos e social choices were governed by clerical 
dictum. On the other hand, since most persons who 
worked in thea tres were not born to middle-class fam-
ilies, much l ess to the country's social aristocracy, I 
think it is doubtful that these people would have been 
absorbed into "soc iety" no matter what their occupation. 
In a time when all employed women were viewed as social-
ly inferior to the "belle ferrnne" wife, the disdain shown 
to the actress may or may not have differed in degree 
from the social contempt directed at seamstresses, 
domestic servants, milliners, or sales clerks. Because 
an actress was publicly visible, whatever disapproval 
may have existed could be more visible also. 
There i s evidence that actresses in the nine-
teenth-century American theatre were not uniformly 
excluded from society. Some women, like Mrs. John Hoey 
and Kate Reignolds, ma rried men from prominent families. 
J ean Davenport became the wife of a r e nowned Army 
General, and after her retirement she occupied a 
60 Johnson, pp. 3-35. 
51 
" cons pic uou s pla ce in s oc iety" in Washington, D.c. 61 In 
s ome cases ma rriage to a non-theatre husband meant 
reti r emen t f rom the s t age , but many women continued 
t h e ir careers and maintained a non-theatre marriage as 
we ll. 
During the de cades under consideration, 1850-1870, 
s ome changes o c curred in public attitudes toward the 
theatr e . William Clapp wrote in 1853, "We are happy to 
r e cord tha t the profession in America, so far as the 
r espectability of its members in private 
d d h . h 1162 A cerne , never stoo ig er... nna 
life is con-
Cora Mowatt 
c omments in her Autobiography: 
I cannot close these remarks upon the drama and 
the stage without a few words on the true 
position of actors. On this subject very 
erroneous impressions exist in the minds of 
those who do not frequent theatres. They are 
apt to look upon the actor as belonging to a 
distinct portion of the community, dwelling on 
the outer side of a certain conventional pale of 
society, which he is allowed to enter only by 
courtesy, unless it is broken 65hrough by the 
majesty of transcendent talents. 
610b" ituary notice, Washington Star, August 
1903, 2 : 4 . 
62 A Re cord of the Boston Stage, 296-7. Cl a pp, p. 
3, 
63 Mowatt, Anna Cora. Autobiography of An Actress; 
or, Eight Years on the Stage (Boston: Ticknor, Reed, and 
Fields, 1853) . Johnson manipulates this quotation to 
s upport her contention that the theatre community was a 
s ubculture by e liminating the first two sentences and a 
p a rt o f the third sent ence. Johnson writes, "The actor , 
(Footnote Continued) 
52 
In 1869, a letter from an actress who chose to 
remain anonymous appeared in the New York Times in 
r esponse to the publication by that newspaper of criti-
cisms of the t heatrical profession by Olive Logan. The 
letter questioned Logan's motives for attacking a 
profession, suggesting that Logan's limited success as 
a n a ctress and resulting jealousy may have generated her 
negative attitudes. In her defense of her profession, 
this actress gives emphatic evidence of her pride in her 
profession: 
... for the stage ... has numbered in its ranks 
not only the finest female minds, but the most 
womanly characters united to the highest vir-
tues; in private life, even on thrones, and in 
lesser history celebrated women have been the 
exception; on the stage the rule. The theatri-
cal profession is the only one in which our sex 
have had a chance to immortalize themselves, 
consequently dramatic annals glitter with the 
names of dramatic actresses, whose brief hour of 
glory done have passed from the brilliant 
footlights to enjoy the quieter light of the 
peaceful fireside. And that the highest social 
honors have been bestowed on them can be proved 
by an English book entitled "Lives of Ennobled 
Actresses." 
Trusting that you will insert this 
letter in justice to the class of people to 
which I belong, I remain, very trul%tyours, AN 
AMERICAN ACTRESS, Ohio, May 23, 1869. i 
(Footnote Continued) 
she wrote, dwells, 
conventional pale of 
p. 11. 
'on the outer side of a certain 
society ... transcendent talents.'", 
64 New York Times, May 30, 1869, 5:1. 
t -
53 
FamE: , ce l ebrity, "transcendent talents," all 
contribute d to the soc i a l s uccess of some performers . 
Joseph Jefferson noted that Charlotte Cushman was 
socially sought after , and that "the most cultivated 
soc i ety of England and America delighted to entertain 
h n65 er. Anna Cora Mowatt observed in 1853 that: 
The stage, at this moment, is graced by members 
of the profession who have been the honored 
guests of nobles, and whom the magnates of more 
than one l and have been proud to welcome at 
their firesides. The odium which has attached 
itself to some whose talents were as a brilliant 
setting which lacked the centre gem of paramount 
value can cast no more real blemish upon those 
who have not merited the same reproach than the 
d~spotism of oii king can darken the reign of 
his successors. 
Kate Ryan recalls in her memoirs of her career as 
an actress with the Boston Museum that the acting 
company chos e not to mingle. with the public. 
states: 
Familiarity between players and the public was 
not tolerated ... Our actors avoided publicity. 
The leading members of the Company were con-
scious of having won a degree of position in the 
life of the city, and realized that much of 
their magnetism depended on maintaining a 
certain glamour around their personality, which 
would fade with intimacy. They never attempted 
to gain any social prominence. They bore 
Ryan 
65 Jefferson, Joseph, "Rip Van Winkle": The 
Autobiography of Jose:gh Jefferson (London: Reinhardt & 
Evans, Ltd., 1949 original ly puETTshed 1890), p. 316 . 
66 Mowatt, p. 447. 
5 4 
thernse l.v es wi t h dignity and were nog 7indifferent in the i r b earing towa rd the public. 
Ano t h er conside r a tion when a tt empting to speculate 
ove r t h e deg r e e to which p e r f orm£ r s may or may not have 
exp e rienc e d socia l o s tra ci sm i s the working schedule of 
t h e ac t or. Performers in the nineteenth century, as 
n ow, worke d a t night during the hours other workers 
r ese rved for l e i s ure and s ocializing. Certainly the 
work s che dul e of p e rformers has always interfered with 
u s ual social ming ling which constitutes the social life 
o f most of the population. Therefore any attempt to 
define the causes of an observed social isolation of 
women and me n of the theatre from the mass society of 
wome n and men i s difficult. Lack of evidence forces 
speculation over whether the social stigma attached to 
p e rformers was primarily a cause or a result of the 
occasions of social de tachment of theatre personnel from 
the larger society. Unanswerable que stions emerge in 
any attempt to determine the degree to which social 
censure created operational problems for performers, the 
de gree to which theatre persons perceived the stigma, 
and whether the cens ure was perceived as damaging. 
Whil e ampl e documentation of hostile attitudes toward 
67 Ry a n, Kate . Old Boston Museum Days (Boston: 
Little Brown and Co ., I915) p. 242. 
55 
t h e thea t re a nd its per s onnel exist, es pecially in 
c l e r g i ca l a tt a cks , 68 I found no evidence other than that 
cit ed earl i er in this chapter to enlighten us about the 
nineteenth- cen tury performe r 1 s perception of and re-
s pon se to s u ch n e ga tive attitude s. 
The th i rd chapter of this study will provide 
informa tion on the careers of several actresses and the 
esteem with which they were held. These women, who are 
e x amples of working actresses in the mid-nineteenth 
century, were respected by their peers, and in most 
cases conducted their private lives above reproach. 
There i s no evidence that they suffered any meaningful 
loss o f social position because they were actresses. 
Those actresses who wrote their memoirs do not comment 
on suf fe ring as outcasts because of their profession. 
Rather, the truth is evident in the material which 
follows that the mid-nineteenth-centur y actress was 
finan c ially and professionally capable of great success, 
68 Johnson discusses the censure directed at 
theatre b y Ame rican clergy during the nineteenth 
c entury, pp. 5-10. A publication which is an example of 
negative attitudes toward the theatre is William Everts, 
"The The atre," in Problems of the City (Chicago: Church 
and Goodman Publishers, 1866. Examples of statements by 
clergy include Phineas D. Gurley, The Voice of the Rod 
(Washington, D.C.: W. Ball antyne , 1865), and Robert H. 
Hat f i e ld, The Theatre (Chicago: The Methodist Book 
De pos i tory, 1866). 
56 
and she apparently enjoyed self - esteem to a much larger 
degree than has been commonly acknowledged. 
CHAPTER THREE 
SALARIES 
Information on salaries paid to performers between 
1850 and 1870 is extremely limited. I examined the 
theatre payroll records located in the Rare Books 
Division of Columbia University Library, the Harvard 
Theatre Collection, and the Manuscripts Division of the 
Maryland Historical Society. No other payroll accounts 
or similar records were located for this study. 
The correspondence of actresses which was examined 
for this study did not contain references to wages or 
contract arrangements, and the various autobiographies 
of both men and women performers which were consulted 
also failed to yield significant salary information. 
The data available for this study are summarized 
chronologically in this chapter. Despite the limited 
sources extant, the data indicate that salaries for both 
men and women performers increased between 1850 and 
1870, and that the women earned on the average from 50 
percent to 95 percent of the men's wages. The overall 
average for women's wages appears to have been approxi-
mately 79 percent of men's wages as actors. 
57 
58 
In orde r to provide a means of compa rison between 
women' s s a l a rie s and men's salaries, samples representa -
ti.ve o f t h e typical weekly payrolls are averaged, 
c omp a ring the combine d women's average wage with the 
c ombine d men's average wage. The results are not 
entirely accurate, since at least one theatre paid 
married couples one wage with no indication of proration 
between husba nd and wife. Possibly other theatres 
followed this practice but did not indicate this in 
payroll records . 
Also, the paucity of data means that this informa-
ti.on is at best a basis for speculation. However, the 
similarity of relative average wages paid to women and 
to men at different times in different settings supports 
the infere nce tha t women in the theatre f a red well 
economically compared to women in other occupations. 
As stated in Chapter One, this study acknowledges 
that theatre , governed by the dramatic literature it 
produces, has generally provided more employment for 
male performers than for female performers because the 
majority of plays provide more roles fo r men than for 
women. Also, drama t i c lite rature provide s more princ i-
pal roles for men than for women, so opportunities for 
women to be hired in major roles is not equal to oppor-
tunities f or men to b e hire d in major role s . Therefore, 
this study does not a s s ume that equal employment 
59 
oppor tuni ty ex isted in ninet eenth-century t heatre in the 
sen se o f e qua l numb e r of jobs for men and women or equal 
numb e r of principal roles for men and women. The 
a rgument advanced h e re is bas e d on the observation of 
wa ge s as tied to degree of job responsibility, or 
impo r tance of the performer, as reflected in lines of 
bus ine ss. The use of the mode to compare the number of 
men versus the number of women at the upper and lower 
ends of the wage scales would indicate whethe.r equal 
number of men and women were hired for the most impor-
tant lines of business and for the least important lines 
of bus iness. However, as already acknowledged above, 
the numbers of women and men hired for the various lines 
of business depends upon script requirements, and 
generally plays require more men than women in the major 
lines of business, which are generally the better-paid 
positions. The mode would shed little light on whether 
or not women were paid comparably to men in the same 
lines of business. Therefore, in the material which 
follows, the mean will be used as the measure of central 
tendency in order to compare average women's wages with 
average men' s wages. 
I am indebted to Professor John J. Mccusker of the 
History Department, University of Maryland, for provid-
ing me with a formula for converting dollar figures 
r e pres enting mid-nineteenth-century sala ri e s into the 
60 
a pp r ox i ma t e 1985 dollar equivalent. Professor 
Mc Cu s k e r' s fi gures are b a sed on statistics furnished by 
the Uni t e d States Depa rtment of Labor , specifically the 
Commodi ty Price Index for All Urban Consumers for July, 
1985. Profe ssor McCuske r's data will appear in an 
article which he is preparing for future publication 
entitled An Historical Price Index for Use as a Deflator 
of Money Values in the Economy of Early America. In 
this chapter, I have included the approximate 1985 
e quivalent dollar figure for selected salaries. The 
1985 figures appear in parentheses beside the original 
nineteenth-century salary figures. 
In the United States in the 1850s and 1860s, 
women's wages generally were half of wages paid to men 
f or s imilar work. Most women who were employed during 
those decades worked at menial jobs which paid very 
li t tle. In 1845, the New York Tribune printed a series 
of articles on working women in New York City, estimat-
ing the total number of employed women at 50,000. Half 
o f this number were seamstresses, while others worked as 
bookfolde rs, factory workers, etc., earning an average 
wage o f $2. 00 per week ( 1985 = $28. 30). By 1863, the 
average women's wage in the country remained at $2. 00 
per week ( 1985 = $17.06), and living costs had risen. 
Women' s wages inc r eas e d by 1870 to an ave rage between 
$3 .00 (19 8 5 = $2 4. 60) a nd $8 .00 (1985 = $65.60) pe r 
61 
week, but again the cost of living was higher. A 
compar i son of women's wages with men's wages in office 
work is reflected j_n the 1866 annual salary of $900.00 
(19 8 5 = $6 ,066.00) for women government. clerks as 
compared with twice that amount for male government 
clerks. 69 The large majority of working in women 
various occupa t ions in the mid-nineteenth century were 
earning wages in the lowest wage category, while only a 
percentage of the male working population fell into the 
lowest wage category. 70 
Claudia Johnson cites research done by Dr. William 
Sanger in 1858 which states that women in domestic 
service at that tirne earned $5.00 (1985 = $65.05) or 
71 less per month. Ten years later, in 1868, an article 
69For discussion of women's wages during these 
decades see Helen Laura Sumner Woodbury, History of 
Women in Industry in the United States (New York: Arno 
Press, Inc. Originally published 1910, Washington, 
Government Printing Office. Reprint Edition 1974), pp. 
23-24, pp. 238-239. 
70Abbott, Edith. Women in Industry, 
American Economic History (New York and 
Appleton and Company, 1910); pp. 289-304. 
A Study in 
London: D. 
71
sanger, William, The HistorS of Prostitution: 
Its Extent, Causes and Effect throuout the World (New 
Yor : 5 , pp. 5 -7 , 7- Quote in Jo nson, p. 
54. Sanger's study is also discussed in Barbara 
Wertheimer, We Were There: The Stor~ of Working Women in 
America. (New York: Pantheon Boos, 1977), pp. 102, 
103. 
62 
in Ha£12er' s Magazine r eported that milliners were 
earning $4.00 (1985 = $30.00) to $7.00 (1985 = $52.50) 
72 per week. An article in the New York Times in 1869 
quotes comparable wages for needle-women who averaged 
$6.00 (1985 = $47.10) per week, with some women earning 
up to $10.00 (1985 = $78.50) per week. 73 
Woodbury provides tables of sewing women's wages 
in Philadelphia in 1863 showing estimated weekly earn-
ings ranging from $2 .10 (1985 = $17. 85) for those who 
sewed capes to $4. 00 ( 1985 = $34. 00) for dressmakers. 
Tables for similarly employed women in New York in 1863 
show a weekly wage ranging from $2. 50 (1985 = $21. 25) 
for vest makers to $8.00 (1985 = $68.00) for the best-
paid dressmakers. In 1868 the lowest wage for New York 
needlewomen was $3.00 (1985 = $22.50) paid to buttonhole 
makers, while the highest pay went to the best dress-
makers who earned $10.00 (1985 = $75.00). 74 
During the mid-nineteenth century the occupation 
of sales clerk began to become more available to women, 
72 Women's Work 
December 1868, p. 667. 
and Wages," Harper ' s Maga:;;:-;ine, 
Quoted in Johnson, p. 54. 
73New York Times, October 14, 1869, 4:2. 
74 Woodbury, p. 262. 
63 
however the hours were long, and again the pay was 
small. Woodbury provides the following information: 
The Philadelphia Saturday Night asserted in 1866 
tha t jn a lmost every retail establishment in 
that city it was the custom to procure the 
services of a young girl six months for nothing 
under the pressure of teaching her the business 
- though she was a useful hand at the end of one 
month - then give her $2 a week for six months 
a nd $3 a week the second year, and discharge her 
the third year to make room for newcomers who 
cost nothing. It was said $5 a week was the 
highest rate paid the 95dest and best hands in the majority of stores. 
Salaries for saleswomen in Boston in 1869 were from 
$5.00 (1985 = $39.25) to $7.00 (1985 = $54.95) a week, 
and wages for similar services in New York ranged from 
$6.00 (1985 = $47.10) to $10.00 (1985 = $78.50) per week 
for women. 76 Woodbury estimates that the cost of board 
alone for wome n living with family members averaged 
$5. 00 (1985 = $39. 25) per week, so these wages left 
workers with little pocket money. 77 
Salaries paid to women in the profession of 
teaching were also low, considering that educational 
preparation was necessary for the job. Johnson quotes 
an article in The Nation, 1867, which states that women 
75 Woodbury, 
wages quoted are: 
76woodbury, 
77
rdem. 
p
2
. 237. The 1985 equivalents to the 
$ = $13.48, $3 = $20.22, $5 = $33.70. 
p. 23 7. 
64 
teachers se ldom earned over $600. 00 ( 1985 
78 p e r year. 
$4,320.00) 
Woodbury's study indicates that women were paid 
far less than men in the areas of bookkeeping and 
accounting, and as telegraph operators. For instance, a 
woman bookkeeper in New York was paid $500.00 per year, 
while the male who preceded her had been paid $1,800.00 
per annum. Wages for women bookkeepers in New York by 
1870 were $16.00 (1985 = $131.20) to $20.00 (1985 = 
$164.00) per week, while men similarly employed received 
$25.00 (1985 =$205.00) to $40.00 (1985 = $328.00) per 
79 
week. In the late 1860s, women were hired as tele-
graph operators with salaries ranging from $30. 00 to 
$50. 00 per month; men telegraph operators at the time 
earned $75.00 per month on the average, with some males 
80 
earning over $100.00 per month. 
Clearly the general trend during the 1850s and 
1860s was that women in most trades earned very low 
salaries, and their wages were much lower than the wages 
paid to men in similar jobs. 
7811 A Working Women's Statement," The Nation, 21 
February 1867, p. 155. Quoted in Johnson, p. 55. 
79
woodbury, pp. 240-241. 
80
rdem. Usin g 1868 as representative of the late 
(Footnote Cont inued) 
65 
Data which follow in this chapter show that salary 
patterns for women who worked in the American theatre 
during the 1850s and 1860s tended to follow the pattern 
of wages in general in that women usually were paid less 
than men, given the same status and line of business in 
a stock company. However, women in the theatre were 
often paid more than the minimal working-women's wage, 
and some women who were able, through talent, industry, 
and good luck, to achieve renown and popularity with 
audiences earned wages comparable to those of men of 
similar achievement. 
During the time period under discussion, the wage 
range for women in the theatre extended from $2.00 per 
week for a ballet girl or walk-on woman to well over 
$100.00 per week for a popular performer in a major line 
of business. Wages for men were similar in range. 
Additional income was earned by both men and women who 
were leading performers. Two systems of profit sharing 
with theatre managers were practiced in the mid-nine-
teenth century. The shares system operated by a split 
between visiting star and theatre manager of any excess 
of revenue over operating expenses. A benefit system 
(Footnote Continued) 
1860s, the 1985 equivalents for these wages are: $30.00 
= $225.00; $50.00 = $375.00; $75.00 = $562.50; $100.00 = 
$750.00. 
66 
calculated a portion of the gross receipts to be paid to 
the vi s i t ing star. In many cases, benefits and shares 
were part of the contract between men and women playing 
leading roles as regular members of a stock company. 81 
The following examples provide evidence that wages 
in the western, mid-western and southern stock companies 
were lower for both men and women than wages in the New 
York and Boston stock companies. Mrs. Gilbert recalls 
in her memoirs that she and her husband each earned 
$8.00 (1985 - $109.60) per week in Milwaukee in 1850. 82 
Traveling stock actor Charles A. Krone mentions 
wages of $10.00 (1985 = $126.40) and $12.00 (1985 = 
$151.68) per week in 1857-58 at theatres in Dubuque, 
Peoria, St. Louis and New Orleans. By 1863, Krone 
earned $20.00 per week (1985 = $170.00) at Ben De Bar's 
theatre in St. Louis as a supporting player. 83 
81 Penny, Virginia. The Emploqents of Women, How 
Women Can Make Money, etc., 1870, p. 9. 
82Gilbert, p. 18. In Autobiographical Sketch of 
Mrs. John Drew (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1899), Mrs. 
Drew recalls that in 1833 she and her mother together 
earned $16 .00 per week at the Warre n Theatre, Boston. 
By 1839, as l eading lady at the Walnut Street Theatre , 
Philadelphia, Mrs. Drew (as Louisa Lane) received $20.00 
per week, which she reca lls as the highest salary known 
there at the time. Ludlow and Smith paid her $35.00 per 
week in New Orleans in the mid-1840s. 
83Krone, Charles . "Recollections of an Old 
(Footnote Continued ) 
6 7 
Tbe following salary list for the National The-
atre, Boston, for the week <2nding January 5, 1850, 
provides specific wages paid to both men and women. Two 
o f the men and their wives were paid a joint salary. 
The 1985 equivalents appear in parentheses. 
Men 
J. Vincent & Wife 
J. B. Booth, Mr. 
J. Barry 
L. D. Johnson 
L. Johnson 
J.B. Wright 
L. Ring & Wife 
J. Keach 
J. Munroe 
F. A. Murran 
E. Lanford 
E. B. Williams 
H. F. Stone 
J. Flood 
Total 
Women 
Miss Mestayer 
Miss Woodward 
Miss Western 
Miss Mace 
Miss Mack 
Miss Prott 
Miss Miller 
Total 
$ 30.00 
20.00 
40.00 
20.00 
18.00 
15.00 
13.00 
13.00 
9.00 
9.00 
8.00 
8.00 
7.00 
5.00 
$215.00 
$25.00 
16.00 
9.00 
8.00 
4.00 
4.00 
3.00 
$69.00 
($ 411.00) 
( 247.00) 
( 548.00) 
( 274.00) 
( 246.60) 
( 205.50) 
( 178.10) 
( 178.10) 
( 123.30) 
( 123.30) 
( 109.60) 
( 109.60) 
( 95.90) 
( 68.50) 
($2,945.50) 
($342.50) 
( 219.20) 
( 123.50) 
( 109.60) 
( 54.80) 
( 54.80) 
( 41.10) 
($943.30) 
In order to compare women's earnings with men's earnings 
as shown in the records above for January 4, 1850, and 
(Footnote Continued) 
Actor," Missouri Historical Collections, 3:172, 276; 
4:212. 
68 
in other computations which follow, the joint wages paid 
to married couples will be omitted from the total 
salaries and average salaries. This is necessary since 
the r e is no way to determine how much of the married 
couples' combined wages remunerated the women and how 
much represented wages paid to the men. After this 
adjustment, the above figures represent earnings of the 
remaining fourteen men and seven women, with the follow-
ing total and average wages: 
Total Men's Wages: $172.00 (1985 = $2,356.40) 
Average Men's Wages: $ 12.28 (1985 $ 168.24) 
Total Women's Wages: $ 69.00 (1985 = $ 945.30) 
Average Women's Wages: $ 9.86 (1985 = $ 135.08) 
This demonstrates that the women's average salary was 
equal to 80 percent of the men's average salary. 
By the end of the suIIUiler of 1850, the women at the 
National Theatre experienced an improvement in wages in 
comparison to men's average wages. The payroll records 
at the National Theatre for the week ending August 31, 
1850, appear below: 
Men 
T. Rarr y 
J. Prio r 
G. Spear 
J.B. Bo o th, Jr. 
S.D. Johns on 
J . B. Wright 
J. Ring & Wife 
Jo s eph Pawlin 
L. Lake & Wife 
G.L. Lee 
E.B. Williams 
J. Munroe 
F.A. Munroe 
E. Lanford 
R. Mune 
J. Flood 
W. Foster 
Women 
Miss C. Pope 
Mrs. Cruise 
Mrs. Reed 
Mrs. Vincent 
Mrs. Howland 
Miss Parker 
Miss Mack 
Miss Howard 
Total 
Total 
69 
$ 40.00 
30.00 
25.00 
20.00 
20.00 
15.00 
14.00 
14.00 
14.00 
12.00 
10.00 
10.00 
9.00 
9.00 
7 . 00 
6.00 
3.00 
$258.00 
$ 30.00 
25.00 
16.00 
14.00 
8.00 
8.00 
4.00 
4.00 
$109.00 
(1985 == $548.00) 
(1 9 8 5 -·- 4 1 1. 0 0 ) 
(1985 == 342.50) 
(1985 274.00) 
(1985 = 274.00) 
(1985 == 205.50) 
(1985 == 191.80) 
(1985 == 191.80) 
(1985 == 191.80) 
(1 9 8 5 -- 16 4 • 4 0 ) 
(1985 = 137 .00) 
(1985 137.00) 
(1 9 8 5 -- 1 2 3 • 3 0 ) 
(1985 = 123.30) 
(1985 = 95.90) 
(1985 = 82. 20) 
(1985 = 41.10) 
(1985=$3,534.60) 
= $411.00) 
342.50) 
219.20) 
191.80) 
109.60) 
109.60) 
(1985 
(1985 
(1985 == 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 
(1985 == 
(1985 = 
54.80) 
54.80) 
(1985=$1,493.30) 
These figures provide the following comparis ons (exclud-
ing married couples Ring and Lake): 
Tot a l Men's Wages: 
Average Men's Wages: 
Total Women's Wages: 
Average Women's Wages: 
$230.00 
15.33 
$109.00 
13. 67. 
(1985 - $3,151.00) 
(19 85 210.02) 
(1985 - $1,493,30) 
(1985 = 186.59) 
At this time the women's average wage wa s 89 percent of 
the men's average wag e . 
In early 1851 some members of the Na tional Theatre 
70 
c ompany received reductions in their pay. The reasons 
for this are not indicate d in the payroll records. The 
salary records during January 1851, through February 22, 
185 1 , show the following wages: 
Men 
J. Barry 
J. Prior 
G. Spear 
J.B. Booth 
S.D. Johnson 
J.B. Wright 
J. Ring & Wife 
Jos . Pawlin 
L. Lake & Wife 
G.L. Lee 
E.B. Williams 
J. Munroe 
F.A. Munroe 
E. Lanford 
R. Mune 
J. Flood 
Harkins 
Women 
Miss C. Pope 
Miss Crui s e 
Miss Reed 
Mrs. Vincent 
Miss Howland 
Miss Parker 
Miss Mack 
Total 
Total 
$ 30.00 
25.00 
25.00 
20.00 
20.00 
15.00 
14.00 
14.00 
14.00 
12.00 
9.00 
10.00 
9.00 
9.00 
7.00 
6.00 
3.00 
$242.00 
$ 30.00 
20.00 
16.00 
14.00 
8.00 
8.00 
4.00 
$100.00 
= $420.00) 
350.00) 
350.00) 
280.00) 
280.00) 
210.00) 
196.00) 
196.00) 
196.00) 
168.00) 
126.00) 
140.00) 
126.00) 
126.00) 
(1985 
(1985 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 
(1985 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
(1985 = 
98.00) 
84.00) 
42.00) 
(1985=$3,388.00) 
(1985 = $420.00) 
(1985 = 280.00) 
(1985 = 224.00) 
(1985 = 196.00) 
(1985 = 112.00) 
(1985 = 112.00) 
(1985 = 56.00) 
(1985=$1, 400. 00) 
Exc luding the married couples, the f ifteen remaining men 
and seven wome n in the company earned the following: 
Total Men's Wages: 
Average Men's Wages: 
Tota l Women ' s Wages: 
Average Women's Wages : 
$214.00 
14.26 
$100.00 
14. 28 
(1985 = $2,996.00) 
(1985 = 199.64) 
(1985 $1,400.00) 
(19 85 = 199.92) 
71 
Thus , in the period from January 1850, to the end of 
Fe bruary 1851, the women in the National Theatre, 
Bos ton, experienced an improvement from 80 percent of 
men's average wages to a few cents above equal average 
wage s as shown above. 84 
Another source of limited information is the Daily 
Cash Book of Barnum's Museum, Philadelphia, for 1851. 
Many entries do not carry titles or first names to 
distinguish the men from the women, and in several cases 
the entries indicate two persons with the same surname, 
but it is not possible to determine if these are married 
couples or relatives. There is an indication that Miss 
Fisher (her title is included) was paid $40. 00 (1985 = 
$560.00) per week from Monday, January 20, 1851, through 
the date of last entry, Monday, April 28, 1851. The 
second highest salary was paid to Mueller, perhaps a 
man, although no title is included, who earned $38.00 
(19 8 5 = $ 5 3 2. 0 0) during the period recorded. Barnum I s 
company was a large one, and Miss Fisher and Mueller 
were paid far above the company average. On January 20, 
1851, the total payroll was $78.82 (1985 == $1,103.48) 
84 The Salary Book for the National Theatre, 
Boston, is in the Manuscripts Collection, Harvard 
Theatre Collection of the Houghton Library, Harvard 
University. The first entry is dated April 4, 1849, and 
the last entry is dated March 1, 1851. 
72 
for fifty-five persons, for a n average of $10.52 (1985 = 
$147.28). The total payroll on April 28, 1851, was 
$631.82 (1985 - $8,845.48) for fifty-eight persons, for 
an average of $]0.89 (1985 = $152.46). 85 
Some information on wages paid to women and men in 
Baltimore theatres is found in the correspondence of 
John Thompson Ford, who managed the Holliday Street 
Theatre and other theatres during the 1850s and 1860s. 
In his letters to John B. Wright, who apparently func-
tioned as an agent arranging contracts between Thompson 
and performers, salaries for actors and actresses are 
mentioned. 86 In an undated letter, Thompson. asks Wright 
to verify whether Mrs. Bowers will accept "two thousand 
dollars for ten weeks (work] in Baltimore and Washing-
ton." He adds that he plans to invest in advertising to 
promote Mrs. Bowers, and he hopes that she will become 
"a favorite" whom he can pay more. In a letter dated 
June 6, 1859, Thompson writes, " ... Secure Miss Skerritt 
85The Daily 
Philade lphia , is in 
Theatre Collection 
University. 
Cash Book for Barnum's Museum, 
the Manuscripts Collection, Harvard 
of the Houghton Library, Harvard 
86correspondence of John Thompson Ford is in the 
Research Library of The New York Historical Society, 
77th Street and Central Park Wes t, New York City. Ten 
le t ters are in the file, apparently written from 1858 to 
1867. 
73 
by al l means even at her. terms but first endeavor to do 
so for $200 (1985 - $2,576.00] and one one-third bene-
fit." On April 11, 1867, Thompson asked Wright to offer 
the Worrell sisters" 20 percent + one--half benefit ... 
which will pay them from 5 to 700 dollars [1985 = $3,600 
to $5,040] per week." The letter continues indicating 
that Thompson can pay the Worrell's more if they demand 
it, and he also says, II I can take them with or 
without Mr. Donnelly - rather have them without him if 
agreeable." 
In contrast to these offers to Mrs. Bowers, Miss 
Skerritt, and the Worrell sisters, averaging $200-$250 
per person per week, Thompson's mention in this corre-
spondence of salaries for men indicates that men were 
not necessarily earning as much as some women in the 
theatre. In a letter dated July 21, 1858, Thompson 
states that he will Mr. Davidge II fifty [1985 pay ... -· 
$65.05) and no benefit" for four weeks work. A letter 
dated July 15, no year indicated, mentions hiring Mr. 
Clark, II excellent utility man, II for eight dollars ... an 
a week. In the same letter is a reference to consider-
ing hiring Mr. Harrison and his wife, Miss Parrington, 
for $35 per week for both. The letter also discussed 
the drinking problem of an actor named Perry, whom 
Thomp son was considering for $25 per week with a one-
third clear b e n efit. 
The Thompson correspondence supports the conten-
tion that lines of business determined salaries, and 
that some women in major lines of business earned 
substantia l sa laries. 
Odell's chronicles provide bits of information on 
salaries paid to members of New York stock companies 
during the 1850s and 1860s. For instance, the salary 
87 
record for the 1857-58 season at Wallack's was: 
Lester Wallack 
Blake 
George Holland 
H.B. Phillips 
Mrs. Hoey 
Mary Gannon 
$100.00 (1985 = $1,267.00) + 
two benefits, one clear half 
and one third 
$80.00 (1985 = $1,011.20) + 
two-third benefits 
$40.00 (1985 = $505.60) + 
two-third benefits 
$25.00 (1985 $316.00) 
one-third benefit 
$55.00 (1985 = $695.20) + two 
clear third benefits 
+ 
$35.00 (1985 = $434.00) + one 
clear third benefit 
87 Odell, George. Annals of the New York Staije 
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1928), 7: 1. 
Odell cites his source as the salary book of Wallack's 
Theatre, which had been "in possession of Charles 
Burnham." 
7 ,-_) 
The r ema ining memb e r s of t h e c ompany, who were support-
ing pla y e rs, e arne d the following salaries: 
2 men $30.00 (1985 = $379.20) 
1 woman 
2 men 
1 woman 
1 man 
3 women 
3 men 
1 woman 
1 man 
2 women 
$30.00 (1985 - $379.20) 
$25.00 (1985 = $316.00) 
$20.00 (1985 = $252.80) 
$10.00 (1985 = $126.40) 
$10.00 (1985 = $126.40) 
$ 8.00 (1985 = $101.12) 
$ 8.00 (1985 - $101.12) 
$ 7.00 (1985 = $ 88.48) 
$ 6.00 (1985 - $ 75.84) 
Lester Wallack' s salary includes remuneration for 
management duties, which accounts for the high figure in 
comparison with the rest of the company. Blake, the 
leading man, was paid much more than Mrs. Hoey, the 
leading lady. However, when the salaries of the entire 
company, excluding Lester Wallack's, are averaged, the 
resulting we ekly average f or men is $23.71 (1985 = 
$ 299.69) per week and the average for women is $18.10 
(1985 = $228.78) p e r week. The women in this company 
we r e earning a pproxima t e ly 76 p e rcent of the amount 
earned by men. 
The a ccount book o f Werner Shipley, property man 
a t the Hollida y Stree t Theatre in Ba l t imore, lis t s 
76 
s alary information from 1865 to 1868. 88 These records 
indicate that throughout the period there were more men 
than women employed at the Holliday Theatre as regular 
members of the stock company. The women's salaries 
averaged from 7 4 percent to 88 percent of the men's 
salaries. Visiting stars, whether male or female, were 
paid more than the highest paid resident actors and 
actresses. However, the wages of male and female 
resident members of this stock company who played major 
lines of business were comparable. For instance 9 the 
payroll for the week ending March 11, 1865, shows 
visiting star Mr. Mccollom received $75.00 (1985 = 
$492. 75) for the week, while the highest wage paid to a 
woman (Miss Alice Grey) was $45. 00 (1985 = $295. 65). 
The second-highest wages that week were $40.00 (1985 = 
$262.80) to Mr. Bishop and $35.00 (1985 = $229.95) to 
Miss Thompson. During the week ending March 25, 1865, 
Mccollom was paid $87.50 (1985 = $574.87) and the next 
two highest salaries of $5 0. 00 (1985 = $328. 50) each 
were paid to Mrs. Wilkens and Mr. T. A. Hale. By April 
8, 1865, McCollom had left the company, and Mrs. Wilkens 
and Mr. Hale were each paid $50.00 (1985 = $328.50), the 
88
shipley's Account Book is 
Division of the Maryland Historical 
Maryland. 
in the Manuscript 
Society, Baltimore, 
77 
h i ghest salari e s for tha t week. Shipley's accounts also 
indica t e that visiting women stars we re paid more than 
male and female stock company members. In 1858, 
Charlotte Cushman received $200.00 (1985 c: $2602.00) per 
k f h t . . . 89 wee or 1er engagemen as visiting star. 
Another indication of comparability between the 
salaries of men and women in the theatre is found in the 
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, February 4, 1868: 
Mr. Joseph Jefferson has the reputation of being 
one of the most financially successful members 
of the theatrical profession. A large propor-
tion of his wealth was acquired years since in 
Australia and California. His profits at 
present average two thousand dollars a week; his 
"season" is about thirty weeks. 
Edwin Booth has the reputation of being the 
wealthiest member, however, of the American 
theatrical corps. His season is also about 
thirty weeks. His average is three thousand 
dollars a week. His new theatre will not be 
finished until December. In the interval it is 
rumored that he will fill an engagement at 
Pike's Opera House, in this city. 
Among other actors who are earning good 
incomes are Mr. J. E. Owens, whose receipts are 
$1,000 a night; Mr. Barney Williams, who has 
already amassed a handsome fortune, and who 
averages $500 a week, with Mrs. Barney Williams 
as much more in the season; John Brougham who 
makes about $800 a week; Mrs. Lander, the same. 
J. E. Mitchell, who is always, and has been from 
89
shipley's Account Book is in the Manuscript 
Division of the Maryland Historical Society , Baltimore, 
Maryland. Shipley's Book lists various receipts and 
expenditures during 1858, including the notation of 
Cushman's salary from April 27 to May 8. More complete 
salary records are included for the period 1865-1868. 
78 
the first, very successful, makes about $1 ,500 a 
week; Lotta, the next most s uccessful ac tress, a 
s prite ly little bit of 'quicksilve r,' who has 
risen i nto ce lebrity only within the last two 
years, makes about $9 00 a week; J. S. Clarke, 
a bout the same, or possibly about $1,000; Mrs. 
D. P. Bowers $500; E. L. Davenport, $500; J. W. 
Wallack, $500; Mr. F. S. Chanfrau, $500; Edwin 
Adams , $500; J. H. Hackett, $500; Miss Lu9&lle 
Western, $5 00; Mr. and Mrs. Florence, $500. 
Using the conversion formula to compute the 1985 
equivalent t o the salary figures above, the following 
results are obtained: 
$3,000 - · $22,590. 
$2,000 = 15,060. 
$1,500 = 11,295. 
$1,000 - · 7,530. 
$ 900 = 6,777. 
$ 800 = 6,024. 
$ 500 = 3,765. 
Salary records for the early years of Daly's 
Theatre in New York revea l an interesting increase in 
the relative wages of women as compared to men's sal-
aries. The payroll book housed in Manuscripts Collec-
tion at Columbia University shows the following salaries 
paid to members of Daly ' s company on August 21, 1869 
(1985 equivalents appear in parentheses): 
90 Brooklyn Daily Eagle, February 4, 1868, p. 4. 
Men 
'vJ. Daven port 
Cl arke 
Har!.< in s 
Po l k 
Dav i dge 
Lewi s 
Ho l land 
Rynar 
Jordan 
Beckman 
Cha pman 
Egber t 
S t ewart 
Peck 
Pie rce 
Total 
Women 
Mrs. J ennings 
Gilbert 
Wilkins 
Kiehle 
Andrews 
Norwood & child 
Miss Ethel 
Davenport 
Longmore 
Ames 
Lewis 
Ty s on & sister 
Finchette 
L. Edwin 
Alury 
Rowland 
Page 
Mehan 
Dona ldson 
Tota l 
-· - - ~ 
79 
$200.00 
100.00 
60.00 
55.00 
70.00 
75.00 
LI S. 00 
30.00 
20.00 
15.00 
15.00 
25.00 
18.00 
1 2 .00 
8.00 
$748.00 
$100.00 
55.00 
30.00 
20.00 
10.00 
10.00 
50.00 
50.00 
50.00 
20.00 
15.00 
15.00 
10.00 
20.00 
8.00 
8.00 
6.00 
6.00 
6.00 
$499.00 
( $1,570.00) 
( 785.00) 
( 471. 00) 
( 431. 75) 
( 549.50) 
( 588.75) 
( 353.25) 
( 235 . .50) 
( 157.00) 
( 117.75) 
( 111.75) 
( 196.2.5) 
( 14 1. 30) 
( 94.20) 
( 62.80) 
($5,871.80) 
($ 785.00) 
( 431.75) 
( 235.50) 
( 157.00) 
( 78.50) 
( 78.50) 
( 3 92.50) 
( 392.50) 
( 392.50) 
( 157 , 00) 
( 117.75) 
( 117.75) 
( 78.50) 
( 157.00) 
( 62.80) 
( 62.80) 
( 47.10) 
( 47 . 10) 
( 47.10) 
($3,917.15) 
The average men's salary was $49.87 (1985 = $391.47) , 
and the average women' s sala ry was $24.95 (1985 -
$ 195 .85), o r 50 p e rcent o f the men' s av e r age wage . The 
a b ov e r ecord is unus u a l b e c a u se i t shows mor e women t h a n 
80 
men emp l oye d at Daly' s a t that particular t i me. No play 
titl es o r oth e r information appears to explain this 
d epartur e fr om the usual employmen t o f more men t h an 
wome n in acting comp anies. During the f o llowing months 
wome n gained in s a lary at Daly's Theatre. From the week 
e nding 
J anu a ry 
$ 150.00 
Novemb e r 27, 1869, through t he week 
1, 1870, guest star Mrs. Chanfrau was 
(1985 = $1,177.25) per week. By June, 
ending 
paid 
1870, 
both Agnes Ethel and Miss Davenport were receiving 
$65.00 (1985 = $533.00) each. At the beginning of 
Daly's second season, Mrs. Gilbert's salary was in-
creased to $65.00 (1985 = $533.00) per week, Agnes Ethel 
was paid $125.00 (1985 = $1,025.00) per w~ek, and James 
Lewis was the highest-paid man at $100.00 (1985 = 
$820.00) per week. 
The payroll at Daly's Theatre for the week ending 
September 19, 1870, records these salaries (1985 equiva-
lents appear in parentheses): 
81 
Men 
Lewis $100.00 ($ 
820.00) 
Harkins 75.00 
( 615.00) 
Davidge 
\ 
Polk 
70,00 ( 574.00) 
65.00 I 533.00) 
Mortimer 
\ 
Parker 
30.00 ( 246.00) 
Holland 
45,00 ( 369.00) 
DeVere 
45,00 ( 369.00) 
Bascomb 
40.00 ( 328.00) 
Mathison 
30.00 ( 246.00) 
25.00 ( 205.00) 
Browne 25.00 
( 205.00) 
Chapman 16.00 
( 131.20) 
Beekman 16.00 
( 131.20) 
Burnett 15.00 
( 123.00) 
Pierce 10.00 
( 82.00) 
Benieux 25.00 
( 205.00) 
Roberts 55,00 
( 451.00) 
Bowditch 30.00 
( 246.00) 
Appleton 20.00 
_L_l64.00) 
Total $737.00 
($6,043.40) 
Women 
Miss Ethel $125,00 
($1,025.00) 
Morant 110.00 
( 902.00) 
Davenport 75,00 
( 615.00) 
Mrs. Gilbert 65,00 
( 533.00) 
Miss Morris 40.00 
( 328.00) 
Deitz 20.00 
( 164.00) 
Newton 60.00 
( 492.00) 
Burke 50.00 
( 410.00) 
Winter 40.00 
( 328.00) 
DeVere 25.00 
( 205.00) 
deLesdernier 25.00 
( 205.00) 
Ames 
20.00 ( 
164.00) 
Norwood 15.00 
( 123.00) 
Claxton 12.00 
( 98.40) 
Kellogg 10.00 
( 82.00) 
Vollmer 10.00 
( 82.00) 
Finchette 15.00 
( 123.00) 
Sloepel 40.00 
( 328.00) 
Mary Ellen 10.00 
( 82.00) 
Becky 
3.00 ( 
24.60) 
Lizzie 
6.00 ( 
49.20) 
Total $776,00 
($6,363.20) 
82 
These fi.g u res yield a n average wage f 
or men of $3 8 . 79 (19 85 - $3 18 .07) and an average wag f 
e or wom2n of $36.95 
(1 985 = $302.99), or 95 percent of the 
average for men. 
Thus, i n on e year at Daly's Theatre, the 
women in the 
c omp any doubl e d their combined average in 
comparison to 
men's combined average wage. 
Comparing these figures for 1870 with the salary 
records discussed earlier for the Nat1.·onal 
Theatre 
' Boston, for 1850, another apparent aspect of growth ~n 
women's salaries appears. The figures quoted earlier 
this chapter indicate the women's average wage at ·h 
Le 
National during the first week of Januar-_,., 1850 
, , was 
$9.86 (1985 = $135.08). Twenty years later, the women 
at Da ly ' s Theatre were earning approximately 267 percent 
more than earlie.r actresses in Boston. 91 A comparison 
of the wage.s p a id to men in the same situations shows a 
different de g ree o f change. The men at the National 
Theatre in January 1850, earned an average of $12. 28 
(1985 - $168.24), and the men at Daly's Theatre in 1870 
earned an average of $38. 79 (1985 = $318. 07) for an 
improvement of approx ima tely 32 percent. 
91This percentage is based on a comparison of the 
actual nineteenth-century dollar wages. The percentage 
comparison do e s not acc ount for changes in dollar value 
between 1850 and 1870. However, when comparing the 1985 
(Footnote Continue d) 
83 
Actress Olive Logan wrote about her experiences in 
the mid-nineteenth century theatre, and she included 
many observa tions about other performers and their 
careers. The following statement by Logan supports the 
contention that men and women in similar lines of 
business were paid within the same wage range: 
The salary of a leading actor or actress ranges 
from $40.00 to $60.00 a week. But I know one 
leading actress in New York who gets $100.00 a 
week, and two who get $75.00 each. These, 
however, are peculiar cases; all three being 
actresses specially attractive for youth, beauty 
and talent. "Walking gentlemen" or lady will 
get $20 to $35 a week; "old man" or "old woman" 
from $25 to $40; while other players of a lower 
grade of talent than t~e will get all the way 
from $25 to $10 a week. 
Logan does not state in what year she knew these sal-
aries to be paid. However, assuming that the figures 
she quotes may have been accurate for 1870, the 1985 
equivalents to the figures Logan mentions appear below: 
(Footnote Continued) 
equivalent figures for these wages, the 1985 equivalent 
for the 1870 average wage is approximately 227 percent 
more than the 1985 equivalent for the 1850 average wage. 
92Quoted from The Mimic World, and Public 
Exhibitions. Their History, Their Morals, and Effects 
(Philadelphia: New Word Publishing Company, 1871), p. 
87. 
8 4 
$100 . 00 - $8 20.00 
75.00 = 615.00 
60.00 
40.00 = 
35.00 = 
25.00 = 
20.00 = 
10.00 = 
492.00 
328.00 
287.00 
205.00 
164.00 
82 . 00 
The records examined for this study confirm the 
assumption that stars were paid far more than the 
average stock company player. For instance, at the St. 
Charles Theatre in New Orleans, women stars prior to the 
Civil War earned the following amounts. 93 
Julia Dean earned $3,613 (1985 = $46,065.75) for 
two weeks in January, 1854, and $3,924 for an 
engagement in 1855 (1985 = $48,579.12) 
Mrs . Farren received $983.75 for two weeks in 
November, 1855 (1985 = $12,178.83) 
Charlotte Cushman was paid $5,310 for a two-week 
appearance, 1858 (1985 = $69,983.10) 
93 The s e sa l a ry figures for women and men are in 
John S. Kendall, The Golden Age of New Orleans Theatre 
(New York: Greenwood Press, Publishers, 1968), pp. 
2 97-315. Ke nda ll does not cite sources for the 
information. Sa l a ry figures appe a r f o r the St. Cha rles 
Theatre , but no t for o t h e r New Orleans thea tres 
discu ss e d i n t h e book. 
8 c: _ ) 
Avonia Jones, a young new star, earned $953.75 for 
t"wo 
weeks in January , 1859 (1985 = $12.284.30). 
The salary figures for male stars appearing at the same 
theatre during the same years is comparable: 
Peter Richings earned $289.42 for one week in 
December, 1854 (1985 = $3,690.11) 
James E , Murdoch was paid $1,124.37 for two weeks 
in February, 1855 (1985 = $13,919.72) 
Edwin Booth, then a very young actor, received 
710.62 for ten days' work in 1856 (1985 = 
$8,953.81) 
Henry Placide was paid $1,000 for a two-week 
engagement in 1857 (1985 = $12,270.00). 
Stars on tour in western states also earned high 
salaries. Olive Logan stated that she made $1000 per 
week touring prior to 1871. 94 An article about Adah 
Isaacs Menken in the Boston Globe, November 30, 1890, 
describes Menken' s career and includes that statement 
that Menken netted $30,000.00 (1985 $255,000.00) 
touring in Mazeppa in California coal mining camps in 
1863. According to this article, Menken earned an 
average of $500.00 (1985 = $4,250.00) per performance. 
94 Log an , p. 88. 
8 6 
An interesting insight into the kinds of salary 
disputes which occurred during the period under study is 
provided by records and correspondence housed in the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 
concerning a lawsuit filed by actress Lucy Cutler 
against Mrs. Garrettson, the lessee and manager of the 
Walnut Street Theatre. 95 Cutler had been hired to 
appear at the theatre in October, 1864, apparently as a 
replacement for a woman who was ill. After the first 
few performances, Cutler was asked what salary she would 
require to continue. The records do not clearly indi-
cate how long Cutler actually continued to work at the 
Walnut Street Theatre. However, she apparently was not 
employed there for the remainder of the season. Cut-
ler' s claim against Garretson was for $500. 00 (1985 = 
$3,400.00) in wages not paid, and the testimony indi-
cates that Cutler had assumed she would be employed at 
$25.00 (1985 = $170.00) per week for more weeks than she 
actually was employed. Since there was no written 
contract, the case rested on testimony about the verbal 
95The Lucy Cutler Pa1ers, Society Collection, Manuscripts Division, Pennsy vania Historical Society, 
Philadelphia, PA. Photocopies of the 27 items, 
including correspondence, court depos itions, r eceipts, 
playbills, were sent to me by the Historical Society 
Manuscripts Division Lib rarian. 
8 7 
agre e men t betwe en Cutler and Garretson. A letter from 
Cutler t o her attorney in November, 1865, mentions a 
collection of funds made by the lawyer on Cutler's 
behalf. So apparently Cutler won her lawsuit. 
Although the information on salaries paid to men 
and women in the theatre from 1850 to 1870 is scant, the 
available data are consistent. Women in mid-nineteenth 
century theatre in the United States enjoyed consider-
ably more economic equity with men than their female 
counterparts in other occupations. In some cases, as 
discussed earlier, when a woman achieved star status, 
her earnings were comparable to male stars' earnings. 
Therefore, all matters of talent and opportunity being 
equal, women in the theatre had better chances for 
economic equity as actresses than were possible in other 
employment. 
Salary scales in contemporary theatre vary consid-
erably due to many factors, including the number of 
audience seats available, whether a theatre has not-for-
profit status or not, and special considerations such as 
Off-Broadway location, dinner theatre format, or resi-
dent theatre designation. Therefore it is difficult to 
make accurate comparisons between 
per£ armers' salaries and the wages 
Nineteenth 
earned by 
Century 
today's 
actors and actresse s. However, some general comparabil-
ity ex i sts between the salary scales during the 1850's 
88 
a nd 1860's a s demonstrated by the foregoing info r mat ion 
in this cha pter and the current salaries paid to per-
formers in League of Resident Theatres (LORT Contract 
with Actors' Equity Association) which are the contempo-
rary theatres which most closely resemble nineteenth-
century stock theatres in size and method of operation. 
The current LORT contract which expires in September, 
1988, requires base pay to actors ranging from $321.00 
96 per week to $401. 00 per week. The range depends on 
the size of the audience seating. This base pay figure 
can be compared with information previously discussed in 
this chapter for the National Theatre in Boston in 1850 
where the leading actress, Miss Mestayer, received a 
salary equivalent to $342.50 in 1985 dollars, and 
leading actor J.B. Booth's salary equaled $548. 00 in 
1985 dollars. The remainder of that company earned 
salaries which fell somewhat below the 1985 equivalent 
to current LORT scales. 
By the end of the two-decade period under study, 
1850-1870, performers salaries had risen, according to 
information presented earlier in this chapter. Compar-
ing the salary records for Daly's Theatre in 1869, there 
96This information was mailed to me by Actors' 
Equity Association and appea rs on a photocopy sheet with 
no title. 
89 
i '-' again comp a r a bility among the sa l a r ies pa id to the 
ac tors an d. actresse s in major r ole s with current LORT 
s a l a ries. Refe rring to the salary cha rt on page 64 male 
a ctors fr om Davenport down the list to Holland received 
salaries comparable in 1985 dollars to current LORT 
wages, a nd among the women, Mrs. Jennings and Mrs. 
Gilbert, Miss Ethel . Miss Davenport and Miss Longmore 
all earned the equivalent of a current LORT base wage. 
Other performers in the company, however, earned wages 
below current LORT scale. 
These comparisons are further limited by 
exclusion from Nineteenth Century remuneration 
the 
of 
insurance and pension benefits, which are part of the 
current professional contract between performers and 
professional theatres. Therefore, although no absolute 
accuracy can be maintained in comparing salaries from 
1850 to 1870 with contemporary performers' wages, there 
does seem to be some degree of comparability which can 
be a b a sis for speculation about the degree to which 
performers remuneration has remained somewhat unchanged 
over more than a century. 
CHAPTER FOUR 
CAREER OPPORTUNITIES FOR WOMEN 
IN THEATRE, 1850-1870 
Occupational opportunity in the theatre has always 
differed from opportunity in many other kinds of employ-
ment since the skills necessary for performance cannot 
necessarily be taught to or learned equally well by all 
aspirants, regardless of effort. Clearly, the success-
ful performer must possess, to some degree, the innate 
talent essential for performance. Therefore, the chance 
for employment in the theatre cannot be exactly compared 
to the chance for employment as an unskilled laborer, or 
as a. sales clerk, domestic servant, 
Biographical information researched 
or sewing person. 
for this study 
indicates that many of those who entered the theatre to 
earn a living during the first half of the nineteenth 
century, both in England and in the United States, were 
persons whose parents were actors. Often these perform·-
ers began their stage careers as children, learning 
their craft on the job with little formal instruction or 
other training. 
90 
9 1 
The actua l numbers of people earning a living as 
actors in the United States during the first three-
quarters of the nineteenth century were small. As an 
occupational group, actors composed less than . 01% of 
the workforce in United States in 1850. By 1870, the 
number of actors and actresses had grown to a total of 
2,053, or . 016% of the workforce. 97 
Like many other occupations at the time, the 
status of the occupation of acting was undefined in 
relation to any concept of professionalism. The last 
twenty years of the nineteenth century were to see 
professionalism as an ideal and an identifying prescrip-
tor for occupational behaviors and self-image. Charles 
McArthur' s book Actors and American Culture_, 1880-1920 
discusses the growth of professionalism in the American 
theatre, as identified by the formation of networking 
organizations, standards of professional behavior, and 
agreements on a theoretical basis for performance. The 
97 The total number of workers is from Table D75-84 
in Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial 
Times to 1970 (U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of the 
Census, 1970), p. 134; the number of actors in 1850 from 
DeBow, Op. Cit., p. 126; the number of actors in 1870 
from Walker, Op. Cit., p. 832. 
92 
theatre ac mid-Century, however, was not yet perce ive d 
by its a udie n ces nor by those working as performers, as 
a profession, in the contemporary sense of the word . 
Ac ting was an occupation, a way to make a living. 
The decades between 1850 and 1870 saw growth in 
the numbers of persons who were able to earn a living as 
performers and who achieved a comfortable degree of 
success, maintaining employment in the theatre over a 
period of many years. Many of these people were women. 
The American theatre from 1850 to 1870 offered both men 
and women various ways in which to conduct a career. 
Four specific career patterns emerge from a study of 
various successful theatre 
during this time period: 
company actress, ( 2) the 
careers maintained by women 
(1) the New York City stock 
actress in residence at one 
urban stock company, (3) the traveling stock actress, 
and ( 4) the actress touring in a star role. Men also 
followed these four career patterns in the theatre. For 
example, men who performed primarily in New York stock 
companies during the period 1850 to 1870 include 
Lawrence Barrett, F. S. Chanfrau, Charles W. Couldock, 
Edward Eddy, George L. Fox, George Holland, James E. 
Murdoch, Henry Placide, James H. Stoddart, and during 
the 1850s George Vandenhoff. Less common were perform-
ers in residence at one urban stock company, however, 
Lew i s Morrison spent nine years at the Wa lnut Street 
93 
Theatre ir: Philade lphi a after the Civil War, and William 
Warren , Jr. , conducted a thirty-six year residence at 
the Boston Museum. Many men followed the third pattern, 
traveling fr om one stock company to another for varying 
periods of residency; examples include Frank E. Aiken, 
Frank C. Bangs, George C. Boniface, E.L. Davenport, Owen 
Fawce tt, Frank Mayo, William J. LeMoyne , F. F. Mackay , 
Benjamin T. Ringgold, Stuart Robson, and John B. Stud-
ley. The fourth pattern of the touring performer 
appearing in particular starring roles is evident in the 
career of Denman Thompson who repeatedly performed as 
Joshua Whitcomb during mid-century decades. After 1865, 
Joseph Jefferson toured successfully as Rip van Winkle, 
and throughout the 1850s and 1860s Barney Williams 
toured in favorite roles with his equally popular wife~ 
Maria Pray Williams. 98 Another career category was that 
98Biographical information about the careers of 
Frank E. Aiken, Frank C. Bangs, George C. Boniface, Owen 
Fawcett, Lewis Morrison, Stuart Robson and Barney 
Williams is in John Bouve Clapp and Edwin Francis 
Edgett, Platers of the Present (New York: Burt Franklin, 
Lenox Hil Publishing and Distributing Company. 
Originally publishe d 1901. Reprinted 1970), and in T. 
Allston Brown, Histor~ of the American Stage (New 
York-London: Benjamin B om, Inc. First_ published 1870. 
Reissued 1969). Clapp and Edgett also describe the 
careers of James H. Stoddart, William J. LeMoyne, F. F. 
Mackay, Benjamin T. Ringgold, and Denman Thompson. 
Brief career summaries appear in Brown for F.S. 
Chanfrau, Edward Eddy, George Holland, Henry Placide, 
(Footnote Continued) 
9 L; 
o f the acto r / ac tress -ma nager who p e rformed and managed a 
(Footno t e Contin u e d) 
Ge o rge Vandenhoff and John B. Studley. See Mont rose J. 
Moses , Fa mous Actor-Families in America (New York: 
Benjamin Blom, Inc. First published T9o6. Reissued 
1968) for information on Ge org e Holland, E.L. Davenport , 
and Joseph Jefferson. Also see Odell for records of New 
York appearances by many of these actors. Memoirs by 
actors include James E. Murdoch, The Stage or 
Recollections o f Actors a nd Acting (PhiI'aaelphia: J.M.-
Stodda rt and Company, 1880 . Reissued 1969 by Benjamin 
Blom, Inc., New York), Ge o rge Vandenhoff, Leave s f rom a n 
Actor's Notebook (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 
1860), and Jo s eph Jefferson, "Rip Van Winkle": The 
Autobiograxhy of Joseph Jefferson (London: Reinhardt & 
Evans, Lt . , 1949. Origina lly published 1890). See 
also Edwin Francis Edgett, editor, Edwin Loami~ 
Davenport (Ne York: Dunla p Society, n.s., no. 14, 1901). 
Dissertations on actors include Norman Mackenzie Reid, 
"Edward Loomis Davenport" (Ph.D. dissertation, 
University of Michigan, 1941), Duane Joseph Fike, "Frank 
Mayo: Actor, Playwright, and Manager" (Ph.D. 
dissertation, University of Nebrasksa, 1980), Edward 
Joseph Golden, "Funny Man And The Snake Shop. The Art 
of William Warren, Jr., Leading Actor At The Boston 
Museum" (Ph.D. dissertation, Tufts University, 1973), 
and Douglas Charles McKenzie, "The Acting of Joseph 
Jefferson, III" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of 
Oregon, 1973). See also Laurence Senelik, "George L. 
Fox and Bowery Pantomime" in American Popular 
Entertainment: Pa ers and Proceedin s of the Conference 
on t e History o America n Popu ar Entertainment, e ite 
by Myron Matlaw (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 
1977), also D.L. Rinear, "F.S. Chanfrau's Mose: The Rise 
and Fall of an Urban Folk-Hero," Theatre Journal 33 (May 
1981) 199-212. See Hewitt for information about George 
L. Fox, pp. 206-208, and F.S. Chanfrau, pp. 146-147. 
Additional inf ormantion on George L. Fox i s in Lawrence 
Hutton, Curiosities of the Ame rican Stagbe (New York: 
Harper & Brother, 1891). Information a out Lawrence 
Barrett, Henry Placide, Joseph Jefferson, Charles W. 
Couldock, James Murdoch, George Vandenhoff, William 
Warren, Jr., and E. L. Davenport is in Wilson, A Histor~ 
o f American Act in~, and in Moody, "American Actors an 
Acting Before 190 : The Making of a tradition," in The 
Ame rican Theatre : A Sum of It s Par t s . 
95 
ctiea tre comp any s imultaneously. Most theatre managers 
froru 1850 to 1870 were men, such as actor-managers 
Les ter Wallack, J.W. Wallack, Jr., John Brou gham in New 
York, William H. Crisp in the south, J ames H. McVicker 
in Chicago, Ben De Ba r in St. Louis and New Orleans, and 
J ohn T. Ford in Baltimore and other cities. 99 There 
were al s o a number of women who were successful manag-
e r s . 
99The caree rs of Lester Wallack and his brother 
J.W. Wallack, Jr., are described in Moses, pp. 195-224. 
See also Lester Wallack Memories of Fift! Years (New 
York: Charles Scribners' Sons, 1889) and Wiliam Winter 
Brief Chronicles (New York: The Dunlap Society, 1889: 
Reprinted 1970, Burt Franklin, New York). Information 
on John Brougham is in R.M. Plotnicki, "John Brougham: 
Th e Aristophan e s o f American Burlesque ," Journal of 
Popular Culture 12 (Winter 19~8) 422-431, David Stewart 
Hawes, "Jonn Brougham As American Playwright and Man of 
the Theatre" (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University . 
1954). See Jim Gayle Lewis, "The Southern Ca reer of 
William H. Crisp: Actor/Manager, 1844-1874 11 (Ph.D. 
dissertation, University of Texas a t Aus tin, 1981). For 
information on James H. McVicker's management career see 
Jay F. Ludwig, "James H. McVicker and His Theatre, 11 
Quarterly Journal of Speech 46 (February 1960) 14-25; 
a lso James H. McVicker, The Theatre: Its Early Dats in 
Chicago (Chicago: Knight & Leonard, 1884). Ben Dear's 
management o f thea tres in St. Louis and New Orle ans is 
discussed in Kenda ll; see al s o Winter , Brief Chronicles , 
pp. 76-78. Both John Brougham and Ben De Barare 
discussed in Catherine Mary Reignolds-Winslow, 
Yesterdays with Actors (Boston: Cupples and Company, 
1887). John T. Ford's career is described in a 
dis s ertation by his n e phew John Ford, "The Theatrica l 
Career o f John T. Ford," (Ph.D. diss e rtat ion, Stanford 
Univers ity, 196 2 ). 
-- --- ---
96 
The next section of this Chapter is a study of the 
careers of four actresses who are examples of the four 
acting career patterns; the second section of this 
Chapter summarizes the work of three actress-managers. 
In the third section of this Chapter are brief sununaries 
of the careers of twenty-two other women active in the 
theatre during, and in most cases well beyond, the 
1850-1870 time period. As discussed in Chapter One, the 
women selected as subjects of this study were chosen at 
random with two considerations: ( 1) available informa-
tion, and ( 2) a career pattern which reflects choice 
among options. The activity of these women in the 
American theatre, their longevity in the theatre, and 
the career options open to them illustrates occupational 
opportunity for women in mid-nineteenth century American 
theatre. 
Section One: The Actresses 
Each of the four careers described in this section 
is preceded by a general Brief Biography of the actress 
to provide a sense of the life context in which each 
career occurred. 
All four women were married more than once; three 
re-married after being widowed. Three of the four women 
( all but Mrs. Vincent) were mothers. Only one woman was 
a native -born American (Maggie Mi tche 11) . The other 
97 
t hree women immigrated as adolescents or young women 
f rom England. Jones and Reignolds were t he children of 
Eng lish actors; Mitchell and Vincent b 2gan to act in 
childhood and adolescence, respectively, and neither had 
family in the theatre. 
All four of these women worked for most of their 
adult lives and with considerable success. Jones and 
Vincent continued working until the last illnesses of 
their lives. 
As the information which follows indicates, these 
women did not have difficulty in finding or maintaining 
steady employment in the theatre. They each garnered 
respe c t and affection from the public, and there is no 
indication that they perceived themselves as victims of 
social censure because they were actresses. 
MRS. W. G. JONES 
Brief Biography 
In Chatham, England, on April 15, 1829, Julia 
Wagstaff was born, the daughter of a bandmaster in the 
British army. Julia was one of six children in the 
family, and within a year or two of her birth, the 
Wags ta ff s were transferred to Bermuda. Wagstaff was 
unhappy in Bermuda, and he applied for permission to 
retire. When his request was refused, he packed his 
family and belongings in an open boat in 1832 and 
s uccessfully sailed to Philade lphia . Ther e he was able 
98 
t o secu re employment as the or chestra l eade r at the. 
Walnut S t ree t The atre, and young Julia, age four years, 
was hired to pl a y the flageolet in the orchestra. 
J uli a ' s s ibling s also played various instruments, and as 
the family g r ew up, they played concerts at the Walnut 
Street Thea tre under the leadership of their father. 
The e xact date of Julia Wagstaff's stage debut is 
uncertain. Some sources indicate that she played 
children' s roles at the Walnut Street Theatre, while 
others identify specific performances in 1845 as her 
f . t t . . 100 irs acing assignment. 
At age sixteen, Miss Wagstaff married actor W. G. 
Jones who wa s popular in sailor roles. Mr. and Mrs. 
Jones continued to perform at the Walnut Street Theatre 
in Philadelphia for several seasons, then they went to 
Boston and appeared at the National Theatre. In 1850, 
Mr. W. G. Jones performed at the American Theatre in New 
Orleans, and in the same year both Mr. and Mrs. Jones 
appeared at the Charles Street Theatre in that city. In 
1852 the couple joined the National Theatre stock 
lOOClapp, John Bouve and Edwin Francis Edgett, p. 
188; The New York Dramatic Mirror, June 22, 1907, 13:3, 
states that she played the Duke of York to Junius Brutus 
Booth's Richard III as her first role. In T. Allston 
Brown, History of the American Stage, p. 197, her first 
r o l e i s identifie d as Constance in Anima l Magnetism. 
00 
./., 
~ompan •1r i n New York. Both Mr. and Mrs ~J c J 
,. • I'\. r. ones we ·.re 
regular memb ers of Purdy's company at the National until 
M Jones' death in 1853. r. 
Abo1Jt a year later, Mrs. W. G . .Jones was married 
again to an actor who specialized in equestrian acts, J. 
M. Cooke, who was killed in a fall in the theatre. In 
1862, Mrs. Jones married her third husband, B~njamin F. 
De an, who was the orchestra leader at the Old Bowery 
Theatre. Despite her remarriages, the actress chose to 
maintain "Mrs. W. G. Jones" as her stage name throughout 
her long career. She was widowed a third time by the 
death of Mr. Dean in 1877. 
Mrs. Jones was mother to four children. A son, 
Ben Dean, became an actor, and he died a few months 
before his mother. Mrs. Jones was survived by two other 
sons and one daughter. At the time of her death, she 
had resided for thirty years in her own home at 214 West 
Thirty-Seventh Street in New York. 
On June 13, 1907, Mrs. Jones died after a few 
month's illness. Her funeral on June 16, 1907, was 
attended by a thousand persons, including many notable 
101 f igures in the theatre. 
lOlBiographical information found in Clapp and 
Edgett, Op. Cit.; The New York Dramatic Mirror, June 22, 
(Footnote Continued) 
100 
Stage Career 
Accord i ng to George Odell's Annals __ of the New York 
Stag e and T . Allston Brown's A History o f the New York 
-Stage , Mr s . W. G. Jones performed more than 330 roles on 
the New York stage between 1852 and 1901. Other sources 
indic ate that Mrs. Jones continued to perform from 190l 
until a few months prior to her death in 1907. A review 
of the roles played by Mrs. Jones and the nature of the 
theatres in which she performed reveal four phases in 
her career: 
185 2 -1875: Mrs. Jones was a regular member o f 
resident s tock companies at the National Theatre (1852-
1859), the New Bowery Theatre (1859-1866), and the Old 
Bowery Theatre (1867-1875). These East Side theatres in 
New York specialized in presenting popula r melodramas , 
often short plays which were presented on a double or 
triple-bill with a frequent change of bill each week. 
1879-1882: Mrs. Jones was in r e sidence for 
significantly s horter periods of time and appea red in 
fewer productions at the Olympic Theatre (September and 
October 1879), Aberle's Theatre (December 1879, to April 
(Footnote Continued) 
1907, 13:3; The New York Times, June 14 , 1907, 7:5; 
Jos e ph Pa trick Roppolo, "A History of the Engli s h 
La n gu age Theatr e in New Orle ans , 1845-1861" (Ph .D . 
d issertation, Tulane Unive r sity, 1950) , p . 94 3. 
10 1 
188 0), and the Windsor Theatre (1880-1882). During this 
time productions usually ran two weeks or longer. 
1883-1885: Mrs. Jones toured in New York City in 
The Romany Rye appearing at the Novelty Theatre (1883), 
at the Third Avenue Theatre (1884), and at Harry C. 
Miner's People's Theatre (1885). 
1886-1904: Mrs. Jones performed in a few produc-
tions in supporting roles. During the seasons of 
1901-02 and 1902-03, she was a member of the Empire 
Theatre Stock Company under the management of Charles 
Frohman. During 1904, Mrs. Jones traveled with a 
national touring production of The Pretty Sister of Jose 
starring Maude Adams. 
This study is concerned with the first two decades 
of Mrs. Jones' first career phase, during which time she 
was a resident stock actress for several years each at 
three of the popular New York Theatres, the National, 
the New Bowery and the Old Bowery. Plays in which she 
appeared a number of times in the 1850s and 1860s 
include: An Object of Interest, Guy Mannering, Mazeppa, 
Stella Delorme (or The Comanche Chief), Jack Sheppard, 
The Poor of New York, and Cherry and Fair Star. In 
accord with practice at the time, Mrs. Jones did not 
always repeat the same role in every production of a 
g iven play. For instance, she played Cherry in Cherry 
a nd Fa ir Star at the National in 1858, and in 1862 at 
l. C 2. 
the New Bowery s he played Fair Star. Mrs. Jones' stage 
hi s ~ory i s a lso notable for her several appearances in 
various productions of Uncle Tom's Cabin. She first 
performe d the role of Crazy Mag in the 1852 production 
of the play a t the National. Subsequently, from July to 
Occober of 1853, she played Eliza in the successful 
long-run production, also at the National. In June 
1854, Mrs. Jones played Topsy in a revival of Uncle 
Tom's Cabin at the National, and she later repeated the 
role of Eliza in both 1859 and 1865 at the New Bowery. 
In some cases, Mrs. Jones did n~peat the same role 
in many productions of the same play. She portrayed 
Lady Macbeth in eight productions between 1847 and 1870, 
she repeated the role of Ada McAlpine in Stella Delorme 
in 1859 and 1860, and she played Zoe in productions of 
The Octoroon in 1860 and 1965. 102 
102 Odell, 6: 238; 7: 142, 238-239, 241, 312-313, 
406; 3: 41. Allston Brown records a performance of Lady 
Macbeth at the Park The at re in 18 4 7 , 1 : 6 7 . A 1 vi n F . 
Harlow in Old Bowera Days: The Chronicles of a Famous 
Street (New York an London: D. Appleton and Company, 
1931), p. 323, states that Mrs. Jones played Lady 
Macbe th to the Macbeth of Macready at the season opening 
of the Astor Place Opera House, September 4, 1848. The 
remaining six portrayals are recorded by Odell as 
follows: 1860 at the New Bowery, 7: 245; 1866 at the 
New Bowery, 8: 43; 1866 at the Old Bowery in May, 8: 
173; a t the Old Bowe ry in July 1866, 8: 174; in 1869 a t 
the Old Bowery, 8: 466; and 1870 at the Old Bowery, 9: 
46 . 
103 
As discussed in Chapter Two, the stock companies 
Qf the nineteenth century played several nights a week 
to an a udience in cities which were relatively small by 
today's standards; they were able to draw continuing 
patronage by changing the bill nightly. This required 
the acting company to prepare a large number of scripts 
for performance, and within a given week the actors 
played several different roles. The effect of this 
working condition, along with the very large theatre 
auditoriums in New York at that time, and the growth of 
theatre as a business enterprise created demands on the 
performers. In order to work in a New York theatre 
during Mrs. Jones' time, the performer had to: 
1 - be capable of acting a variety of styles 
2 be physically a nd vocally able to perform in a 
very large hall 
3 - be able to perform a variety of roles within a 
given week 
4 - be able to fill a "line of business" (play 
certain types of roles as needed) 
5 - achieve and sustain popularity with the 
a udienc e 
These we re the skills which Mrs. W. G. Jones must h ave 
possessed in order to achieve her r ecord of success on 
t h e New York stage . 
l 04 
As a resident stock actress, Mrs. Jones had 
frequent 
opportunity to perform with various stars. One 
source states that at age sixteen she played with 
Charlotte Cushman 1.·n Guy Manner1.·ng. Oh 
_ t er records state 
tha.t when Cushman lost her singing voice, Mrs. Jones 
sang th 1 e ullaby usually sung by Cushman's character in 
_Guv M!l.,...., 
~nering. Other stars with whom Mrs. Jones per-
formed d uring the 1850s and 1860s were Junius Brutus 
Booth J 
' · W. Wallack, Edward Eddy, Fanny Wallack, G. C. 
Boniface d 103 
, an E. L. Davenport. 
An assessment of Mrs. W. G. Jones' importance in 
the American theatre must include a summary of the 
Crit· 
· ical response to her work. During her most active 
Pe · riod, from 1850 to 1880, little criticism of popular 
------
t 103odell records that Mrs. Jones played Cordelia 
ao the Lear of J. B. Booth in 1848, 1: 67; Odell records 
7~Pearances with J. w. Wallack at the National in 1858 i. 141-142, and at the New Bowery in 1860, 7: 244, and 
7~ 1861 when Mrs. Jones play Desdemona to Wallack's Iago b · 405, In this latter production, Othello was played 
E~ E. L. Davenport. Mrs. Jones appeared many times with 
p Ward Eddy at the New Bowery. Odell records 
a~~ductions with Mrs. Jones and Eddy in 18~0, 7:~ 245, 
498 330, in 1861 7: 404, in 1862 7: 408, in 1863, 7 : the - 499, in 1864, 7: 571-572, in 1865, 7: 662, and a~ 
01 . Old Bowery in 1868 8: 301. Mrs. Jones playea l.Ver to the Nancy of Fanny Wa l lack in an 1852 
~reduction of Oliver Twist according to BroW?, 1: 301. 
NPP~arances with Boniface include a production at the 
a~~l.onal in 1858, Ode ll, 7: 141, in 1864, Odell , 7: 5?2) 
0d as Lady Macbeth to Boniface's Macbeth in 18b6, 
e ll, 8: 43. 
10 5 
product ion in the East Side theatres was published. 
However, theatre chroniclers of the time indicate that 
Mrs. Jones' work was admired and respected. For in·-
stance , Mrs. Jones' career is describ e d by T. Allston 
Brown as follows: 
For eight years she was the leading lady - 1867 
to 1875 of the Old Bowery Theatre, and was 
considered one of the most reliable and consci-
en tious actresses ever seen in New York . . . 
Mrs. Jones is gifted with a commanding person, a 
voice powerful and melodious, and with all the 
charms, both of mind and body, that are calcu-
lated to make an impression on mankind. Her 
great natural talents have been perfected by 
diligent study, and she not only knows but 
comprehends all the parts she undertakes. A 
more versa_fJ4le actress has never been seen on the stage. 
Another admirer of Mrs. Jones' work was George 
Odell, who included a number of statements of praise for 
Mrs. Jones in his Annals of the New York Stage. For 
example, in his discussion of the season of 1859-1860 at 
the New Bowery Theatre, Odell stated, "Mrs. W. G. Jones 
had been enticed from the Old Bowery; henceforth she 
graced the new stage through the season, a pleasing 
presence and an excellent actress." 105 In a later 
volume of his work, Odell refers to Mrs. Jones' return 
to the Old Bowery and her long and successful residen ce 
104Brown, p. 309. 
105
ode ll, 7: 239. 
106 
there with t hi s obs e rvation: "Perha p s Mr s . Jones 
r eta ined h e r pl a ce for so many years because she nev e r 
h ad phy s i ca l b e auty to lose; her chief hold therefore 
was in the excelle nce of art, which one usually does not 
lo s e. 11106 
Additiona l evidence of Mrs. Jones' contribution to 
the professional theatre by the end of the nineteenth 
c entury i s provided by John Bouve Clapp and Edwin 
Francis Edgett in their essay concerning Mrs. Jones 
which i s part of their collection of biographical 
sketches of well-known theatrical personages, Players of 
the Present. Clapp and Edgett express admiration for 
the large number of roles played by Mrs. Jones, the many 
principal parts she played, and her continuing energy 
and vitality. 107 
Confirmation of Mrs. Jones' longevity as an 
actress is evident in newspaper reviews and critical 
~ornmentary about New York productions in the late 1800s. 
In 1899, Mrs. Jones received excellent notices in both 
New York and Boston for her portrayal of the Nurse in 
Rome o and Juliet starring Maude Adams. One of the most 
106 Odell, 9: 567. 
107 Clapp and Edg e tt, pp. 190-191. 
)07 
res pected a nd literate critics, William Winter, praised 
Mrs. Jone s ' performance in this way: 
The best performance of the night was that of 
the Nurse, by Mrs. WO G. Jones, an actress of 
the old time, who knows how to act, and who 
presented a true human being, with the foibles, 
the time-service, the sophistry, the garrulity, 
and the worldliness appertaining to the Nurse's 
nature and station, and who was an element of 
vitality and15~rce in every situation into which 
she entered. 
In The Boston Evening Transcript the reviewer who 
attended the same production of Romeo and Juliet when it 
played in Boston stated: "To our mind out and out the 
best thing of the evening was Mrs. Jones' Nurse; 
surely we have never before seen the part done with such 
unctuous perfection." 109 
In 1904, Mrs. Jones celebrated her seventy-fifth 
birthday in St. Louis while on tour with Maude Adams in 
The Pretty Sister of Jose. The St. Louis Globe Democrat 
review of the play was complimentary, and the following 
excerpt indicates that Mrs. Jones' work was admired: 
7: 3. 
There are three persons in support of Miss Adams 
who could scarcely be improved upon ... Mrs. 
W. G. Jones, approaching "the lonely summit of 
fourscore," yet strong and sweet of voice, and a 
truly enthusiastic actress. There were quaint 
touches of self-consciousness in her work last 
night as if she were in fancy drawing the 
lOBThe New York Tribune, May 9, 1899, 8:6. 
109The Boston Evening Transcript, May 23, 1899, 
108 
mantle of her yea rs about her One 
1 h M · Ad · may on y wish t at iss ams , too, may -e.ontinue t o b e 
young a nd s trong so long a t ime . 11u 
An indication of the esteem with which Mrs. Jones 
was r egarde d by her professional peers was her inclusion 
in the c as t of the 1888 production of Haml et_ starring 
Edwin Booth which was mounted as a special benefit to 
r et iring Le s t e r Wallack. The single performance of the 
pla y f e atured major stars in the speaking roles and 
other stag e celebrities in supernumerary parts. Mrs. 
J ones appeared as an extra in the court scenes, and 
according to The New York Times she was among those 
r e cognized and applauded by the audience. Odell also 
mentioned this event in Annals of the New York Stage and 
listed Mrs. Jones among "the most famous group of 
'supers' h d f 11111 I ever ear o . 
In addition to praise for her work , Mrs. Jones re-
ceived compliments of a more personal nature. In 1897, 
The New York Times published a tribute to Mrs. Jones for 
her long years in the theatre. 112 At the time of Mrs. 
5: 1. 
llOThe St. Louis Glob e Democra~, Apri l 12, 1904, 
lllThe New York Times, May 22, 1888, 1:7; Odell, 
VIII, p. 508. 
11 2The New York Times, July 11, 1897, Magazine , p. 
2 . 
109 
~Tones ' seventy -·fifth birthday, The New York Dramatic 
Mirror printed a sentimental summary of Mrs. Jones' 
career which included the following: 
as the leading lady at the Old Bowery she 
won by h er grace and charm of personality the 
highest admiration of the public, and now that 
s h e i s in the a utumn of her days, there is that 
in h er face which makes every good man fancy 
that h~ 13 sees in her a resemblance to his 
mo ther. 
An article about the Old Bowery Theatre written by J. J. 
Mcclo s key in 1896 makes this statement: 
Before closing this article I desire to pay a 
merited tribute of respect to the genius, 
character, and virtue of one whose loveliness, 
affability, and artistic grace stamp her as best 
beloved of her time. I allude to Mrs. W. G. 
J on e s. Whether viewed as wife, mother, or 
ac tress, she was ever true to the duties of each 
sphere. She was beloved by her associates, 
honored by her friends, and adored even by the 
street urchins, whose "Hello, Mrs. Jones!" was 
ever repaid with a smile and a coin. When the 
old stock companies were abandoned she was 
eagerly sought after, and her fame as an actress 
is as great today as when she played as a 
child-actress, until she reached the position of 
leading 11~dy for thirty years in the "Old Bowery." 
On the day following Mrs. Jones' death in 1907, 
The New York Times published a column several paragraphs 
in l e n g th in tribute to her. A long article and 
113The New York Dramatic Mirror, April 23, 1904, 
p. 16. 
114 The New York Dramatic Mirror, Christmas Issue, 
1896, p. 52.""" 
110 
photograph of Mrs. Jones appeared in The New York 
Dramatic Mirror in the issue following her 115 death. · 
These publications noted Mrs. Jones' station in the 
theatrical community, her family life, and her concern 
for the welfare of needy actors for whom she managed a 
charity fund. In addition, mention is made in these 
articles of Mrs. Jones' participation in professional 
organizations such as the Professional Women's League, 
the Actors' Church Alliance, and the Actors' Fund. More 
than a thousand persons attended her funeral service, 
which provides further evidence that Mrs. W. G. Jones 
was admired both professionally and personally. 
Mrs. W. G. Jones' contribution to the American 
theatre is worthy of attention. She appeared in hun-
dreds of productions, achieved popularity with audiences 
of her day, and was praised by critics and chroniclers 
of the time. Her career illustrates the variety of 
working situations, ranging from long periods of resi-
dence in New York stock companies which presented many 
different plays each week to weeks and months of touring 
in a single production in New York area theatres and 
across the country. An English-born actress who began 
115The New York Dramatic Mirror, June 22, 1907, p. 
13; The New York Times , June 24, 1907, 7:5. 
I' 
111 
to perform in childhood, apparently to s uppl ement famil.y 
i ncome , Mr s . W. G. Jones' c a reer of mo i.:- e than sixty 
_years i s a n example of the longevity on the American 
stage ach ieved by some women. Other ex amples follow in 
t hi s study. 
MAGGIE MITCHELL 
Brief Biography 
A native American citizen, Margaret Julia Mitchell 
was b orn to Scotch-English immigrant parents in New York 
in 183 2 . Little is recorded of Miss Mitchell's child-
hoo d, other than that she attended New York public 
school s in her early years. She grew up with two 
half-si s ters, both of whom were actresses. Emma 
Mitche ll performed as a child actress and then retired 
into private life, and Mary Mitchell pursued an active 
stage career for a number of years and was married to 
actor-manager John Albaugh. Some sources indicate that 
young Maggie performed children's roles at the Bowery 
theatre under the management of Hamblin, while others 
conte nd that her acting c a reer began with a debut in 
]851 a t a ge nineteen. 116 
116ttolden, Luther, "Maggie Mitche ll" in Famous 
~ctors of Today, edited by Frederic E. McKay and Charlei 
(Footnot e Continued) 
, .. 
I 
112 
In the e a rly 1850s, Maggie Mitchell was briefly 
marrie d a nd soon divorced. A son born of this marriage 
and known as Julian Mitchell later performed with his 
117 
mother. The name of Miss Mitchell's first husband is 
not mentioned in any of the sources. In 1868, Maggie 
Mitchell was married to Henry T. Paddock, variously 
identified as a Cleveland businessman and a native of 
Ch . 118 icago. 
This marriage followed a courtship of fourteen 
years, and Mr. Paddock was Miss Mitchell's manager for 
several years. Two children were born to Miss Mitchell 
and Mr. Paddock, a daughter, Fanchon, and a son, Henry 
M. Paddock. Eventually this marriage disintegrated, and 
Miss Mitchell sued for divorce in 1888. 
(Footnote Continued) 
E. L. Wingate (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell and Company, 
1896). See also Edward T. James, Janet Wilson James and 
Paul S. Boyer, editors, Notable American Women 
1607-1950: A Biografhical Dictionar~ (Cambridge, Mass.: 
The Belknap Press o Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 
551; see also Bouve and Clapp, p. 251; see also The New 
York Times, June 24, 1907, 7:5, and March 23, 1918, 
~; also Brown, p. 249, which includes biographical 
notes on Emma Mitchell and Mary Mitchell. 
117 James, p. 552. 
118 James, p. 522; Clapp and Edgett identify 
Paddock as a Chicagoan (p. 254); Paddock is identified 
as from Cleveland in Brown (p. 249), and in The New York 
Times, June 24, 1907, 7: 5; see also Alfred Trumble, 
"Maggie Mi tche 11," Great Artis ts of the Americar: 
Sta g e (New York: Richa rd K. Fox Publisher, 1882), p. 56. 
11 3 
In 1889, Maggie Mitchell married her third hus -
b a nd , actor Charles Abbott who was performing with ht-;r 
a s her leading man. Abbott, a man twenty years younger 
than Miss Mitchell, was described as handsome and 
athletic, and he remained her husband until her death in 
1918. 119 
money. 
Apparently Maggie Mitchell was a good manager of 
Several sources mention her thrift and skill in 
investing. By the time she retired from the stage in 
1891, Mitchell was regarded as a wealthy woman. Olive 
Logan stated in 1871 that Maggie Mitchell was 1'worth a 
hundred thousand dollars," and Michael Leavitt recorded 
her real estate holdings as "immense." When she died, 
she owned two homes, a Manhattan residence, and a summer 
120 house in Elberon, New Jersey. 
All sources which refer to Maggie Mitchell's 
wealth speak of the wealth as hers alone, earned through 
her years as a successful actress. At the time that 
Mitchell was contemplating divorce from Henry Paddock, 
119 Jame s , p. 552; see also William C. Young, 
Famous Actors and Actresses of the American Stage: 
Documents of American Theatre History_ (New York and 
London: R. R. Bowker Company, 1975), II, p , 800. 
120 Logan, p. 443; also Michael Leavitt, Fifty 
Years in Theatrical Management (New York : Broadway 
Publishing Company, 1912), p. 704; The New York Times, 
June 24, 1907, 7:5. ----------
114 
s h e was interviewed by the Boston Sun~_l:!_era ld, which 
published her comments on March 3, 1889 . In that 
interview, Mitchell revealed that Paddock had claimed 
$25,000.00 from her in order to permit an uncontested 
divorce. Mitchell commented that she regarded this sum 
as too large, and she intended to negotiate with 
Paddock. Despite the fact that she had grounds for 
divorce based on Paddock's infidelity, to which Mitchell 
had proof in the form of a lover's letter to Paddock 
which discussed their adulterous relationship, Mitchell 
was making no financial claim against Paddock. The 
family weal th was hers. The same newspaper interview 
mentions that Mitchell had recently concluded the sale 
of a tract of land on One Hundred Twenty-Fourth Street 
near Seventh Avenue for more than $100,000.00. The 
article continues to discuss Mitchell's wealth, citing 
her holding of stocks and bonds II to the tune of five 
f . d dd • • 1 1 t II 121 igures, an a itiona rea esta e. 
Miss Mitchell was a hard worker. Her professional 
record of years of touring at a time when travel was 
difficult and uncomfortable attests to her endurance and 
10:4. 
121 The Sunday Herald (Boston), March 3, 1889, 
115 
ene rgy. She viewed her profe ss ion as strenuous and 
described her career in these terms : 
It is a lottery, this profession of ours, in 
which even the prizes are, after all, not very 
considerable. My own days, spent most of them 
far from my children and the comforts and 
delights of my home, are full of exhausting 
labor. Rehearsals and other business occupy me 
from early morning to the hour of performance, 
with brief intervals for rest and food and a 
little sleep. In the best hotels my time is so 
invaded that I can scarcely live comfortably, 
much less luxuriously. At the worst, existence 
becomes a torment and a burden. I am the eager, 
yet weary, slave of my profession, and the best 
it can do for me - who am fortunate enough to be 
included among its successful members - is to 
barely palliate the suffering of a forty y~~ks' 
exile from my own house and my family ... 
On March 23, 1918, at age eighty-five, Maggie 
Mitchell died of a cerebral hemorrhage. Her obituary 
indicates that her husband, Charles Abbott, and her 
daughter and son from her marriage to Henry Paddock, 
were at her bedside. 
Cemetery in Brooklyn. 
She was buried in Greenwood 
Stage Career 
On June 2, 1851, Maggie Mitchell performed the 
role of Julia in The Soldier's Daughter at Burton's 
Theatre in New York. She was apparently successful, for 
122Mitchell, Maggie. "Success on the Stage," 
North American Review 135 (December 1882) : 598-599. 
116 
s he ba h · 
- w s ire d 1 f 
at a sa a ry o four dollars pe r week (1985 
equi valent =: $56 .00 ) 
1a s1- 52 
Playing 
to act at the Bowery during the 
season. She thu s began her theatre career, 
many boys ' roles, singing and dancing, and attract · ing 
~ With no ti ce f or her portrayal of Oliver in Oliver 
Fanny Wallack as Nancy Sikes. A disagreemen t Wit-h 
- management terminated Miss Mitchell ' s engagement at 
the Bowery and 
s he entered into the first of several. 
Years 
a s a touring actress. 
Working for various managers, and sometimes accom-
Panied by her mother, the young actress performed in 
Balt· 
1.more and other Eastern cities, with a repertory of 
roles f 
eaturing male characters, 
roles 
of Claude Melnotte in The Lady of Lyons and Young 
Norv-a1 · · 1 1 · 1.n Q_ouglas, and, surprisingly, the tit e roe in 
~rctd TTT d M" h '1 
~· After two seasons on the roa , itc e1. 
returned · d · h J 
to New York and briefly appeare wit ames 
Ba1 l R . 0 b1.nson's company, which was not successful. In 
th
e aut B t n umn of 1853 Robinson moved his company to os 0 
' to the 
Eagle Thea tre, and after playing in Boston, 
Mitche11 t She Wen t t o Cleveland for an engagemen · 
including the leading 
achie"ed h t nt 
v no tabl e popul a rity in Cleveland, tote ex e 
a "M aggie Mitche ll craze" resulted in young men 
Wearing h +- · , a. c. S , S Carves 
to tho" ct· 
.:>e. i s playe d by 
1 J. 7 
and other items of apparel s imila r 
Mis s Mitchell onstage. 123 
This early momentum in Miss Mitchell's career led 
to h 
er first tour as an acknowledged star. Her reperto -
ry of 
roles included Margery in A Rough Diamond, 
The Loan of a Lover, Paul in The Pet of the Gertrude in 
~' Harry Halcyon in A Middy Ashor~, the Count-
ess · 
in r~e Wild Irish Girl and Dot in The Cricket on the 
Hearth ~ · In addition, at the opening of her tour in 
p· 
1.ttsburgh, Mitchell first performed the lead role in 
~Ma£~i ~ h 
~' which had been written expressly for er. 
Continuing to tour in 1854, Miss Mitchell made her 
first 
appearance in Philadelphia on March 20, 1854, as 
Con stance in The Love Chase. The following year (1855) 
her t 
ravels extended to Albany and other northeastern 
Cities With a repertory which was to continue for 
several 
more years: Katy O'Shiel, Satan in Paris, and 
'I'h 
~-
By this time, Mitchell was specializing 
in 
soubrette and comic roles, and her hey-day in young 
rnale 
roles was in decline. She also returned to the 
---
Bolde 123Brown, p. 249; Clapp and Edgett, pp. 251-252; 
n, PP. 312-313; James, p. 515; Odell, 6 : 26 · 
..... 
l J. 8 
mid-we s t in 1855, a ppearing in February at Rice 1 s 
Chicago Theatre. 124 
In the l a te 1850s, Maggie Mitchell continued her 
touring career, playing Providence in January 1856, and 
then New Orleans at the St. Charles Theatre in December 
1856. An appearance at Rice's Theatre in Chicago is 
recorded during February 1857. Later in 1857, returning 
from Cleveland (where she had cared for one of her 
sisters who was ill) Mitchell again appeared at Burton's 
Theatre in New York during August. Again in Chicago, 
Mitchell performed at North's National Theatre from 
September 28 to October 10, 1857. An appearance in 1859 
at Mc Vicker' s Theatre in Chicago is recorded, and in 
1860 Mitchell performed again at McVicker's Theatre in 
August. 125 At various times during these years Mitchell 
returned to other cities in the East, for Leavitt notes 
that she was a favorite with Providence audiences for 
forty years. In his History of the Providence Stage, 
George Willard states that Mitchell made more appear-
126 ances in Providence than any other star. 
124 Sherman, Robert L., Chicago Stage: Its Records 
and Achievements, p. 271. 
125
willard, p. 154; see also Odell, 6: 529; 
Roppolo, p. 947; Sherman, p. 312, pp. 433-434, p. 465 . 
1261 . eavitt , p. 165; Willa rd, p. 154. 
119 
Clearly popular in a number of cities and highly 
successful as a touring actresses, Maggie Mitchell was 
nonetheless to eclipse her prior record with a stunning 
success in New Orleans. She traveled south in 1860 to 
join Ben De Bar's company at the St. Charles Theatre. 
While there, she attracted the attention of the orches-
tra leader, Augustus Waldauer, who believed that with 
the right stage vehicle Miss Mitchell could achieve even 
greater success. Waldauer adapted the George Sand story 
"La Petite Fadette" from a German translation to an 
English script, and on January 29, 1861, Maggie Mitchell 
performed the leading role in the play, now entitled 
Fanchon the Cricket. This premiere of the play in New 
Orleans was politely received by the New Orleans press, 
and Mitchell must have sensed the play' s potential for 
her. Following the run in New Orleans, Mitchell took 
the play to Boston where it opened on June 10, 1861, at 
the Boston Museum with many of the principal players of 
that company in the cast. Then the star appeared at the 
Howard Athaneum and at the Boston Theatre in subsequent 
productions, indicating that Boston audiences were 
t 1 h . . 127 ex_reme y ent us1ast1c. 
127 Kendall, p. 318; also James, pp. 551-552; also 
mentioned in Clapp and Edgett, p. 253; Holden, p. 315. 
(Footnote Continued) 
120 
Lea s i n g Laura Ke ene's Thea tre in New York, Magg ie 
Mitchell op e n e d Fanchon the Cricket on June 9, 1862, and 
the success o f her performance ensured her stardom in 
the leading role for two de cades to come. This New York 
run of six weeks wa s a turning point in Mitchell's 
caree r. Returning to touring, Mi tche 11 performed 
Fanchon at McVicker's Theatre in Chicago in November 
1862. Subsequently she developed a repertoire around 
Fanchon, keeping that star role as her sure success, but 
also achieving popularity starring in Little Barefoot, 
The Pe a rl of Savoy, and Jane Eyre. 
During the 1860s, Maggie Mitchell continued her 
pattern of touring, performing Fanchon and her other 
favorite roles. She extended her travels as far west as 
St. Louis and Louisville, and western actor Charles A. 
Krone mentions in his memoirs that Mitchell played 
"several weeks" 
to "continual packed houses" in St. Louis in 1863. 
Krone also notes that Mitchell objected to the actor 
originally slated to play the leading male roles oppo-
site h e r, and that she r equested Krone as a 
(Footnote Continued) 
Mr s . Vincent, discussed later in this study, performed 
in the Bo s t on Museum production o f Fanchon. 
! 
17. 1 
1 28 
re placement. Al t h ou gh the de ca de of che 1850s found 
Mi t c h e ll prima rily on tour outside New York , the 1860s 
inc lude d nume rous r e turn engag ement s in New York, an 
ind i c ation of h e r star sta tus. She pe rformed Fan,_chon at 
the Wint e r Garden in 1862 and a t Nib lo ' s Gardens in 
1864, maintained a run of more tha n two months at 
Nib lo ' s Gardens in the spring and early summer of 1865 
in three f avorites (Fanchon,_, Little Barefoot, and The 
Pearl of Savoy), played at the Broadway Theatre for a 
month in October 1866, and enjoyed another month's run 
at Niblo's Gardens in the spring of 1866. Odell records 
her appearances at the Winter Garden during the 1866-67 
season and further observes: 
Stars were beginning to bring with them, if not 
whole companies, at least one or two leading 
players. Maggie Mitchell, we know, was almost 
invariably a ccompanied by J. W. Collier. This 
practice was perhaps the enteri~ 9wedge for the de struc tion of the s tock system. 
In 1867 Mitchell appea red again at the Broadway Theatre 
in April, and in 1868 she performed at Wood's Museum 
during August and September. 
Mary Mitchell, the sister who had continued her 
a ct i n g career, was hir e d a long with h e r husb and, John 
128 Krone, 4:212-213. 
129
odell, 7: 27, 396, 646-647; 8: 145, 157. 
122 
Albaugh, f or the 1870-71 season at De Bar's St. Charles 
Theatre in New Orleans. Maggie Mitchell was persuaded 
to return to New Orleans to join her sister and to 
appear again at the site of her first success with 
Fanchon. Her revival of the play a decade later in New 
Orleans was again a success, and she reaped financial as 
well as critical rewards. 
Maggie Mitchell continued her stage career through 
the 1870s and 1880s, still charming audiences with her 
portrayal of Fanchon and the other pixie roles she had 
popularized. She maintained an active career, combining 
tours with New York appearances until 1892, when, at the 
age of sixty, she retired from the stage. 
In later years, looking back at her choice to 
maintain a career as a touring actress, Maggie Mitchell 
commented on the fine training provided in the old stock 
companies where she had begun. She thought the touring 
combination companies were "good for the public but bad 
for the young people in the profession." When asked how 
she felt about the many repeated performances in her 
famous Fanchon role, the actress said: 
~o matter what else you do or how well you do 
it, there is always a generation that has grown 
up on_ the belief that the one thing you can do 
best is the one that it first saw you do. This 
idea is often hard upon the actors and actress-
es, obliging them to keep playing roles of which 
they have become extremely weary. Now I, 
fortunately, do not lose the spirit of 'Fanchon' 
when I once get upon the stage, but before I 
l 23 
begin , the ~ay on which I am going to play it is 
often a _ p a inful _one . I fee l somet imes 1~ if I 
would g ive anything to escape the ordeal. O 
Throughout the years of her active stage 
career , Magg ie Mi.tchel l was held in high esteem 
by her public. Luther Holden said of her: 
Her vivid por traya l of childhood's sorrows and 
joys, of its bitter trials and noble triumphs, 
was the very perfection of dramatic art, and yet 
something beyond the mere achievements of the 
clever actres s. It was the ar t which made a 
pure and ennobling stage creation all the more 
impres s ive by r eason of the soul behind it all. 
Good actors there are, and always will be; 
but there can never be one who will exert a 
purer and better influence upon the American 
stage than the genial and winsome comedienne. 
whose 1 _wnius these few pages seek to commemo-
r a te. 
Another example of the praise typically accorded 
to Mitchell is this statement: 
No actress on the American stage is more widely 
known than Maggie Mitche.11, and none on any 
stage is more deservedly respected. An artist 
of rare power and a woman of irreproachable 
character and noble womanly traits, she does 
honor alike to the art she h~½z, render illus-
trious and the sex she a dorns. 
In 1889, when Mitchell divorced Henry Paddock, newspaper 
accounts of the proceedings and charges focused on 
Paddock's alleged infidelity and financial irrespon-
sibility. Miss Mitchell was portrayed as the "wounded 
130
rnterview with Maggie Mitchell in The New York 
Daily Tribune, April 1, 1888, 13:5. 
131 Holden, p. 320. 
132 Trumble, p. 54. 
124 
c ricket" by The New York Times , and a very lengthy 
a rticle in the Bo s ton Sunday Herald de s cribed her as a 
betrayed mother concerned for her children . 133 Both the 
press a nd the public were loyal to their beloved Maggie. 
When Maggie Mitchell died, some twenty-seven years 
after her retirement, her forty-year career was reviewed 
in obituary notices of some length. The memories of her 
repeated stage success and homage to her financial 
prowess overshadowed any lingering hint of personal 
scandal connected with her divorce and subsequent 
remarriage. Clearly, Maggie Mitchell's professional 
achievement earned her a lasting respect. 
Although many of the women discussed in this study 
were English-born and turned to acting out of economic 
necessity, Maggie Mitchell is representative of those 
native American women who began a career by choice, and 
pursued success through ambition. 
KATE REIGNOLDS 
Brief Biography 
Born May 16, 1836, near London, Catherine Mary 
Reignolds was the granddaughter of an English soldier 
133The New York Times, March 4, 1889, 5:6; The 
Sunday Hera ld, Boston, March 3, 1889, 10: 4 . 
125 
a mong t: h e first killed at the Battle of Water loo. lJ ti 
He r father died young leaving his Widow with three 
daughters to raise, Catherine Mary being the 'desc· e i. . • In 
1850, Mrs. Reignolds and her daughters left England and 
travelled to the United States where Mrs. Reignolds 
found employment with theatre manager John Rice i n 
Chicago. Catherine Mary, who became known as Kate 
Reignolds, and her two sisters and mother were employed 
as performers after this time in Chicago, and by 1855, 
Kate Reignolds had moved to New York to continue her 
career. 
By 1857, Miss Reignolds had joined a stock company 
which performed in both St. Louis and New Orleans. 
Members of the company included Henry Farren, who became 
Miss Reignolds' husband in December 1857. On January 8, 
1860, Henry Farren died, leaving Kate Reignolds a widow 
at the age of twenty-four. 
The following year Miss Reignolds moved to Boston 
to join the Boston Museum stock company, and on June 23, 
1861, she was married to Erving Winslow, a young Boston 
134Reignolds-Winslow, Cather ine Mary. Yesterdays 
with Actors, p. vu.... The author refers to references 
which erroneously stated that it was her father who was 
killed at Waterloo, and this error is found in T. 
Alls ton Brown's His tor~ of the American Sf age, p. 309, 
a nd in John S , Kendall s The Golden A_ge o New Orleans 
Theatre, p. 310. 
126 
bus inessma n of a n o ld New Eng land f amily. Their son, 
Charles -Edward Amory Wins low , was born February 4, 1877 , 
and was t o b ecome a professor of Public Health at Yale 
Univers ity and a trans la tor of European plays. One 
source states tha t Miss Reignolds "quietly withdrew to 
p r ivate 1 ife" after the birth of her son, while another 
report s t a tes that her son's ill health forced her to 
retire from the s tage. 135 
During a severe New England heat wave, Catherine 
Mary Reignolds-Winslow died of heat prostration on July 
11, 1911, at her summer home in Concord, Massachusetts. 
136 She is buried in the Springfield Cemetery. 
135 F rren in The Missouri 
. An obituary for Henry :s that Farren lefr a 
Re Ublican, January 9, 1860, stat the only indication 
Y
0
ung wi e and a child. " Th• s is her first marriage· 
that Kate Reignolds had a child from the early 1870s is 
Her "1ithdrawal from the stage rn, s ill-health. Since 
attributed in some sources to a son econd marriage to th
e only child resulting from her s_ 11 child may have 
Erving Winslow was born in 18 7_7 • ~~e ~ther mention of 
been Farren' s son. There is_ olds and Winslow' . so 
additional children born to Reign . tee n years which th
ere i s no explana tion for the ::xe to the birth of 
elapsed from the time of their mar\v!d his mother and th
eir s on. The Wins low son SUrv father. 
w · ns low P · 3 O; Reignolff- ~ 911 , 4:7; The 
July Th~ Boston He ralc!, 9: 5; 
12"1 
Stage Career 
Ka t e Reignolds' stage debut occurred on February 
24, 1851, when she played a small part in Cinderella at 
Tremont Hall in Chicago, h e r mother having been hired by 
J ohn Rice to appear in that production as well. Soon 
a fterward, Kate Reignolds performed in Rob Roy, but 
d e tails of subsequent per f ormances are not available. 
Reignolds' memoirs suggest that these were very 
difficult years, and that as a young adolescent she 
carried much of the burden of support for her mother, 
her sisters and herself. By 1855 she had moved to New 
York , and she reports in Yesterdays wi t h Actors that she 
arranged to meet with American star Edwin Forrest to beg 
for an audition. The great actor me t her, gave her a 
chance to perform her a udition, and hired h e r t o play 
the ingenue Virginia to his Virginius, one of his most 
famous roles. In Annals of the New York Stage, George 
Odell records April 7, 1855, as the date on which Kate 
Reignolds made her New York debut at t h e Broadway 
Theatre performing in Virginius with Edwin Forrest. 
Thi s fortuitous event was the beginning of fifteen years 
o f almost unint e rrupte d employment on t h e stage for Kate 
Reignolds. 
Odell's r e cords show Kate Reignolds' appearing on 
Ma y 29, 1855 , a t the Academy of Mus ic in New York in a 
tes timonial performance of Monsieur .Jacques given in 
1 28 
honor o f J . W. Wallack. From September through most of 
Decemb e r in 1855, Miss Reignolds performed at Burton's 
Theatre, and at the end of December, 1855, she joined 
Laura Keene' s company at the Metropolitan Theatre. 
Odell records sixteen productions in which Kate 
Reignolds appe a red with Laura Keene's Varieties between 
December 1855 a nd June 16, 1866. 137 
In Yesterdays with Actors, a chapter is devoted to 
Laura Keene and her theatre company. Miss Keene was 
highly respected by young Miss Reignolds for both 
discipline and charm. Although Laura Keene lost her 
lease on the Metropolitan Theatre and was forced to 
close on June 21, 1856, Kate Reignolds was to re-join 
Miss Keene within a few months. 
The next theatre at which Kate Reignolds appeared 
was the Bowery under the management of John Brougham, to 
whom she devotes a chapter in her memoirs. At the 
Bowery, Reignolds appeared first as a Witch in Macbeth 
and as Mrs. Trictrac in The Married Rake, the double 
bill performed on June 30, 1856. She continued in 
Brougham's company through the summer and fall of 1856, 
appearing in at least twenty-six productions. Among 
these was King John, which opened on December 29, 1856, 
137 Odell, 6: 347, 396, 431-435, 451 - 455. 
129 
with Kate Reignolds playing Arthur, a role which demand-
ed that she feign a fall from the "castle wall," a feat 
she describ es in detail in her memoirs. 
Laura Keene reopened her company in a new location 
in November 1856, and Kate Reignolds returned to replace 
Miss Keene in the role of Rose Elsworth in Love in '76 
in March 185 7. Odell's records indicate that Reignolds 
stayed with Laura Keene's company through the spring of 
1857, but her name is not mentioned in the summary of 
productions presented during the summer of 1857. 138 
In the fall of 1857, Kate Reignolds joined Ben De 
Bar's company for its autumn season in St. Louis at the 
Opera House. De Bar's organization regularly moved to 
the St. Charles Theatre in New Orleans for the winter 
months where the company was regarded as excellent. De 
Bar maintained a regular stock company which provided 
support to visiting stars in both St. Louis and New 
Orleans. John S. Kendall in his book The Golden Age of 
the New Orleans Theatre refers to Kate Reignolds as "the 
most picturesque figure in the organization," who later 
138
odell, 7: 461-462, 543-545, 549-552; James, p. 
133; Reignolds-Winslow, p. 52. 
130 
would be regarded as a star in western and southern 
cities. 139 
While a member of De Bar's company, Reignolds per-
formed with many actors and actresses of national 
renown. In February 1858, at the St. Charles Theatre in 
New Orleans, Reignolds performed Juliet to the Romeo of 
Charlotte Cushman. Recalling the great Cushman in her 
memoirs, Reignolds praised the older actress' patience 
and willingness to coach others in their roles. Other 
stars with whom Reignolds appeared at this time were 
Matilda Heron, Mrs. John Wood, James E. Murdoch, and 
James Hackett, all of whom, along with Ben De Bar, are 
described in Yesterdays with Actors. 
In 1860, after the death of her husband, Kate 
Reignolds returned to New York where she appeared at the 
Winter Garden in July in the role of Anne Chute in Dion 
Boucicault's The Colleen Bawn. Starring in the produc-
tion was Agnes Robertson, for whom this was a farewell 
performance. Reignolds and Robertson had worked togeth-
er in Laura Keene's company, and in her memoirs 
Reignolds praises Robertson's work and indicates that 
139Kendall, pp. 298-299 and 
Roppolo, pp. 612-613, p. 616, 
specific roles played by Reignolds. 
pp. 
pp. 
309-310; 
627-628, 
also 
lists 
1 3 1 
the t wo a ct r esses we r e to maintain their f riendship f or 
s ev e r a l d d 140 e c a es . 
At this time, in 1860, Reignolds refused an offe r 
from Barry Sullivan to be the leading lady in a tour of 
"The E k 11 ngli s h-spea ing world. Instead, she moved to 
Bo s ton and joined the Bos ton Museum company, where she 
remaine d for five years. When she joined the Boston 
Museum, Kate Reignolds was regarded as the youngest 
leading lady on the American stage. The Boston Museum 
company rivaled the prestigious Wallack company in New 
York, and Wallack himself traveled to Boston to see a 
performance of Rosedale at the Boston Museum, a play 
then showing at his own New York theatre. He reportedly 
stated that his male actors surpassed the Museum men, 
but that nowhere had he seen a more superior group of 
women. 141 
Reignolds I memoirs contain many anecdotes about 
her experiences at the Boston Museum and the people with 
whom she worked. In Players of the Present, the follow-
ing roles are listed as performed by Kate Reignolds at 
the Bos ton Museum: De sdemona, Juliet, Lydj_a Languish, 
140Reignolds-Winslow, pp . 64-67. 
141 The New York Dramatic Mirror, July 19, 1911, 
10 : 1. 
J 
132 
Laetitia Hardy in The Belle's 
Spanker' Emile L es pa rre in The 
Strategem , Lady 
Corsican Brother, 
Gay 
Peg 
Woffington' Eily O'Connor. 
desc ·b 
Critic Henry Austin Clapp 
his 
ri ed Kate Reignolds as "a very brilliant player" in 
memories of the Boston Museum. 142 
Visiting performers joined the Boston Museum 
company f or some productions, and while Kate Reignolds 
was there she performed with a memorable visitor, John 
Wilkes Booth. Recalling the notorious Booth years 
later R 
' eignolds characterizes him as uncontrolled and 
violent on stage, frightening her on Desdemona's death-
bed, d Sh an leaving her as Juliet in a torn costume. e 
also d reports that some of her hair was tangle on the 
but 143 
tons of his jacket and torn out of her scalp. 
In June 1865' Kate Reignolds made her farewell 
performance at the Boston Museum. Announcing the event 
in advan ce, 
far as 1 b a or 
the 
· t stated, Boston Evening Transcn.p 
''As 
goes, very few servants 
of the public have 
deserved better at its hands. 
Any person acquainted 
with dramatic affairs knows that she has 
filled the 
142 . Reminiscences of a 
Dramati CCl~p~, Henry AustNin, York: Hougnton, Mifflin 
~ (Boston and ew 
---- - '-'umpany, IT02), p. 52. 
143 Yesterdays with Actors, PP· 
140- 141 _ Reignolds-Winslow, -
133 
r equ· 
- 1.rements 
of an 
Sat· l.sfactorily."144 
arduous pos.i.tion very 
United 
During the late 1860s, Reignolds toured in the 
Peare , 
Plays_ 
States in a repertoire which included Shakes-
Old English comedies, and popular contemporary 
Sources indicate that between 1865 and 1869, she 
appeared 
a number of times in both New York and Boston. 
Odell 
records Reignolds' appearance in July 1865 at a 
benefit for 
fire victims held at Barnum's Museum in New 
York. 
In May 1866, she played Pocahantas at the Olympic 
Theatre 
' and in November and December 1866, she appeared 
in Plays 
at the Broadway Theatre. In Robert Sherman's 
~o ~t- ... ~-
~. performances during May and June 1866 are 
noted 
· Playing three roles in Nobody's Daughter, Kate 
Reignolds 
appeared at the Worrell Sisters' New York 
Theatre . 
in July 186 7. 
returned to 
Boston between her New York engagements to 
appear bi'th h B t 
w Edmund Falconer in Innisfallen at t e os on 
In the fall of 1867, Reignolds 
144 86 ~ Boston Evening Transcript, January 7, 1 5, 
• 
134 
Theatrf-:,145 
f\au h ~ at the Brooklyn Theatre. 146 
In December 186 7 
' 
she performed Nobody' s 
to 
Odell records that Reignolds made a " s ta.r visit" 
the Wor·rell 
~ during 
:returned to 
1869 . 
, in .f_eg 
Pla 
Sisters' theatre to repeat _Nobodu 
February and March 1868. She then 
1869 
• 
the Bos ton Theatre, appearing in February 
Woffington, The Shadow of a Crime, Two Can 
---.:..::.::::..::...~G~a~m~e, and Richelieu at Sixteen. In March 
she appeared at the Broadway Theatre in produc-
tions 
of .§_hadow of a Crime, Richelieu at Sixteen, and 
_g~.147 
Having established her reputation in this country, 
Reignold 
s Was among the first Americans to travel to 
England to f 
perform. More significantly, she was one o 
the f· 
1.rst American actresses to win approval in England , 
a ''rit 
e of passage" through which many American actors 
anct 
actresses tried to pass during the latter half of 
the 
nineteenth In 1868, Reignolds appeared in century. 
London 
at the Princess Theatre, then toured in Man-
chester L. h d E t r While 
• iverpool, Glasgow, Weymout an xe e · 
-------145 
Eugene !_he Bos ton Herald, 
Boston rlompkins and Quincy 
eatre 1854-1901, p. 
July 12, 1911, 7:1. Also 
Kilby, The History of the 
152. 
146 
Odell , 7: 680; 8: 158-159, 186, 380-381. 
147 
Odell, 8: 305 -3 06, 449; Tompkins , 152. 
135 
a ppearing in Nobody's Daughte r in Exeter , Reignolds 
injured h er back in a fall on stage. The remainder of 
the tour was cancelled, and she returned home after 
convalescing with relatives in England. In Yesterdays 
with Actors, Reignolds tells of receiving letters from 
people in England chastising her for her wicked profes-
sion and proclaiming her accident a judgement upon her 
"mode of life." She does not mention any similar 
response from the public in the United States. 
After 1870, Kate Reignolds quietly withdrew into 
private life. Some sources suggest that the birth of 
her son in 1877, or that son's chronic ill-health, kept 
Miss Reignolds from returning to an active stage 
career. 14 8 
By 1886, however, Mrs. Reignolds-Winslow, as she 
came to be known in the later years, was noted for her 
dramatic readings to benefit a Boston charity. In 1889 
she appeared in matinees at the Columbia Theatre in 
Boston in The Pillars of Society and other Ibsen plays, 
but it is not clear whether these were dramatic readings 
l48The Boston Herald, July 12, 1911, 7:1; The 
Boston EveninE Trans crip!, July 11, 1911, 1:4; Clapp and 
Euge"tt, p. 197 ; James , p. 134; The Boston Gl9be_, July 12
, 1911, 9: 5. 
136 
o r f ul ! d 149 
- pro uctions. In March 1889, Odell records 
that Mr s . Reigno lds ··Wins low presented readings at the 
Berke l ey Lyceum on Forty-Fourth Street in New York City. 
In 1890 
, she pre sented readings a. t the Hotel Brunswick 
in New York 90 h d · , and then on Apr i l 1, 18 , s e appeare in 
h e r program of readings at Madison Square 
150 Garden. 
Returning to London at about this time, she had success 
wi th a reading of An Enemy of the People at the Hay-
market Thea tre.151 
A b 1 · · gs 1· n the Harvard num er of unidentified c ippin 
Theatre Collection contain favorable reviews of Mrs. 
Winslow's readings. 
includes a tribute 
The following is an 
to the stock company 
example which 
training re-
ceived by the actress in the 1850s and 1860s: 
Auriana and In the part of the two women, more 
Bizzarre the vocal control was eyetny T 
m k , f eater varie . .o 
ar. ed, for it cal led or gr who masquerades 
~e pict the vagaries of a womar:i a man to her 
in many roles in order to br1.;gl. cate kind of 
feet, feigning a complex a:1d ~o~ator to the 
rudenes s even, taxes an . impeiat Mrs. Winslow 
utmost' and it was in this t her art. The 
showed the finest resources of laugh alone 
natural gradations in her stage 
149 . 
4. 7 . The Bos ton Even in 
· ' The Bos ton G o e, Ju Y 
~July 12 , 1911, 7:2. 
150 Odell, 14: 150, 229. 
July 11, 1911, 
t, 9 :S, The Boston 
151 297; The Boston 
Clapp and Edgett, P· oston Hera ~~, .Ju 1 y 11 , 1911 , 4 : 7 ; ~~e.::.:~::'...'.:-:-_;._--
, , 7: 2. 
1J7 
might convey va lua ble l es sons to dramatic 
as pirants . Nee d it b e said that at the end that 
there was not in voice or gesture an indication 
of fat i g ue on the part of the reader? 
Whatever else may be said of the old school 
it must b e admitted that it had training qual-
ities all too uncommon in the new; and that no 
better expon ent of the :fs1:f school is among us 
today than Mrs. Winslow. 
Following her retirement from her active stage 
career, Mrs. Reignolds-Winslow taught elocution to young 
women interested in acting. One of her students was to 
achieve notable success in the American theatre, 
Josephine Hull. In an unidentified and undated clipping 
in the Harvard Theatre Collection, an interview with 
Mrs. Winslow, the former actress speaks with pride of 
her acting students and her five years of teaching. 
Another article about Mrs. Winslow states that by 1903, 
more tha n twenty of her pupils were active in the 
theatre as 
successful 
a profession, and that 
153 platform readers. 
others 
In her 
had become 
memoirs, 
Reignolds states her belief that the theatre offers an 
education in "punctuality, industry, self-control, 
endurance, concentration, self-reliance, silence, 
152
unidentified review of a platform reading of 
Fa rquhar' s The Inconstant presented by Mrs. 
Reignolds-Winslow at Pierce Hall, Boston. The clipping 
is in the Harvard Theatre Collection. 
153The New York Dramatic Mirror, June 20, 1903. 
138 
patience , o b ed i e nce and cha rity." Prob ably her ins truc--
ti on to h d 
e r s tu ents included training in these disci-
pline s . 
The me moirs frequently referred to in this study 
were orig ina lly articles published in the Boston Herald, 
and later 
compiled in book form as Yesterdays with 
Actors 
----· In her writing, Mrs. Reignolds-Winslow employs 
an enjoya ble, fluent style to relate many anecdotes 
about her career. She devotes chapters to many of the 
famous persons who helped her, including Charlotte 
Cushman, Edwin Forrest, John Brougham and Laura Keene. 
She provides descriptions of numbers of performers wi th 
whom she worked. Throughout, she stresses the profes-
sional attitudes and capabilities of these people along 
with th . . . d k. dness In addition 
eir personal integrity an in · 
to b t the theatre providing interesting information a ou 
during R the book makes a 
eignolds-Winslow's career, 
st
rong statement about the worthiness 
a topic which she also wrote about 
Dramati·c M· 154 ~ 1.rror. 
of theatre people, 
in The New York 
Reignolds-
In a nother literary v enture, Mrs. 
w· work ent1·tled Readings from inslow edited a two-volume 
interpretive 
~~sh Dramatists which combines 
---------
J ly 25 1903. 154 Mi·rror_, u ' Th e New York Dramatic 
139 
essc:ys by t h e e ditor with illustra t1.·ve excerot v 
- .. l .::, from 
me dieval mirac l e plays, Rena issance masque s , Eliza -
b e than, 
pl ays. 
Res tora tion and eighte enth century English 
I n this work, Mrs. Reignolds-Winslow demon-
s trates an impressiv e command of English stage history 
' b"l" "d · · 155 ana an a i .ity to provi e interesting commentary. 
During 1903, a series of articles entitled "Befor e 
and Be hind the Curtain" by Mrs. Reignolds-Winslow 
appeared in The New York Dramatic Mirror . And another 
example of her writing is an article of several columns 
length in tribute to Edwin Forrest, published in the 
Boston Evening Tran s cript of March 19, 1906, the centen-
nial anniv ersary of Edwin Forrest's birth. 156 
At the time of Catherine Ma ry Reignolds-Winslow' s 
death, forty yea rs af ter he r r e tirement f rom he r a c tive 
stage c a reer, she was of sufficient prominence that her 
passing was reported on page one of the Bos ton Evenin_g 
Transcript. Notice of her dea th appeared in The New 
155
winslow, Catherine Mar y. Readings from Old 
English Dramatists (Boston: Lee and Shepher , 1895). 
l56 w· 1 C h . M "Ed . Reignolds- ins ow, at erine ary, win 
Forres t: The Actor, The Man and The Influence," The 
Bos ton Evening Tran s cript, March 10, 1906 , Part Two-; 
z~ : .s -6 . 
J. 40 
York Dramatic Mirror, and even in the Concord, New 
Hampshire, Evening Monitor. 157 
Another of the English-born actresses who began to 
perform as a child out of economic necessity, Kate Reig-
nolds' career brought her celebrity and public adrnira-· 
tion. She retired from the stage as a wife of a social-
ly prominent gentleman. Her continuing interest in the 
theatre, her activity as a reader of plays, a teacher, 
an author, and her years as a successful pioneer actress 
in this country constitute an exceptional achievement. 
MRS. J. R. VINCENT 
Brief Biography 
Mary Ann Farlow, later to become known as Mrs. J. R. 
Vincent of the Boston Museum Theatre, was born in 
Portsmouth, England, on September 18, 1818. Her father 
was a member of an English naval regiment. His death 
when Mary Ann was two years old and her mother's death 
when she was four years old left the young girl in the 
guardianship of her grandmother. A former servant of 
the grandmother operated a boarding house which had a 
The 
New 
15 7 Concord Evening Monitor, July 
Boston Evening Transcri1t, July 11, York Dramatic Mirror, Ju y 19, 1911. 
12, 1911, 8:4; 
1 911 , 1 : 1 ; The 
-------------------------..___  
141 
number f 
· . 
0 
a c to r s among 
made 
acquain tanc e wi th 
r..rho 
encourage d her 
it s clien t ele, and yo ung Mary Ann 
some of thes e stage profes sionals 
interest Profession. in entering 
She made her stage de but at 
the acting 
she 
sfx: te en 
' and a We ek before her seventeenth birthday, i n August 1835 
the age of 
, 
married 
couple toured . 
Britain together for ten years, accepting 
actor J. R. Vincent. The 
in England, source . 
indicates that the couple often traveled without 
Scotland and Ireland. One 
con\reYance 
, 
ne)Ct.158 Walking from one city of employment to the 
In 1846 Mr. 10
ng j from the ourney in order to accept an offer 
National Th f 
and Mrs. Vincent undertook another 
eatre in Boston. The transatlantic voyage o 
se\rent h ship 
een days began on October 21, 184 6; t e arri \red . 
in Bos ton on November 7. Four day s later' on No\rernber 
11, 1846 
, 
at the 11r • d s t in 
Mr. and Mrs. Vincent made their debut 
,~ational Theatre on Portlan tree 
Tney c _ -~rational 0 ntinued as members of the L~ 
Boston. 
Theatre 
142 
Company until J. R. Vincent's suicide on .June 10, 1850. 
Newspaper accounts of this event indicate that Vincent 
le f t Bos ton on the previous afternoon for unknown 
reasons, a nd while returning on a train he sea ted 
himsel f on the tra in' s rear platform and shot himself . 
A coroner! s jury determined that he was insane at t he 
· f .. d 159 A h . f h" d h J time o su1.c1. e. t t e ti.me o · 1.s eat , . R. 
Vincent was forty years old; his widow was thirty years 
old. 
Mary Ann Vincent continued as a member of the 
National Theatre after her husband's death, and for the 
est Of h r f · 1 1·f she ur.:ed 11Mrs. r .er po ess1.ona 1. -e ~ J. R. 
Vincent" as her stage name. 
In 1852 Mrs. Vincent joined the Boston Museum 
company where she was to remain for thirty-five years. 
In 1854 she married John Wilson, described as a "walking 
man" eleven years her junior. 160 Sources indicate that 
this was an unhappy marriage, and John Wilson deserted 
his wife in 1866. At the urging of friends, Mrs. 
159 Accounts of the suicide appear in The Boston 
Evening Transcript, June 11, 1850, 2: 3, and in The 
Boston Post, June 12, 1850, 2:1. 
16 0J 522 A 1· · 1.·n the Harvard ames f p. . c 1.pp1.ng 
Theatre Collection from an unidentified newspaper is a 
l e tter to the editor dated December 14, 1911, signed by 
J. B. Clapp, in which the date of Mrs. Vincent's 
ma rriage to Wilson is stated as December 16, 1854. 
1 ' -, 
_;._ 4.) 
Vin cent obtained a divorce from Wilson in 1880, and he 
died a year later. 161 Mrs. Vincent had no children by 
either marriage, and at the ti.me of her death her only 
living relatives were her dead brother's children who 
lived in England. 
Mrs. Vincent was professionally active from age 
sixteen until a matter of days before her death. From 
1852 until 1887 she appeared regularly at the Boston 
Museum. Her last performance was a matinee on Wednes-
day, August 31, 1887. She collapsed that evening, 
sustained a series of strokes during the next few days 
and died on Sunday, September 5, 1887. Her funeral, 
attended by hundreds of mourners, was held at St. Paul's 
Church in Bos ton, and she was buried in Mount Auburn 
Cemetery beside the remains of her first husband, J. R. 
Vincent. 162 
Like Mrs. W. G. Jones and Kate Reignolds, Mary Ann 
Vincent was English-born, and apparently began to 
161Richardson, p. 17. An undated clipping from 
The Clipper in the Harvard Theatre Collection refers to 
Wilson as having gone to California Kate Denin in May 
1866. As a result, Denin was replaced in the Boston 
Museum company as leading lady by Annie Clarke, who was 
Mrs. Vincent's god-daughter. 
162Richardson, pp. 29-32; Ryan, p. 61; The Boston 
Evening Transcript, September 6, 1887, 4:1-2; The Boston 
Herald, September 5, 1887, p: 6-7. 
ou t o f . . 
. . a combination of persona l in t e r est and 
necessity. Certainly her status as an orphan 
she become independent early· in life. In 
that 
f o llowing 
career 
pages, Mrs. Vincent's remarkable and long 
are described. 
extens· Hers is representative of th e l \Te act· ing career _possible for 
rnid-n. 
lneteenth 
century American theatre. 
Stage Career 
a women in 
Sources 
debut agree that Mary Ann Farlow made her stage 
at the theatre i·n Cowes, 1835 England, on April 25, 
' in th 
e role of Lucy, the chambermaid in a farce 
entitl 
ed Th 
sue ~ Review, or The Wags of Windsor. She was 
cessful 
The enough to be subsequently cast as Volante in 
-..:::~Bone oon i] ' a comedy, and then, owing to the sudden 
-lne 
ss of the lead original actress, Mary Ann played the 
role in L 
the ucy Fair love . She remained a member of 
company 
seas of the Cowes theatre until the end of that 
on 
After Aug her marriage to comedian J. R. Vincent in 
Ust 1835 
the young actress accompanied her husband t o R 
Ochdal 
ci.. e' England, where they appea red together in LLar1 
es th M e Twe lfth. 
rs. v· 
En 
1 
lncent traveled wide ly performing in Preston, 
g and 
, and 
gland, 
. , Othe r 
ln L . 
l.Ve rpoo1 
Following this engagement , Mr. and 
at the Queen Theatre: 
engagements t ook them to the Amphitheatre 
t he Royal 
in Manchester, En-
Thea t re i n London, and t wice 
l L, 5 
the y j ou rneye d t o I r e land , performing in Cork, Dubl i n , 
Wate rford a n d Limerick. 
In 18 4 3 , Mr s . Vincent and her husband went t o 
Sco tland t o per fo rm, but they suffered a financial 
disaster t h ere . They p l anned to return by ship from 
Leith, Sco tl a nd, to Liverpool, but at the las t minute 
they cancelle d their passage because of the illness of 
Mrs. Vince n t ' s dog. The ship sailed without them and 
was wrecked in a heavy storm, and most passengers were 
lost. 
Returning to England by some unspecified route , 
the Vincents f ound work in various theatre s, mostly in 
Liverpool. In 1845 the couple was again in Ireland at 
the Queen's Theatre in Dublin. Mr. Vincent left this 
theatre first and went to Liverpool; Mrs . Vincent 
continued at the Dublin theatre until the end of the 
season. She then joined her husband in Liverpool, 
probably in the spring of 1846. 
While Mr. and Mrs. Vincent were performing in 
Liverpool, William Pelby, manager of the National 
Theatre in Bo s t on, saw them on stage . He offe red them 
positions in his Boston theatre , and they accep ted. 
On November 11, 1846, Mr. and Mrs. J. R. Vincent 
made their d ebut in the United States at the National 
Theatre , Boston , in a farc e enti t l e d Popping t he Ques -
tion. Continuing a s member s of t h e Nat i onal Theatre 
company for.- four seasons, Mr. a n d Mrs, Vincent appeare d 
in many plays, among which were Lend Me Five Shill~~ , 
How __ Do You Manage?, Pool Pillicoddy, and Box and Cox. 
As previously stated, Mr. Vincent died in 1850, 
and his widow continued at the National until it was 
burne d in 1852. Mrs . J. R. Vincent's final performance 
at the National Theatre was as Lady Sneerwell in School 
--~---
for Scandal, a role she was to repeat many times during 
her career. 163 
The week following the close of the National 
Theatre, Mrs. Vincent made her first appearance at the 
Boston Museum where she was to spend the rest of her 
career with only a few months' exception. 
The Boston Museum opened in June, 1841, as c.111 
exhibition hall and gallery where various entertainments 
and programs were presented. Because of the Puritan 
tradition in Boston, theatres were still frowned upon in 
the mid-nineteenth century, and it was not until 1843, 
after the Boston Museum had established itself as an 
acceptable cultural institution, that full productions 
163Richardson, PP· 3-9; Ryan, pp. 45-46. See also 
The New York Mirror Annual Director of the Theatrical 
Pro ~ion or , arr1son rey is e, editor (New 
York: The New York Mirror, 1888), pp. 129-130; The 
Bost~Evening Transcrip_!, September 6, 1887, 4:1-2; The 
Bo st~Herald, September 5, 1887, 5:6-7. 
14 7 
of play s were present e d in it s "Portrait Gallery." The 
formation of a resident stock company was consistent 
with standard theatrica l practice at the time, and the 
Boston Museum was to become one of the few theatres in 
the country to main ta in a stock company throughout the 
1800s. By 1860, the Bos ton Museum was among the more 
than fifty resident sto ck companies in the United 
States. By 1880, only a few of these companies re-
mained, including the Boston Museum, which continued its 
operation until 1903. 
After 1860 
' 
the rapid increase in the number of 
road 
play 
companies 
diminished 
a Production of a single touring with 
companies. Also 
various cities 
the 
the 
and 
success of the resident 
stock 
of stars who toured to 
emergence 
performed major roles with the 
impact on 
support of resident actors had a negative 
Museum survived, 
Al though the Bos ton 
the years 
stock companies. 
changes in the production schedules 
over 
the 
The 
influence 
number 
of 
of 
. and star 
touring companies 
Produced eac plays 
as 
h season 
long-run 
reflect 
vi s its. 
declined 
considerably from 1850 to 
1875 
d d forty 
s hows gr . . 
ew in popularity. 2 
one hun re In 1851-5 • 
11+8 
diffe r e n t plays we re produced at the Boston Museum. By 
1876, a season of forty to sixty plays was typicai. 164 
During her thirty-five years with the Boston 
Museum, Mr s . Vincent appeared in at least four hundred 
forty-four plays. After her death, an obituary notice 
in the Boston Herald included the following table 
listing the number of roles Mrs. Vincent had played each 
season at the Boston Museum. 165 
164w. 1 i son, p. 147. 
165The Boston Hera ld, September 5, 1887, 5:6-7. 
Season of -· Parts Season of- Parts 
----
--·-
1851-52 21 1870-71 5 
185 2. -53 54 1871-72 10 
1853 -54 32 1872-73 5 
1854-55 40 1873-74 3 
1855 - 56 27 1874-75 4 
1856-57 26 1875-76 7 
1857-58 23 1876-77 9 
1858-59 10 1877-78 4 
1859-60 30 1878-79 3 
1860-61 33 1879-80 7 
1861-62 0 1880-81 2 
1862-63 18 1881-82 2 
1863-64 8 1882-83 6 
1864-65 12 1883-84 2 
1865-66 8 1884-85 2 
1866-67 8 1885-86 7 
1867-68 3 1886-87 5 
1868-69 13 
1869-70 8 
The large number of roles played by Mrs. Vincent 
between 18 50 and l870 demanded both versatility and an 
ability to memorize a large amount of material. On the 
occasion of Mrs. Vinc ent's fiftieth 
anniversary as an 
actress the Boston Su~Y. 
Herald , April 19, 1885, 
I 
published li st of the new r o l es 
she played each season 
a 
150 
at th e Be s ton M us eum. 
A memorial address delivered in 
1911 by Jame s B 
P
l • Richardson mentions that Mrs. Vincent 
B · ing roles during her long tenure at the 
· the follow· . .. ayed 
oston Muse urn: 
Mrs H , s field . , e in e Stoops to Conquer'; Dame Ah . . ardcastl . 'Sh The L in Speed the Plow' ; Widow Green in 
Felicit ~~e Chase',, Mrs. Wiley in 'Rural 
ess Porn\' Cassy in Uncle Torn' s Cabin'; Count-
~urse i~ 0 ,n rn Old Heads and Young Hearts'; the Lady f Romeo and Juli.et'; Widow Melnotte in 
IT.I' ; %al f yons' ; . Duchess of York in 'Richard 
Mrs. S Y Ma~f lower_ in 'Black-eyed Susan'; 
hllic dqueers in 'Nicholas Nickleby'; Mrs. 
' Ing om~ ~ Y rn ' Poor Pi 11 i caddy' ; Ac tea in 
Manneri r i Mrs. McCandish and Flora in 'Guy 
Sykes ng ; Nelly in 'No Song, No Supper'; Nancy 
1..n 101 · • I and c , iver Twist'; Mrs. Bouncer rn Box 
Spoon'~x; Hannah Partridge in 'The Silver 
Dube 1 y' . Portia in the ' Merchant of Venice ' ; Lady 
Shaugh 
10
, 'Heirs at Law'; Mrs. o'KellY in 'The 
Stenh ran . ; Maria in 'rwelfth Night'; Mrs. 
~n , ~. d in 'Still Waters Run Deep' ; Manteli';a 
Littl icholas Nickleby'; Betsey Trotwood. in 
ton, . e Em' ly' ; Mrs. Treplit in 'Peg ¥8tfing-
'rh ' and Mrs. Malaprop in 'The Rivals'· 
~~w Yor · of M k Mirror Ann~al z!'~ published a s,-ary 
career stating that she had played 
rs. V incent's 
,, 
almost every 
line of business, from soubrettes to old 
On the occasion of her fiftieth anniversary \'/omen.,, 16 7 
liar d Bos ton Museum' Mrs . Vincent perf armed Mrs . \'li th the 
castl the e in a matinee of ~~~· and in 
even· ing she appeared as Mrs. Malaprop i.n :Eh~' 
---
166 R. 1..chardson 11 12 16 7 , PP. - . 
The New York Mirror Annual, P· 
130
· 
151 
which sources indicate were her most popular roles at 
tha t time (1885). 168 
As a young ac tress Mrs. Vincent had gained a 
reputation for h er ability to learn lines quickly. 
Richardson's memorial address mentions that this skill 
enabled Mrs. Vincent to memorize the dialogue of an 
elderly actor playing opposite her in Charles the 
Twelfth so that she could deliver both his lines and her 
own. 
During her professional life spanning fifty-two 
years, Mrs. Vincent demonstrated a remarkable capacity 
for work. The early years touring England, Scotland and 
Ireland must have involved personal hardship. In Boston 
Mrs. Vincent chose the security of season-to-season 
employme nt at the Boston Museum over the vagabond 
existence of both stars and supporting players who, 
after the decline of the resident stock companies, were 
forced by necessity to travel from theatre to theatre in 
0rder to work. 
---·-----
. 
168Accounts of the event are in The Boston Herald, 
Apr1.1 26 1885 4. 6-7. The Boston Evening Transcri~t, April 27' 1885 • 4.'6. 'Afso see Richardson, pp. 26- 7, 
and George p. B~ke;, "Mrs. Vin_cent," in Famous Actors of 
~, edited by Charles E. Wingate and F.E. McKay (New 
Yor : Thomas Y. Crowell & Co.' 1896) pp. 194-203. 
152 
Mrs . Vincent did l eav e the Bos ton Museum for one 
season, 
Athaneum, 
186 1- 62. Sh e moved first to the Howard 
a nother Bos ton s t ock company, where she 
a ppeared as Sarah Blunt in Poor Pillicoddy and othe r 
rol e s identi f i ed as chambermaids and "pert juvenile 
rol es .'! The effects of the Civil War on the economy 
re sult e d in a s h or t sea son a t the Howard, and after the 
company di sbande d , Mr s . Vincent traveled to Baltimore to 
join t h e c omp any n ewly formed by Lucille Western, who 
had also been a memb e r of the Howard Athaneum's resident 
cast. In Ba ltimore Mr s . Vincent was the original Corney 
Carlyle in Eas t Lynne. In the spring of 1862, Mrs. 
Vincent app e are d in Washington, D.C., playing Widow 
Me lnotte with Edwin Forrest in Lady of Lyons. A number 
of sources report that Forrest was so impressed with 
Mrs. Vincent's p e rformance tha t he insisted she take a 
bow with him aft e r the act. After Forrest's engagement 
ended, Mrs. Vincent remained at Ford's Theatre and 
performed Corney Ca rlyle in East Lynne with John 
McCullough. In Ma y 1862, Mrs. Vincent was still at 
Ford' s Theatre play ing Mis t ress Quickly to the Henry IV 
of John Hacke tt. Sources mention that Mrs. Vincent 
l c;? _, ..J 
performed when Pr es ident Lincoln a ttended the theatre 
' 
but no .speci· fi· c d 169 ate or production is identified. 
After these appearances in Baltimore and Washing-
ton, Mrs. Vinc ent re turned to Bos ton and rejoined the 
Bosto n Museum company. As a member of that group, Mrs. 
Vincent performed on tours 
des ·b 
through New England which are 
cri ed by actress Kate Ryan in her memoirs. Ryan 
states that tours were of s hort duration, generally took 
place in the spring, and constituted a holiday for the 
acting company.170 
Despite the security of steady employment at the 
Boston M that Mrs. v1.·ncent had to useum, sources mention 
supplement her income in order to meet the responsibil-
ities of expenses for the house she bought in 1868 on 
Chambers Street. Sh took in boarders, . e 
and she also 
provided costume rental services 
th
eatricals ventures such as the 
for private amateur 
Harvard University 
"H 
a sty Pudding Club." She th
e Chambers Street 
lived in 
ho1.1se f 
or thirteen years, after 
which she sold the house 
----------
169 5 1887, 5:
6
-
7 ; 
s ptember • 1 nd May Ryan The Bos ton Herald, e · 3 1862, 3: , a erdays 
12, il· bl; The Even ing Star_, M:{ds-'Winslow, r_eSr 15 . 
with 62' 3: 1. See also Reign 22. Richardson, p. 
~. p. 145; James, P · 5 ' 
170 
Ryan, pp. 49-51. 
l 5 t, 
and moved 
to an apa r t me nt on Cha rles St ree t , where s he 
l i ved unt i l h e r dea th.171 
Becau se l imi t ed e x t a nt reviews of theatrical 
produ c tio n s at the Bo s t on Museum are available, one must 
re ly · f 
o n 1.n e r e nce to judge the quality of a performer's 
work. In the case of Mrs. Vincent, her long and steady 
years a s a me mb e r o f the Boston Museum company gives 
te s t ament t o h e r abilities. The Boston Museum, accord-
ing to con temporary the atre historian Garff B · Wilson, 
had a If • reputa t ion as a first-rate 
,,172 
troupe. Henry 
Aust in Clapp called the Boston Museum "the theatre of 
th
e c a pital of Ma s sachusetts: partly because of its age 
and unbroken record as a place of amusement; even more 
becau f f ·t performances and the se o the steady merit o 1. s 
1 "173 Edward H. 
ce ebrity of ma ny of its performers. 
Soth from an uniden-
ern 
I
s me moirs contain this quote 
tif · . _ f the performance at l.ed source: "The actual merit 0 
-----------
R n p. 57. 171 . 22-23; ya ' "M 11 • Al Richardson, p. 17, PP· choly Tale of e · 
M so see Edwa rd H. Sothe rn, The Me1~~ Scribner's . Son~~ 
(Ne w York: Char_ ns that men in ~ th 
Bo Soth e rn a lso ment~o their incomes w1. 
o t h~on Mu seu~ company s upplemen~~at one acto\_~:f ve: 
barb r e ndeavor s . He r eca lls third was a ca 
(p e2r, a nother a t a ilor, and a 
· 4 0 ) . 
17 2 
Wi l son, p. 63 . 
173 50 Cl a pp, He nry Austin, P· · 
155 
the B Oston M 
useurn wa s 
0th ' ' 
e r s tock 
pe rhaps, grea t er than that of any 
company in t he country. 11174 
On Apr il 25 
cent ' ' 1885, a gala celebration of Mrs. Vin-
. s f i ft i eth . 
was annive rsary as a professional actress 
held at the 
the Boston Museum. Lengthy descriptions of 
event 
appear · h 
Bost 
i n t e Bos ton Evening Transcript and 
on He rald ee l - - -.::..:~u, attesting to the significance of the 
ebrat · ion 
Stage 
f resh 
t o the Bos ton public. For the occasion the 
anct a uditor1·um were festooned with garlands of 
flower s 
ectgect , 
Mrs, Vincent's 
theat re ~ c e lebrities to 
~'s 
account. The 
even· 
special displays and souvenirs acknowl-
long career, and messages from 
Mrs. Vincent were copied in the 
audiences for the matinee and 
l.ng Perfo 
rec . r mances were very large, and Mrs. Vincent 
eived 
A.ct . a long- standing ovation at both performances. 
rn1.re r s 
t also gathered in the street outside the theatre 0 p 
. 
ay t heir respe cts 17 5 . I t . ev
1
d • This testimonia even gives 
ence of 
the high regard for Mrs. Vincent ' s work. 
Research 
uncov on Mrs. J. R. Vincent's stage career 
er 8 
P repeat e d evidence that her impact on the BoS
t on 
ub1i 
c anct 
on he r professional peers extended beyond her 
t, April 27, 1885, 
, 4 : 6-7. 
-::-~---
~ ---
156 
Pr-of es s i o 
nal contributi ons. f or- She a cquired a reputa t ion 
generos ' t 
i Y, hospitality, concern for the welfare of Others 
· bo
th 
socially and professionally: and abundant humor 
a
nd good cheer. 
l1r-s. 
Vincent . 
Re. · ' including Kate Ryan, Mary Catherine 
The writings of those who knew 
ignolds-w · 
of inslow, and E. H. Sothern, contain a number 
anecdot 
e s about her charitable acts, her energy, and her- d 
elight . 
in practical jokes. Her kind disposition, 
"ital. 
J. ty a d 
. n sense of humor contributed to her success t.iJ. th 
b comedy roles in her later career, and Kate Ryan 0 s 
erved that bl" ,,176 
At th . 
she was "adored by the Bos ton pu 1.c. 
T e time of her death, both the Boston Evenin__g 
-~Cl:in+-~ and The Boston Herald published obituaries of 
several 
Paragraphs in length. ~ o-F lon~ The New York Mirror 
,r; •• ~ also carried a notice of her death along t<ii_ th 
h a summary of her career. A large crowd attended e:r f 
Unera1 on September 6, 1887, and both the aisles of the 
church and the street outside were crowded with OJ.au 
rner 8 177 
176 
Ryan 44 , p. . 
4 : 6 . 1 7 7 Th . t Apr i 1 2 7 , l 8 8 5 , 
, The ~os ton Evening Transcr1.p , · 
Boston Herald, April 26, 1885, 4 : 6 - 7· 
1 r· - , 
- ) I 
Resear ch o M n r s. J. R. Vincent' s stage career 
uncovers repeat e d evidence tha t her impact on the Boston 
publi c and on h er professional peers extended beyond her 
profession a l contributions. She acquired a reputation 
for generosity, hospitality, concern for the welfare of 
others both socially and professionally, and abundant 
humor and good h c eer. The writings of those who knew 
Mrs. Vincent, K R n Ma· ry Catherine including ate ya , 
Reigno ld w · 1 d E H Sothern, contain a number s- ins ow, an .. 
of anecdotes about her charitable acts, her energy, and 
her delight in practical jokes. Her kind disposition, 
vitality and sense of humor contributed to her success 
with comedy roles in her later 
observed that she was "adored by 
career, and Kate Ryan 
bl " .,178 the Boston pu ic. 
·h b th the Boston Evening 
At the time of her cleat, 0 · 
T published obituaries of 
ran.script and The Boston Herald 
several paragraphs in length. 
Y k Mirror The New or 
. f her death along 
Annual of 1888 also carried a notice 0 
" . wd attended large ~ro 
wi th a summary of her career· A 
her funeral on September 6, 1887 • au<l 
---------178 
Ryan, p. 44. 
both the aisles of 
158 
tha h 
"' c urch and th · d d d 
• e street outsi e were crow e with mourners .179 
Mrs. 
Rev. 
Many public statements of respect and esteem for 
Vinc ent were published at the time of her death. 
Frederick L. 
Vincent's 
parish, 
Courtney, the minister of Mrs. 
St. 
following tribute in a sermon on "Temptation": 
A Week ago today there pass~d awa~ suddenly ?ne 
who Was engage d in a profession which, accor?ing 
to common opinion, is beset by many and. serious 
temptations which it is needless to specify. As 
long as a Christian public demands• theffr~ as 
one of its legitimate amusements there wi e ~ 
necessity for some persons to become actors an 
actresses however many and serious the temptaf-
Paul's Church, included the 
t· ' · 1 that state o 
10
ns which they must encounter 1.1 k con-
life may be. The one of whom I 
0
iJ.ea d:~armed 
ducted herself that she not . d ythe regard 
hostility and prejudice, but gainilic and the 
and admiration of the general pu d liberate-
re · the term e spectful reverance (I use_ . ed to know her 
ly) of those who were pnvile~ h a character 
WI.th some degree of intimacy· uc · ty to have 
it . y cornmuni h · 1 1.s a blessing to an . her for it w i e 
Possessed and Boston was ric rer now that 
l1 ' · the poo d rs. Vincent lived, and is d ss warmth an 
she is gone. The native_goo ne ~11 mellowed 
geniality of her dispositi_on ;ere her unfeigned 
a1;d rendered more attractivde d6ctrines of the Piety; and in the ways an ded to overcome 
church she found the streng th ~ee development of 
temptation to sin and for t r ful in the eyes h
e character which was so beau tehold it:· The 
of those who were permitted ~o I was allowed io 
last act of her life in whic n endeavor to ma .e 
be associated with her was a 
September 6, 179 . Transcript, r 5, 188 7, 1887 The Boston Evenin1-rerald, Septembe. 129-130; 
5. 6 ' 4 ~; The Bos ton . Annual, PP 
Rich_ 7; Th_e New York Mirror 
ardson, pp. 32-33. 
159 
che Easter of one of our clergy more joyful by a 
pr esen t than it would otherwise have been. Only 
the sad and sorrowful, the tried, the tempted 
a nd the poor , whom she comforted and h e lped and 
guided and counselled, know to the full what a 
friend they have lost . May her bright example 
b e well followed, not only by those. in her own 
pro~es s i8U-• but by all_ who name the name of 
Christ. 
An unidentified clipping in the Harvard Theatre 
Co llect ion expresses these thoughts about Mrs. Vincent: 
The death of Mrs. Vincent removes from the stage 
one in whom every Bostonian has felt an interest 
almost personal, and certainly altogether beyond 
that ordinarily inspired even by the greatest 
artists. . . . How true and faithful and con-
stant to a high ideal she was the bare facts of 
her career give ample witness. Mrs. Vincent has 
been one of the few whom restless ambitions have 
not tempted away into careers of more or less 
stellar glory, though perhaps she might have 
chosen the more conspicuous part with better 
grace than many others who have hesitated to do 
so. her natural ease, her humorous in-
stinct, together with a certain spontaneous 
sympathy that often takes the place of genius or 
magnetic power, certainly gave her a claim to a 
high place in the admiration of the best class 
of play-goers. And all the personal love and 
esteem that went beyond this Mrs. Vincent 
certainly richly deserved. Her death is a loss 
to Boston in every sense. 
These sentiments echoed the many similar statements made 
about Mrs. Vinr.ent two years earlier at her fiftieth 
ann ivers ary celebration. Typical of the praise 
180
c lipping from unidentifie d n ews paper dated 
September 12, 1887, in the Harvard The a tre Collection. 
160 
published for t h e woman and her work is this excerpt 
from The Sunday Herald, April 19, 1885: 
She i s as much a part of Boston as the famous 
old theatre itself, and her name has long been a 
household word in many Boston home s . Her 
friends are legion, and in the history of the 
stage it is 
doubtful if any one has ever before so endeared 
themselves to the hearts of any theatre-going 
publ ic. . Apart from the regard in which she 
has long b een held as an actress, there is a 
deep personal af fection and esteem felt for her 
which probably no other lady on the stage has 
ever h ad . Her very name seems to be enshrined 
as that of an artist who has continually lent 
dignity and respect to the profession of which 
she is such an honored member, and she has done 
mor e for the stage than alhfhe defenders that 
have ever written about it. 
After Mrs. Vincent's death, her friend, Miss 
Caroline Staples, donated a thousand dollars to a fund 
for a proposed hospital. Similar contributions were 
made by others, including Edwin Booth, and by 1890 a 
charter was obtained for incorporation of the Vincent 
Memorial Hospital. Part of the funds for the hospital 
were raised by a fair in which many of Mrs. Vincent's 
costumes and fans were exhibited, and some items were 
so ld. 182 
In his memorial address to the managers of the 
Vincent Memorial Hospital on April 9, 1911, Jame s B. 
181 Sunday He rald, April 19, 1885, 13:1. 
182R. h d ic arson, pp. 36-38 ; Sothern, pp. 245 - 247 . 
161 
Richardson observed that by h er example of goo d charac-
ter, Mrs. Vincent had served her community well and had. 
contributed to e l evating the status of her profession. 
He noted that the only other building in Boston for 
pub lie us e which was named for an actress was the 
Cushman school standing on the birthplace of Charlotte 
Cushman. 183 
During t he fund-raising efforts for the hospital, 
a club of young women was formed, The Vincent Club. The 
Vincen t Memorial Hospital was eventually absorbed into 
the Massachusetts General Hospital, and the Vincent Club 
has continued since its inception to raise funds for the 
hospital and other Boston charities. As recently as 
1971, Mrs. Vincent's legacy was described in a Boston 
newspaper article about the generations of Vincent Club 
members who h ad r a ised money: 
Don't rap them, thos e gals with the soft-sell 
voices and that social tag, Vincent Club. Could 
you put together a show that would in five 
nights tidy away $50,000? 
Did you ever build a hospital, from scratch, 
cake sales and charades , parlaying $494.50 into 
a multi-million life-saver of laboratories and 
doctors where some of the first breakthrough!Bkn 
early cancer detection made world headlines? 
lSJR. h d 38 ic ar son , p. . 
184 The Boston Globe, April 4, 1971. 
162 
Mary Ann Vincent's 
ca reer and personal hact · 
immense impact on the Boston public of her day, and 
the 
identity 
work of hospital founded in her 
continuing 
memory and the 
Vincent 
the 
Club constitute a remarkable 
Among Mrs. Vincent's good friends and admirers was 
actor E 
Mrs. 
· A. Sothern. 
Vincent when 
His son, E. H. Sothern, lived with 
he was a young man beginning his 
actin 
g career in Boston. The younger Sothern devotes a 
chapt 
er in h1.· s h · · b memoirs to Mrs. Vincent, and 1s tr1 ute 
to h 
er pr .d 0
v1. es an appropriate closing: 
She 
Was never more than a stock actress on a 
imall salary. Her life had been one of hard 
s~r and generous sacrifice. For half a century 
d e had labored and loved. Her one life has 
tone more to break down New England's aversion f the calling of the actor than would the 
~h oquence of a thousand homilies. And one of 
e sweetest tributes I can pay my father's 
memory is to rec.a.11 the fact that Mrs. Vincent 
\'Jas his friend. nD 
The careers of Mrs. w. G. Jones, Maggie Mitchell, 
Kate R . 
eignolds and Mrs. J. R. Vincent illustrate the 
of 
success 
available to actresses in 
career opportunities and the degree of 
the American theatre 
the period 1850-1870. Each of these women 
Stist . 
ained steady employment in the theatre over a period 
185 
Sothe rn 247 
' p . . 
163 
of many years, and each appears to ha v e selected a 
preferred career path. Mrs. Jones remained in New York 
throughout most of her long career, maintaining twenty-
three consecutive years in residence at three New York 
stock theatre s , followed by twenty-five active years in 
shorcer r e sidences at New York theatres and touring 
experiences. Mrs. Vincent performed for thirty-five 
years as a key figure in the famous Boston Museum 
company. Magg ie Mitchell elected to focus her forty-
year career primarily on successful touring along with 
periodic appearances in New York. Kate Reignolds 
combined touring with periods of residence in St. Louis, 
New Orleans, Boston and New York during her fifteen 
most-active years. The records of these women exemplify 
the opportunities actresses found available in the 
American theatre at mid-century. There is no indication 
that any of them was denied work opportunity because of 
their sex, or that their career choices were limited by 
their sex. The careers of these four women support my 
contention that the American theatre from 1850 to 1870 
offered many talented women opportunities for stable 
employment, and that actresses of that time had options 
to pur sue differentiated c a reer patterns c omparable to 
those ava ilabl e. to men in the theatre. The fact that 
wome n worked with men in the theatre is obvious proof 
164 
that wom~n and men s h a r e d like work conditions as 
performers. 
The careers of Mr s . W. G. Jones, Maggie Mitchell, 
Kate Reignolds and Mrs. J. R. Vincent also illustrate 
the unique economic opportunities available to actresses 
as compared to economic gains possible for women in 
other employments. In the previous chapter on theatre 
salaries, I discussed the considerable difference in 
economic rewards obtained by women in the theatre as 
compared with women's wages in other occupations. That 
information supports the conclusion that the four 
actresses discussed __ "here must have earned salaries 
substantially larger than was possible for women in 
other kinds of employment. Mrs. Jones, Mrs. Vincent and 
Kate Reignolds all hegan to perform as adolescents to 
contribute to family finances, 
achieved a degree of economic 
their childhood circumstances. 
and these three clearly 
success which exceeded 
Maggie Mitchell became 
wealthy through her success as an actress. Therefore, 
the careers of these four women support my contention 
that the American theatre at mid-century offered women 
e conomic opportunities that exceeded the chances for 
financial gain available in other occupations open to 
women. 
Along with the c h a nce for s uccess a s an actre s s , 
s ome wome n chose to explo r e op portunities fo r management 
165 
ach i e v e.ment in the American theatre dur:i.ng the nine·-
teenth century. The next section of this study will 
describe the management careers of three such women: 
Mrs. John Drew, Laura Keene, and Mrs. John Wood. 
Section Two: The Actress-Managers 
The three women discussed in this section had 
impressive careers as performers, however the intention 
in this section is to focus on their years as theatre 
managers. In comparison with the preceding section, the 
biographical information presented is condensed, and 
only the most significant information about their acting 
careers is included. 
In the mid-nineteenth century, the theatre manager 
carried a variety of responsibilities. The manager 
either owned or leased the theatre building and was 
responsible for all aspects of its practical function-
ing. The manager hired all personnel for operation of 
the theatre, including the performers, the scenic 
artists, backstage helpers, costume sewing persons, box 
off ice personne 1, and maintenance staff. All matters 
p e rtaining to the business operation, such as bookkeep-
ing, publicity, and contract arrangements, were carried 
out by or supervised by the manager. The manager also 
se l e cted the plays to be produced and functioned to 
varying degr ees , as the director of productions. 
166 
The three women discussed in this section, Mrs. 
John Drew, Laura Keene, and Mrs. John Wood, successfully 
managed theatres for varying lengths of time. All three 
of these women were born in England. Mrs. Drew and 
Laura Keene came to America as young actresses, and Mrs. 
Wood accompanied her husband, actor John Wood, to the 
United States. All three women were widowed, and Mrs. 
Drew and Laura Keene were both mothers. 
The success of these women, and others, was in 
contrast to the general exclusion of women from manage-
ment positions in other occupational areas during the 
mid-nineteenth century. However, no record could be 
found to indicate that the assumption of management 
duties in the theatre by women met with any public 
disapproval. 
LOUISA LANE DREW 
Born in England, January 10, 1818, the daughter of 
an English actor, Louisa Lane appeared as a child 
actress in England and later in the United States. Her 
American debut occurred in Philadelphia at the Walnut 
Street Theatre on September 27, 1827, as Duke of York to 
Junius Brutus Booth's Richard III. From 1828 to 1833, 
she appeared at various theatres in Philadelphia, New 
York, a nd on tour in New Orleans, Cincinnati, and other 
cities. Returning to t h e East, she appeared often in 
167 
New Yo r k a t the Old Bowery Theatre during the 1830s, and 
she also performed in Philadelphia at the Walnut Street 
Theatre . In 1841-42, she joined the stock company at 
the Chestnut Street Theatre in Philadelphia playing 
juvenile lead roles. During 1847 and 1848 she undertook 
another western and southern tour with appearances in 
Chicago, S t. Louis and New Orleans. In 1849 she was a 
member of the Museum Theatre company in Albany, New 
York. 
Divorced from singer Henry B. Hunt whom she 
married at age sixteen, and widowed in 1849, less than 
two years after her marriage to comedian George Mossop, 
Louisa Lane was married to actor John Drew in July 1850. 
The Drews returned in Philadelphia in 1852 to appear at 
the Chestnut Street Theatre, and in 1853 they moved to 
the Arch Street Theatre, which John Drew co-managed with 
William Wheatley. In 1860 the stockholders persuaded 
Mrs. Drew to assume full management of the theatre, 
afterwards known as Mrs. Drew's Arch Street Theatre. 
Mrs. Drew's first season was difficult, and her husband 
returned from touring 
the public. In 1862 
to star in productions and draw 
John Drew died after a short 
illness. 
which she 
Mrs. Drew continued as manager of the Arch, 
successfully maintained as a stock company 
until 1877. At that time, Mrs. Drew s uccumbed to public 
p r ess ur e to p r esent tra v e lling sta r s , and she changed 
168 
the Arch Street Theatre to a combination ~;ystem. Mrs. 
Drew remained the manager and sat on the Board of 
Dire ctors of the Arch until her retirement in June 1892, 
after thirty years of profitable and respected 
ma n a gement. 186 
T. Allston Brown was among those who admired Mrs. 
Drew as an able manager and a good businesswoman: 
When she took the Arch the property had depreci-
ate d greatly, and wa s mortgaged to the amount of 
twenty thousand dollars. Under her management 
the theatre greatly prospered, the mortgage was 
quickly paid off, and a surplus left for the 
stockholders. The stock, which had a par value 
of five hundred dollars a share, under her 
management reached a value of seven hundred and 
eighty dollars, and could not-- even then be 
purchas1g7 except upon the death of a stock-holder. 
Brown quotes "many old actors" as saying that Mrs. Drew 
was one of the best stage directors they had worked 
with, and Brown tells of a principal stage carpenter who 
said Mrs. Drew was always able to teach him something 
new about his craft. 
186Biographical sources include "Mrs. John Drew" by 
T. Allston Brown in Famous American Actors of Toda~ 
edited by Charles E. L. Wingate and F. E. McKay; an 
Autobio ra hical Sketch of Mrs. John Drew (New York : 
Seri ner s Sons, an an uni ent1. 1.ed clipping 
dated April 2, 1890, in the Locke Collection, New York 
Libra ry of Performing Arts at Lincoln Cente r. 
187 Br own, "Mrs . John Drew," p. 131. 
169 
A h · f 1 t · n Mrs Drew's success was he:c c i e - e emen i . -
ability to book the services of well-known performers to 
appear with her resident stock company. She continued 
to perform herself, taking on forty-two roles during he r 
first management season, and continuing to act regularly 
thereafter. Her obituary notice in The New York Dramat-
ic Mirror states that she had learned from the errors 
her hus band made while he co-managed the Arch. The 
Mirror states that "a history of the house during Mrs. 
Drew's management would be almost an epitome of the 
act
. . t f h h d · thi" s . d 11188 1v1 yo t e American t eatre uring per10. 
Certainly, during Mrs. Drew's tenure, many of the best 
actors in America played at the Arch. Such major names 
as Wal lack, E. L. Davenport, Cushman, Lotta and Mrs. 
Farren appear on Arch Street playbills. Both Fanny 
Davenport and Ada Rehan worked for Mrs. Drew prior to 
joining Augustin Daly's company in New York. Yet Mrs. 
Drew maintained modest box office prices, charging 37% 
cents for dress circle seats and 15 cents for the 
amphitheatre or top balcony seats. 189 
18 8 
N_e_w_Y_o_r_k--=D....:r....:a::..:m=a=t-=i...:c:.__::.M:..:i:..:r:..:r=...o::..::..r , September 11 , 18 9 7 . 
189 Moses, Montrose 
Ame r i ca, p. 180. J. Famous Actor-Families in 
170 
I ri addition to able business administration, Mrs. 
Drew had 
a reputation for running an excellent working 
en · vironment. In her memoirs, actress Rose Eytinge 
comments 
on her s everal seasons at the Arch Stree t 
Theatre 
' 
ca 11 i· ng i' t 11 · h · 
... wit out exception, the best-
conducted 
, cleanest, most orderly and most all-around 
comfortable theatre that I ever acted in. 11190 Those who 
Worked for a time under Mrs. Drew's management were 
regarded as having been well-trained. A typical comment 
is that of Mrs. G. H. Gilbert about young Ada Rehan: 
,, 
·· .what is important is that she had had, even at that 
early age, the good, old-fashioned training in general 
Work. I know that at one time she had been with Mrs. 
John Drew in Philade lphia , and anyone who had had that 
expe · 191 rienc . 11 e was the better for it. 
In an interview which was published in April 1890, 
Mrs, D rew prais ed t he hard work and high qua lity of the 
Old stock companies, and she summarized the changes in 
American theatre which took place during her long 
ca r eer . She was dis pleased by t he trend toward later 
e vening curtain times and she disliked matinees, which 
' 
-----
190 (New . Eytinge , Rose. 
l 90S ) York : Frederick 
' pp , 244- 245. 
191 
Gi l bert , p . 164 . 
The Memories of Rose Eyt i ng~ 
A. Stokes Company , Pub lishers , 
be corn"' 
in 
nl · 11 sances. 
171 
increasingly popular. Apparently these 
traditional scheduling had been management 
Mrs. 
comment. 
D , 
rew s decades as a manager drew no unusual 
There is no record of any opposition or 
er· · lt1cism of her 
assumption of the managerial role in 
the early 1860s . 
References to her work as a manager 
rnention h 
er capability as an administrator, which did 
not 
seem to surprise or offend the public. 
In 
addition to her contribution as an admired 
actress 
and an effective manager, Louisa Lane Drew left 
another 1 
egacy 
actor Joh D 
n rew 
to the American theatre. As mother to 
and actress Georgia Drew Barrymore, and 
as 
grandmother to Ethel, John and Lionel Barrymore, and 
Proge . 
nitor of the later generations of Drews and Barry-
rnores 
' Louisa Lane Drew was the matriarch of a great 
theatre f 
amily. 
LA.URA KE.ENE 
Born circa 1830 in England, Laura Keene became an 
actress f ed 
at an early age and is reputed to have per orm 
in the 
renowned company managed by English actress-

173 
othe1 oppos ition to her opening delayed the first 
performance. Apparently somebody gained access to her 
theat r e and vandalized the scenery. In the spring of 
1856 a competitor, William E. Burton, found a mistake in 
Keene 's lease agreement and was able to force Keene to 
vacate the theatre. 
Keene was able to secure financing to build her 
own theatre, which was designed by architect J ohn M. 
Trimble, and was opened on November 18, 1856. Located 
east of Broadway between Houston and Blee~ker Streets, 
the theatre seated 1800 patrons and was beautifully 
appointed. A New York Times article about Keene pub-
lished in 1886 said of Laura Keene's Theatre: 
The record of the theatre during Miss Keene's 
management is remarkable. Several players who 
h a ve since won lasting fame wherever the Eng -
lish-spoken drama has supporters were associated 
with her. Blake, Couldock, Harry Perry, T. B. 
Johnstone, James S. Browne, Walcot, and many 
others who had already made their reputation 
were concerned in the affairs of the house. 
Joseph Jefferson and Edward A. Sothern practi -
cally began their brilliant careers there, and 
Miss Keene introduced to New Yorkers John T. 
Raymond, Mi lned Lovick, Stuart Robson, F. C. 
Bangs, Effie Germon, Ione Burke, B. G. Rogers, 
Walter Lennox, Charlott193 Thompson, Eliza Couldock, and Ros e Eytinge. 
Keene's abilities as a ma n age r were tested by the severe 
financial panic of 1857. 
1930 c· p. lt. 
Her biographer, John Creahan, 
174 
notes I... 
tuat there were 
The S g reat difficulties in producing 
--~of Ice, 
cess. A 
---=--::. which became Keene's first major sue-
ccording 
reduct· ions were 
Jeffero 00n admired 
1. . 
1.m:r.tations: 
to Creahan, " ... Half salaries and other 
the order of the day."194 Joseph 
Keene's ability to cope with financial 
As an 
indust a_ctress and manager Laura Keene was both 
afford rio~s and talented . If she could have 
in th ed 1 t, no expense would have been spared 
matt e Production of her plays; but theatrical 
of hers were at a low ebb during the early part 
Was e\ career, and the memorable panic of 1857 
fin a_most fatal to her. In the midst of 
anda~c1.a1 difficulties she displayed great taste 
exp Ju?gment in making cheap articles look like 
and ensive ones, and both in her stage setting 
ef fec c~s tumes exhibited the most skillful and 
and t1.ve economy. She was a high-mettled lady, 
j ec t cou_ld be alarmingly impe1)~us to her sub-s W1.th but little trouble. 
. Laura Keene managed her company with an iron hand, 
l.nsti11· 
1.ng discipline and insisting on respect. She was 
often 
referred to as "The Duchess," and some found her 
autho . 
r1.tarian manner offensive on occasion. Jefferson 
tells of 
disputes between himself and Keene over stage 
bu · 81ness 1 
, rehearsal practices, and theirs was apparent y 
a 
c 0 mp et · · 1 9 6 R · 1 d 1 tive relationship. Actress Kate eigno s, 
--
194 
Crea han, p. 20 
l95 1 The Autobio Jefferson, Joseph. ~R~i~p:___:,V~a~n.,-_W~i~·n_k_e_: __ 
rah of Jose h Jefferson, P· 143. 
196 
Jefferson, pp. 145-158. 
1 75 
who worked in Keene's company as a young woman, found 
Keene both demanding and encouraging. Reignolds, too , 
s uffe.red some indignities under Keene's strong sway, 
however the young woman admired Keene as actress, 
manager, and woman, and in later years Reignolds per-
ceived Keene's discipline 
personal and professional 
as contributing to her own 
197 growth. The Manuscript 
Collection at the Library of Congress contains the Rule~ 
and Regulations of Laura Keene's Varieties Under the 
Management of Laura Keene, which were as follows: 
71. 
1. Gentlemen, at the time of rehearsal or 
performance, are not to wear their hats in 
the Green Room or talk vociferously . The 
Green Room is a place appropr i ated for the 
quiet and regular meeting of the company, 
who are to be called thence, and thence 
only, by the call boy, to attend on the 
Stage. The Manageress is not to be applied 
to in that place, on any matter of busi-
ness, or with any personal complaint. For 
a breach of any part of this article, fifty 
cents will be forfeited. 
2. The call for all rehearsals will be put up 
by the Prompter between the play and farce, 
or earlier, on evenings of performance. No 
pleas will be received, that the call was 
not seen, in order to avoid the penalties 
of Article Fifth. 
3. Any member of the Company unable from the 
effects of stimulants to perform, or to 
appear at rehearsal, shall forfeit a week's 
salary, and be liable to be d i scharged. 
197 Re i gnolds-Winslow, Yesterdays with Actors, p. 
Io. 
l l . 
4, 
5. 
6 . 
176 
For making the Stage wait, fifty cents. 
::ier due notice, all rehearsals must be 
P ended. The Green Room clock or the romDt ' · 
• L· .er s watch is to regulate time; ten 
:rutes will. be allowed, (the first call 
-X), for difference of clocks· forfeit twe t f · ' · ' 
h n Y- ive cents for every scene-the whole re earsal at the same rate, or four dollars 
at the option of the Manageress. 
A f 
_per ormer rehearsing from a book or part 
a t the last rehearsal of a new piece, and 
after proper time given for study, forfeits 
one dollar. 
7. ~ Performer introducing his own language or 
improper jests not in the author, or 
8. 
9. 
dswearing in his part, shall forfeit one ollar. 
Any person talking aloud behind the scenes 
to the interruption of the performance, to 
forfeit fifty cents. 
E~ery performer concerned in the first act 
of a play to be in the Green Room dressed 
for performance, at the time of beginni~g 
as expressed in the bills, or to forfeit 
five dollars. The Performers in the second 
act to be ready when the first finishes. 
In like manner with every other act. Those 
Performers who are not in the two last acts 
of the play, to be ready to begin the 
farce, or to forfeit one dollar. When a 
change of dress is necessary, ten minutes 
Will be allowed. 
Every performer's costume to be decided on 
by the Manageress, and a Perf?rmer who 
makes any alteration in dresses without the 
consent of the Manageress, or refuses to 
wear them, shall forfeit for each offence 
or omission, one dollar. 
If the Prompter shall be g?ilty of a~y 
neglect in his office, or omit to forfeit 
Where penalties are incurred, by non-obser-
vance of the Rul es and Regu l at ions of the 
Theatre, he s ha ll forfeit for each offence 
or omiss i on, one doll a r . 
b 
12. 
13. 
14. 
J. 7 7 
For ref · f using, on a sudden change of play or 
b arc_e, to repres ent a character performed 
Y She same person during the season, a 
weeks sa lary shall be forfeited. 
A Performer refusing apart allotted him by 
the Manageress, forfeits a week's salary or 
may be discharged. 
No Prompter, Performer, or Musician, will 
be permitted to copy any manuscript or 
music belonging to the Theatre, without 
permission from the Manageress, under the 
penalty of fifty dollars . 
15. 
~ny Performer singing songs not advertised 
7n the bills of the day, omitting any, or 
1
~troducing them, not in the part allotted, 
without first having consent of the Mana-
geress, forfeits a night's salary. 
16. A Performer restoring what is cut out by 
the Manageress, will forfeit one dollar. 
17. A Performer absenting himself from the 
Theatre of an evening when concerned i.n the 
business of the Stage, will forfeit a 
W~ek' s salary, or be held liable to be 
discharged at the option of the Manageress. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
The 
Ottom of 
In all cases of sickness, the Manageress 
reserves the right of payment or stopp~ge 
of salary during the absence of the sick 
persons. 
No person permitted , on ai;iy account, to 
~ddress the audience, but with the conse7:1t 
of the Manageress. Any vio1ation of th7s 
article will subject the party to forfei-
ture of a week's salary, or a discharge, at 
the option of the Manageress. 
Any new rules which may be found necessary 
shall be considered as part of th~se Rules 
and Regulations, after it is publicly made 
known in the Green Room. 
following unnumbered rules appear at 
the page: 
the 
l 78 
Ladies and G 1 
no accou ent. emen bringing servants, must on 
nt permit them behind the scenes. 
Ladies a nd G 
children e?tlemen a re requested not to bring 
requir . behind the scenes, unless actually 
ed in the business. 
It is p . 
Gentl articularly requested that every Lady and 
respe e~~n will report to the Prompter their 
c ive places of residence . 
Ladies d 
reh an Gentlemen prevented 
earsal by . ct· . . ·11 notic in 1spos1t1on, wi 
begin~in:~ the Prompter BEFORE 
attending the 
please give 
the hour of 
No str 
Thea t ange3:, or person not connected with the 
'tvith re, will be admitted behind the scenes, 
gere out the written permission of the Mana-ss. 
A. Pivotal 
production in the life and career of Laura 
Keene 
, as 
Jefferson 
Well as in the lives and careers of Joseph 
and E. A. Sothern, was the presentation of Our 
which opened at Laura Keene's Theatre ~. 
on. Oct b 
o er 18 
, 
great 
Popularity in the respective portrayals of Asa 
1858. Jefferson and Sothern achieved 
Trench 
a
r
ct and Lord Dundreary. 
Playing 
Sothern was to continue 
Dundreary in various productions for years to 
fo11o'tv, 
1861-62 
The play was revived again by Keene during the 
season 
Keene . ' 
in 1863. 
and was subsequently taken on tour by 
Laura Keene was appearing in her tour 
Product· 
ion of Our American Cousin at Ford's Theatre in 
t.lc1 s h· 
ington, D. C., on April 14, 1865, when John Wilkes 
Booth shot 
and killed President Abraham Lincoln, who was 
<1ttenct· 
lng that performance with hi s wife· Creahan's 
179 
biography states that Laura Keene was the person who 
identified J. w. Booth as the assassin, since she saw 
him at c l ose range as he jumped to the stage and made 
his escape. Keene was later briefly arrested and 
detained for questioning about the events of April 14, 
however sources indicate that she never spoke of that 
fateful evening to her friend s and colleagues. 198 
In 1860, Dion Boucicault and his wife, Agnes 
Robertson, joined Keene's company in New York. 
Boucicault supplied a number of plays, including the 
popular The Colleen Bawn, which Keene produced with 
erratic success. The season of 1862-63 was not success-
ful, perhaps because of influences of the Civil War, or 
perhaps owing to Keene's policies. At the close of the 
season in the spring of 1863 , Laura Keene turned over 
the lease of the theatre to John Duff, who engaged Mrs. 
John Wood to manage the theatre. Laura Keene then began 
the tour of Our American Cousin discussed above. 
Records of Laura Keene's activity in the latter 
part of the 1860's are sparse. Apparently she continued 
to tour, but with varying degrees of success. Her 
health began to fail as well, and friends commented on 
her difficult fortunes. 
198 c h rea an , p. 23. 
-180 
In 1868, Keene went to England for a short stay, 
returning in 1869 h 1 to Pi adelphia where she assumed 
management of h t e Chestnut Street Theatre. She directed 
the rem d 1· 0 e ing of the theatre, and upon its opening the 
Philadel h' ~ Press commented that under her management 
,, --
the Ch 
estnut, now one of the most beautiful theatres in 
Arneric h 199 
a' as become the resort of our best people." 
Two w k 
ee s later, on October 13, 1869, the same newspaper 
Praised K 
eene in this way: 
She is among the best managers in the art world 
br · · Her industry, ability and thrift have 
sh ought her . . . a handsome competence, which 
le has earned by downright labor ... She has tv ayed under flinty diffic~65ies and turned them er from the bottom ... 
Keene 1 
a so performed at the Chestnut, repeating many of 
the roles that had brought her success in earlier years. 
Noneth 1 f 1 e ess, her efforts were not entirely success u , 
anct aft 
er one season in Philadelphia, Keene re turned 
ag . 
a1n to New York.201 
199 Quoted in Creahan, p. 34. 
200 Quoted in Creahan, p. 35-36. 
201 h 1·b f Con The Manuscript Collection at t e i rary 0 
I< gress cont . . ers which belonged to Laura een ains various pap 1 · t t thee, among which is a statement of week Y receip s_a 
Gros Chestnut Street Theatre, April 11-16, 1870, showing 
Bal s Receipts of $1877.56, Expenses of $1297.41, and a 
rep:~ce of $580.15. The latter figure may be assumed to 
sent Miss Keene's profit for the week. 
181 
In t h e r ema ining three ye a rs of h er life, from 
18 70 to t h e s pring o f 1873, Laura Keene app eared from 
t ime to t ime i n New York thea tres . She did not resume 
management o f a theatre, but she did launch a publica-
tion entitled Fine Arts. This venture lasted a short 
time and met with little success. Ke e ne also made 
appearan c e s as a lecturer on the drama . Ill with 
consumption in these last years , Laura Keene died on 
November 4, 1873. She left two daughters from an early 
marriage to John Taylor; a second marriage to John Lutz 
had ended with his death in 1869. 
Shortly before her own death, Laura Keene had 
organized a movement to collect funds for Matilda Heron, 
an ewha t parallel to 
actress whose career had run som 
K 1 . d and she was eene' s. Heron's fortunes had dee J_ne ' · 
de s t1·tute. t d many people to assist Laura Keene contac e 
in raising funds for Heron. This 
Welfare was not unusual for Keene. 
concern for others' 
Jefferson was among 
tho b · kindness: "Laura 
Keene 
se who r e spected her asic 
d and impe rious, but she 
Was in private life high tempere 
had a good h e art a nd was 
her speak ill of a ny one 
very charitable. 
but herself; and 
1 never hea rd 
this she would 
~=====--
some ti.mes do with 
entertaining."202 
a 
182 
grim humor that was very 
De cade s after Laura Keene's death, William Winter 
Wrote · 
in Yazrant Memories that he thought Keene had not 
fu1f·1 --
i .led her promise. Winter recalled many of Keene's 
Perf0 . 
rmances with higb praise, but he believed that she 
made t 
Wo mis takes which damaged her career: departure 
from Wallack's and 
tbeat ..... e t ~ 0 tour. Winter attributed these decisions to a 
Theatre, relinquishing her 0TN11 
,, 
rest1 
· ess nature," and he concluded that Laura Keene did 
not ach· 
ieve the impact she might have had on the Ameri-
can th 
eatre. His focus, however, was on Keene as 
actress 
' and he does not discuss her prowess as a 
Pioneer 203 Woman manager. 
MATILDA CHARLOTTE VINING WOOD 
6 ' 
Born to theatrical parents in England on November 
1831 
• Matilda Vining' s first stage appearance oc-
in various curred ;n _,_ 1841. 
theatres 
in England, 
Thereafter she performed 
and she married actor John Wood. 
She Was 
then to be known as Mrs. John Wood for the 
J:·em . 
ainder of h 
er career. 
husband 
Were contracted 
------------202 
Jefferson 158 
' p. . 203 
Winter, William. 
In 1854, 
to cross 
Wo od and her Mrs. 
the Atlantic and 
Vagran t Memories, pp. 54- 59 . 
183 
Perform at the 
Bos ton Theatre, where they remained for three 
seasons. In 1856, the Woods moved to New York 
Where they 
Worked at Burton's Theatre. The summer of 185 7 found 
them at Wallack' s Theatre, and in the fall they 
Went to Ben De Bar's St. Charles Theatre in New 
Orleans 204 
' and then on to St. Louis and San Francisco. · 
The first record of Mrs. Wood's management indi-
cates th 
at in January 1859, she ran the Forrest Theatre 
in San F 
rancisco, and i.n March of that year she managed th
e Ame · 205 
rican Theatre i.n San Francisco. · Returning to New 0 
rleans in 1860, Mrs. Wood managed a "short season" 
in th 206 
e spring at the Varieties. She then returned to New y 
Ork and appeared with Joseph Jefferson from May 
throu h -
g the summer, and among her most popular perfor-
numbers was her 
Which 
she had also 
rendering of the song "Dixie," 
1·n the south. 207 popularized Sub 
sequently, Mrs. Wood appeared at the Winter Garden in 
204 
1-Iewi , Biographical information found i .n Barnard 
Pp ~t s essay on Mrs. Wood in Notable Amen.can W?men' 
Ja~ 
48
-
649; obituary notice in The New York Times• 
1-Ian~:ry 13, 1915, 9:3; and in Hines, Dixie and Harry P. 
Ii , p Ord' editors Who Was Who in the Theatre ( New York: 
I<end ·1 Hanaford, Publisher, 1914), pp. 261 b-26l 7; al.so a l, p. 310. 
205 
Hewitt, p. 649. 
206 
Kendall, p. 387. 
207 
Odell, 7: p. 223. Also Leavitt, p. 79. 
184 
1861 r d h 
' ctn s e took part in the production of The Colleen 
~~ at Niblo's in 1862. Mr. and Mrs. Wood had separat-
ed during the months on the d west coast, an Mr. Wood 
died in 1863. 
The next opportunity for Mrs. Wood to assume 
management 
responsibilities occurred in 1863 when Laura 
Reene 
gave up control of her theatre in New York to tour 
With 0 
_ur American Cousin . . In October 1863, the theatre 
re-op 
ened as the Olympic, managed by Mrs. Wood for the 
next th 
ree seasons. Odell noted the frequent change of 
bill 
at the Olympic in contrast to the runs of several 
Weeks' duration which had become common in New York 
theatr 
es by the early 1860s. During her second season, 
Mrs w 
• 
00 d strengthened her acting company, notably by 
the 
addition of Mrs. G. H. Gilbert, who was later to be 
one f 0 the "Big Four" in Daly's Fifth Avenue Theatre 
company, In December of 1864, Mrs. Wood produced a 
reviv 1 
a of Boucicaul t 's The Streets of New York which 
ran a 208 
record-breaking 100 performances. 
Mrs, Wood's third season (1865-66) found E. L. 
Davenport added to the company, joining comedian James 
Lewis who would later accompany Mrs. Gilbert to Daly's 
famous 
company. Another significant member of Mrs. 
208 
Odell, 7: p. 549, 552, 635-636. 
185 
Wood' s J H S dd l group was . . . to art, w:10 was to say of Mrs . 
Wood: 
Mr s . Wo od, I think, stood alone in a certain 
line of characters , She was immensely popular, 
and much liked and respected by her company, 
While s he managed the Olympic, it was conducted 
in a thoroughly artistic way; she was a power in 
herself, liberal in her views, and spared no 
expense that she deemed necessary to the proper 
con.duet of her theatre. I was with her during 
the three years of her management, and her 
retirement from it caused great regret, not only 
on th~ pars# the public' but also to all her 
as s ociates. 
Mrs. Gilbert says little in her memoirs of Mrs. Wood's 
management practices, but she does state that she 
refused other offers because she "would not leave Mrs. 
John Wood as long as she wanted me. 11210 Perhaps one of 
Mrs. Wood I s gifts as a manager lay in her personal 
charm, which also enhanced her performances as a singer 
and come dienne. Mrs. Gilbert describes her in this way: 
I think she is the most absolutely funny woman I 
have ever seen both on and off the stage. The 
f:1n simply bubbled up in ~er. Then she could 
sing and dance a bit and in the burlesques and 
farces she did such as "The Sleeping Beauty" 
and "The Fair One with the Golden . Locks, 11 she 
Was inimitable. There were certain pa~ts of 
hers that 1 always loved to watch her21½_Il, no 
matter how often I had seen her do them. -
---------209 Stoddart, James H. 
York: The Ce ntury Co . • (New 
210 Gilb e rt, p. 77. 
211 I b id ., pp . 78-79 . 
Recollections of a Player 
1902) , p. 14J-144. 
186 
Af t er t h e c los e of the third season of the 
Olympic, Mr s . Wood de cided to return to England, where 
she resume d a cting . In 1869 she became manager of the 
St . ~T ames Theatre in London. She returned. to America in 
1872 to appear on tour for nine months, then she went 
b ack to Lond on and c.:ontinued to manage the St. James 
until 1879. In 1882 sh e became co-manager of the Court 
Theatre in London, continuing in that role until 1891. 
In the following years, Mrs. Wood continued to perform, 
her last appearance taking place in 1905. She died in 
1915 at the age of eighty-three. 
Mrs. John Wood's twelve years in the United States 
was marked by praise and respect. She was always 
admired as an entertaining and charming performer, and 
her short managerial career in America was good prepara-
tion for the eighteen years she successfully managed 
theatre s in London. 
The accomplishments of Mrs. John Drew, Laura Keene 
and Mrs. John Wood illustrate that women were successful 
as managers in nineteenth-century theatre and were able 
to sustain the role of manager for many years. Mrs. 
John Drew ma naged the Arch Street Theatre for thirty-two 
consecutive years. Laura Keene's management of various 
theatres covered a period of fifteen years. Twelve 
year s of Mr s . John Wood' s thirty-year management career 
took place in Ameri c an thea tres . The re i s no indica tion 
18? 
tha t th ese women suffe r ed any di s advantage in their 
managerial e f forts due t o the ir sex. Each of these 
Women h 
a c i ev ed a r eputation for exc e llent management and 
their 
s uccess is further evidence that some able women 
f ound 
more chance for professional advancement in the 
theatre th 
an was generally available to women in other 
occup . 
ations during the nineteenth century. 
The c a r eers of the four actresses, Mrs. W. G. 
Jone 
s' Maggie Mitchell, Kate Re ignolds and Mrs. J. R. 
Vincent 
, along with the management achievements of Mrs. 
John Drew 
, Laura Keene and Mrs. John Wood, illustrate 
the 
success of many theatre women, illustrate the 
opportun1·t1·es f for stable employment or women, and 
Provict e examples of the variety of career patterns open 
to 
Women in the mid-nineteenth century American theatre. 
In the nex t s ection the careers of twenty-two other 
theatre 
women are summarized to provide additional 
eviden 1870 ce that the American theatre from 1850 to 
Offer d 
e substantial professional opportunity to women. 
~tion .Th C t 
----.::.:_ ree: Other Women in Mid-Nineteenth en ury 
--_;_:__ 
Wo in the nineteenth-
men were not marginal figures 
centur 
Y Ame rican thea tre. 
Pt"ece ct· i ng two sec tions 
s i gn ificance of seven 
The career studies in the 
illus tra t e 
i ndiv i dua l 
the variety and 
t heatre ca r eers , 
188 
however many other women were active in the American 
theatre of the 1850s and 1860s. This section provides 
information on twenty-two additional women whose success 
further illustrates the extent of opportunity which was 
a vailable to women in the theatre at that time. Not all 
of t hese women were great actresses, and not all of 
their lives proceeded happily. But each of them had the 
opportunity to earn a living in the theatre during the 
decades under study, and each of them conducted a career 
with a notable degree of success. 
Kate Bateman, born in Baltimore in 1842, was the 
daughter of actor parents who exploited their eldest 
daughters, Kate and Ellen, as child performers from 1844 
to 1849 on tours in the midwest and eastern cities. 
Successful in New York in 1849, the Bateman sisters then 
were hired by P. T. Ba rnum, who reportedly paid them 
jointly $1,000.00 per week for appearing at his Museum 
in New York, and then on tour in England. The popular 
sisters continued as child stars, performing in New York 
and on tour extending as far west as San Francisco, 
until 1856. Kate Bateman then went on as an adult 
actress, beginning with ~er appearance in 1860 at the 
Winter Garde n in her moth er 's play Evangeline. Achiev-
ing success in the role of Leah in Leah the Forsaken in 
Boston in 186 2 , Miss Bateman then repeated the role at 
Nib lo' s in New York in 1863, then in London, and again 
189 
a t Nib 1 c·, , . 
,._ ., s in 1866 . After her marriage in 1866 to an 
Eng1· 
.Lsh doctor Kate Bateman moved to London and con-
tinued. 
her caree r on the London state during the 1870s. 
She 
appeared in a number of Shakespearean productions 
Yl. 
J..th English 
actor Henry Irving and was well-received by 
London . 
audiences. Illness forced her to retire for a 
ti.me 
time 
died 
, but h s e again performed in the 1890s. At that 
she also opened a school for actors. Kate Bateman 
in 1917 in London.212 
Kate B b ateman was one of ~any actresses who egan 
Perform· ing as a child and as a member of a theatrical 
family. 
The later transfer of her career to the London 
stage 
tvas unusual for an American actress, however her 
marria e 
g to a respected physician and son of a well-
knoivn 
· English writer and historian may have facilitated 
that 
success. 
~es Booth was born in Australia where she made 
her stage She emigrated with her 
family 
debut at age fourteen. 
to the United States' west coast, and appeared as 
Agnes Land i·n F . Mrs. John Wood's company in San rancisco 
in. 1858 She then worked in the stock company at 
----
212 
191 7 Jame s , pp. 111-112; New York Times, April 12, P · 1.36 ~ 1: 6 ; Reignolds -Wins low, Yesterdays with Actor~, 
Pel:"fo , excerpts of critics comment s on Kate Bateman s 
l:"munces are in Mullin, pp. 54-57. 
19 0 
Magu i re ' s Op e r a House fo r s even year s . In 1865, she 
moved to New York and pla yed lea ding roles at the Winter 
Garde n and a t Nib lo' s Garde n with Edwin Forrest. In 
1866 sh e was engaged as the leading lady at the Boston 
Theatre managed by Junius Brutus Booth, Jr., whom she 
married in 1867. She remained at the Boston Theatre for 
s ev en s easons, and in subsequent years she toured, 
played again in New York a t the Booth Theatre and in 
several other New York stock companies. Agnes Booth was 
very popular and successful, continuing her career until 
her retirement in 1903. 
Widowed in 1883, Agnes Booth married John B. 
Schoeffel, the manager of the Tremont Theatre in Boston, 
in 1885. Sources indicate that the Schoeffels lived in 
a gracious home in Manches ter-by-the-Sea where they 
entertained frequently. Apparently Agnes Booth was 
fully accepted in Boston society and was financially 
secure. 213 
Caroline Chapman, born in London, was a member of 
a large theatrical f amily, some of whom emigrated to 
America in 1827. Her father (or her grandfather, 
21 3clapp and Edgett, pp. 43 ·-46; Jame s, pp. 202-203; 
New York Times January 3, 1910, 9:5; comments by 
critics are in 1Mullin, pp. 63 - 64. See also National 
5-tclopaedia of American Biography (New York: James T. 
i te & Comp a n y , 1924), p . 46 5. 
191 
a.:.:::ording to 
-., some sources) began an early showboat 
busine s s on the Mississippi in 1831, and for several 
yea r s Caroline performed with family members and others 
on the boats. In the late 1840' s she appeared in New 
York, and in 1852 she went to San Francisco and debuted 
at Maguire's Theatre. The next year she joined the San 
Francisco Theatre company. Popular with 
California. 
audiences through the 1850s, Caroline Chapman 
played 
with many actors from the east, including 
Edwin Booth 
and Laura Keene. With her brother, 
Willi.am, Caroline 
Chapman was a great success in San Francisco and on tour 
to the California mining camps. She was noted for her 
com· 1· t ge and she ic energy and sparkling persona ity ons a ' 
indulged in burlesques of other performers' especially 
rival celebrity Lola Montez. 
The rough schedule and the abandon which apparent-
the 1850s 
ly characterized the 
eve t 1 Carol1
·r1e Chapman was unsuc-
n ua ly took its toll. 
;n New York following her 
Chapman's work during 
cessful in finding work ~ 
brother's death in 1857, And 
she was no 
Her 
longer as 
career waned 
popular with California audiences. 
during the 1860s, and she r etired in 1870. 
in western American 
· eer 
Caroline Chapman was a pion 
f ers 
theatre. She was among the first per orm 
d for 
mining camps, and she se t new standar s 
to tour the 
performance 
192 
in t he S 
.. an Fra n c i s c o t hea tre at mid-century. She w as 
one 
of t he first s ucces s ful American troupers. 214 
~ke was born in Boston in 1845 or 1846. 
She 
appeare d as a child actress at the Boston Museum, 
Bosto 
n Theatre and Howard Athaneum to supplement her 
'tvido'tved 
mother's meager 
1861-1862 
income. In the season of 
she joined the ,, Bos ton Museum company as a 
'tvalking lady," d 
a vancing 
Kat e R . 
to supporting roles during 
· eignolds' reign as 
followed 
leading lady. Reignolds was 
abruptl Y, 
by Kate Denin, who abandoned the company 
and then 
' 
in 1866, Annie Clarke became the 
leading 
lady at the Boston Museum. She was to retain 
this 
Position for twenty years, playing a broad range of 
roles 
and 
England. 
and later 
com Pany · in 
Mansfield's 
establishing prominence in Boston and New 
She retired from the Boston Museum in 1892, 
performed as a member of Charles Frohman' s 
New York, as well as appearing with Richard 
company and Julia Marlowe's company· She 
remained h 
active in her stage career until her deat in 
1902. 
---------
---
214 
~s I James , pp . 322 - 32 3. Ludlow, No ah, Dramatic Life 
~nd ~I,t (New York: Benj~min Blom,- Inc., 1966. 
Ro~: k~al~ishe d in St. Louis, 1880), PP· 568 -?0; 
51-53 e ' T~upe r s o f the Gold Coast, PP· 38 , 4o, 43 , 
' 
6
~ 70 - 71, 80-81, 11 2-118, 152. 
,,, 
193 
Although n ot b o rn into a thea trica l family, Annie 
Clarke 
assist 
did b eg in to perform as a child in order to 
in supporting the family . Her long association 
wi th the Boston Museum afforded her an admired position 
in that city. In 1982 a number of prominent Bostonian::; 
organized a testimonial for the actress which is de-
scrib d · e 1.n actress Kate Ryan's book Old Boston Museum 
Days. Like her godmother, Mrs. J. R. Vincent, Annie 
Clarke was both respected and loved by her co-workers 
and her ap . . d . 215 prec1.at1.ve au 1.ences. 
Lotta Crabtree was born in New York circa 184 7 to 
a bookseller and his wife, who was employed as an uphol-
sterer. Lotta's father went to California during 
th
e 
Gold Rush 
' 
and her mother 
followed later with young 
Eventually hardship in the Lotta d an her baby brother. 
mining camp 
Crabtree to 
and 
. straits led Mrs. 
economic community 
follow the sugges tions 
0 f Lola Montez and 
othe L tta to perform. 
r performers to permit young 0 
At 
age 
was 
career which 
seven, Lotta began her extraordinary 
by her ambitious and 
to be supervised and managed 
in the 
shrewd mother. As 
and 
a child star, 
Lotta toured 
and gained 
mining camps towns of 
California 
215 --57; Re i gno lds-Winslow, 
Yeste d ClapI? and Edget t, pp.56~157; Ryan , PP· 63-79. 
·~---r as with Actors , PP· 1 
194 
popularity with city and rura l audiences , She was 
ve r s atile, capable f . . d o singing, ancing, pantomime and 
burl esque . 
After achieving substantial celebrity in the west, 
Lotta made her New York debut in 1864, and then toured 
as a visiting star in Chicago and Boston. In 1867 she 
returne d to Wallack's Theatre in 1867, and she won star 
status in New York. 
Lotta then formed her own company and developed a 
repertory of plays which she toured until 1891. Having 
amassed a fortune, much of it in real estate holdings, 
Lotta retired and lived comfortably with her mother. 
Following Lotta's death in 1924, a number of lawsuits 
were filed contesting her will. Individuals claiming to 
be rel · f lly to gain some of at1.ves attempted unsuccess u · 
th . th d to a number 
e vast fortune which Lotta had bequea e 
of charitable organizations. 
study of Lotta's 
An excellent and entertaining 
of the Gold Coast 
career is Constance Rourke's 1T~r~o~u~p~e~r~s~~-~~~~:=..'.::-=~--
but the 
which describes not 
de term· d 1.ne management 
only Lotta's success, 
Mary Ann Crabtree, 
by her mother, 
195 
who wa s one of America's first successful stage 
216 
mothers. 
Julia Dean was born in 1830 in Pleasant Valley , 
New York, an off-spring of the famous Drake family which 
had been among the earliest theatre touring families in 
the Western territories. She was linked through a 
cousin's marriage to the Chapman family and actress 
Caroline Chapman. 
In the 1840s, Julia Dean began her career acting 
with her father's companies in New York state. She then 
achieved early notice in Ludlow and Smith's company in 
Mobile, Alabama, where she and young Joseph Jefferson 
were utility players. Returning to New York, she 
debuted in 1846 at the Bowery, and was well-received. 
She then toured successfully in southern and western 
states and performed often in New York between 1850 and 
1856. 
After 1856, and then known as Julia Dean Hayne 
following her 1865 marriage, she appeared in the west, 
playing in cities and mining camps. Unlike many per-
formers who b egan their careers in the western states, 
216 Clapp and Edgett, pp. 74-77; Hewitt, pp. 
203-205; James, pp. 395-396; New York Times, September 
26, 1924, 21:3; Wilson, A Histort: of Ar:ieri.can Acti~, 
pp. 182-185; Rourke, Trouper s oft e Gold Coas t. 
J. 96 
Julia D 
ean Hayne arrived as a celebrity, famed for her 
beauty an . 
d her musical voice. Her marri'age to Hayne was 
Very 
unhappy; he was a dissolute character who squan-
dered much of the considerable monies earned by his 
Wife. In 1865 , the actress obtained a divorce, played 
for almost 
a year in Salt Lake City, and after a second 
marriage 
returned to New York. She was not well-
received 
when she appeared at the Broadway Theatre in 
1867 , and critics thought her acting style had become 
crude 
and abrasive through the hard years of performing 
in th 
e West. Julia Dean's sudden death after childbirth 
in 18 217 67 ended her career at age thirty-seven. 
½_isa Eldridge was born in Philadelphia in 1830 
and 
established a career there prior to her marriage and 
tern 
Porary retirement in 1852. Financial pressures 
motivated h J.857 58 and from er return to the stage in - , 
that time 
Performed 
until her 
in various 
death in 1905, Louisa Eldridge 
New York theatres. In 1860 she 
a member of the New Bowery company for three 
Where, at age thirty, she began to play the old 
-------- ----217 
Luct10 James, pp. 449-450; Jefferson,. pp. 112-114; 
B w 1 d of American 
~ra~h,; P. 711- 712; National, Cyc opae h1.a7 1868 , 4: 6; 
~,our~, P. 2 99 · New York Times, Marc ' "A 
Study e, Pp. 120-1'21. Also Ralpn Elli~tt DMargeHtasYne II 
(Ph. D of_ the Theatrica l Career of Julia ean ' 
dis sertat ion, University of Utah, 1959 ). 
]_ 9 7 
r11ornan D . "' . 
1 art~ which were thereafter her specialty. In the 
mid-1860s she 
w h 
spent a season each in Cincinnati and 
as ington. Returning to New York, she continued her 
career 
through the latter decades of the 1900s. Known 
in her 1 
a ter years as "Aunt Louisa," Mrs. Eldridge was 
active in the formation and support of the Actor's Fund 
and other 
charities for the benefit of theatre people. 
She 
died in New York in 1905. 
Louisa Eldridge had no family connections with the 
th
eatre, Her father was a Philadelphia politician. She 
rnarried a 
successful shipping merchant and had three 
children 
, two of whom followed careers in the theatre. 
Her 
occupation as an actress combined successfully with 
her 
role and wife and mother, and her many volunteer 
activities to assist in fund-raising were parallel to 
the 
social service activities carried out by many 
rn· d 1 
dle-class unemployed women of the time. She was 
act· 
lve as an actress for more than fifty years, enjoying 
consi ff · d · Stent popularity and earning a ection an respecc 
in her profession. 218 
B:_ose Eytinge began her career in the early 1850s 
in h 
- er native PhiladeJphia when she was seventeen years 
218 
Mirr Clapp and 
~. January 2, 
~v, 1905, 7:1; New 
Ed t 94 -95 · New York Dramatic get , pp. , . D b 
1897 2 . New York Times, ecem er 
York 'r{m.es ,' Decembe r 12 .~05, 10: 2. 
198 
o l d . She s u bs e quently achieved popularity on a tour of 
th
e west e rn states. At age twenty she joined a stock 
company in Albany, and in 1862 1 at age twenty - seven, she 
b e came a member of Laura Keene's Varieties in New York. 
During th 
. e 1860s she played many important roles at 
Various New York theatres and on tour with the Daven-
port-Wallack combina tion company. She was hired as 
principal actress at Wallack' s in New York in 1868. 
After a few years living abroad with her husband in the 
early 1870s, Miss Eytinge resumed her career with great 
success in New York, Boston, London, and on tour. She 
Withdrew from the stage in the late 1880s, opened two 
schools for actors, and then briefly performed again in 
the early 1900s. At the time of her death in 1911, she 
Was cared for by the Actors ' Fund. 
The child of non-theatre parents, Rose Eytinge 
apparently was drawn to the stage by natural interest. 
She was married first to a theatre manager. Her second 
husband was a journalist who served in the 1870s as 
United States Consul General to Egypt. Her third 
husband was an English actor. She had three children, 
none of whom followe d theatre careers. 
In her later years, Rose Eytinge wrote a play, a 
nove l, and her memoirs, which are affectionate reminis-
cenc e s about he r yea r s on the stage. She recalled he r 
h ap py s u c c ess i n t he mi d - nineteenth cen t ur y noting t hat 
-----
199 
she Was the ,_. 
rirst leading lady on the English-speaking 
stage 
1868. 
tress 
to rece ive a weekly salary in three figures in 
Sources do not indicate whethe r financial dis-
or personal preference caused her to spend her 
last Years 1.·n the 
Brunswick Home on Long Is land under 
Actor's Fund subsidy.219 
~ra Fisher, born in England in 1811, became a 
Child 
actress and was quite successful in London and 
touring throughout Britain. One of six children, 
Clara's 
early debut is credited to the enthusiasm for 
theatre 
of her father, an amateur actor. In 1827 the F· 1
sher fam1.· 1y d Cl · d · came to America, an young ara 1mme 1.-
ately appeared at the fashionable Park Theatre in New 
York. 
She was very popular, 
traveled 
and for seven years she 
to various stock companies to play leading 
roles. 
Her sister, Jane Marchant Fisher, also estab-
lished d 
a successful career in America, performing un er 
her 
married name, Mrs. Vernon. 
In 1834 Clara Fisher married musician J. G. Maeder 
and 
continued her career as Mrs. Maeder. Economic 
200 
reversals in 1837 forced the Maeder's into semi-retire-
ment. 
They moved to Albany in 1844, however Mrs. Maeder 
made 
an occasional appearance in New York theatres 
during the 1840s. 
In the 1850s, Mrs. M d d h t· ae er resume er ac 1ng 
ca 
reer on a full-time basis, specializing in character 
roles in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and other 
Cities . 
With stock companies. Later she joined Augustin 
Daly's 
company in New York, and she continued to perform 
in New York and wi· th ' . . t · 1 h Daly s touring companies uni er 
retirement in 1889. Her stage career spanned seventy-
two Years. 
Clara Fisher Maeder and her husband had seven 
Childr f h . . 
en, two of whom died young. Four o t e rema1n1ng 
five h·l h 
c 1 dren eventually worked in the t eatre. 
In 1897 Autobiography of Clara Fisher Maeder was 
Published, which is 
rambling recollection 
ly successful career. 
a conversational and somewhat 
of the actress' long and perenial-
Clara Fisher Maeder is represen-
tative of the longevity possible for women in theatre 
Ca 220 
reers during the nineteenth century. 
---------
Dou 
220
~obiography of Clara Fisher Maeder e~i~ed by 
Pubgl~as Taylor (New York: Burt Franklin, or1g1nally 
Luct1 1 shed 1897, reprinted 1970); James, PP· 622 -? 23 ; 
ow 1 Cyclopaedia of Am~r1can 
, p. 376; Nationa _ -(Footnote Continued) 
201 
Euph · emia (Effie) Germon, the child of actors, was 
born · 
in Augusta, Georgia, in 1845. Her father was the 
actor who fi·rst d 1 T Y ff b portraye Unc e om. oung E ie egan 
her 
care~r as a child in Baltimore, and later she 
Performed . in Philadelphia and Washington. She then 
moved to New York· and appeared at Brougham's Lyceum and 
then 
at Wallack' s Theatre. In 1863, Miss Germon re-
turned . 
to Philadelphia for a two-season engagement at 
the Ch 
es tnut Street Theatre, and then in the fall of 
1864 
she re-joined Wallack' s company in New York where 
She 
remained until 1888. Mi.ss Germon continued to 
appear · , in New York until 1907. She died at the Actors 
Fund Ho-me 
on Staten Island in 1914. 
Best known for soubrette roles in her youth, Effie 
Germon . Was primarily a comic actress. Her career 1s 
typical of 'th the New York stock company actress w1 
appearances in other Eastern cities. In her later years 
She t 1 
oured with a few productions, but she was primari . y 
seen · 221 in New York. 
(Foot~------
fugr~~~! Continued) 
.t1eb~· pp. 4 71_472; New York Dramatic Mirror, 
l898uary 13, 1897, p. 23; New York Time~, No~ember ~3, 
, 8·1 E f ·t· s' comment s are 1n Mullin, Pp, 197 ~199
. xcerpts o cr1 i c 
M 221Cl pp. 115-118; New York Times, 
1
•1arch 7 app and Edgett, 
, 1914, 11:5. 
202 
~ne Hartley Gilbert began her career as a child 
dancer i· n London. She married an English dancer, and in 
1849 she and her husband emigrated to America and 
Sett} d 
e West of Milwaukee. In 1850 or 1851 they moved 
Rice. 
to Ch· icago h 
were they worked for theatre manager John B. 
During the 1850s the Gilberts were employed by 
stock 
companies in Cleveland, Louisville, and Cincin-
nat· 1
' and during that time Mrs. Gilbert developed skill 
as a h 
c aracter actress. In 1864 the Gilberts accepted 
an offer 
to work for Mrs. John Wood at the Olympic 
Theatre . 
in New York, where Mrs. Gilbert stayed for three 
seasons (Mr. Gilbert died in 1866.) Next Mrs. Gilbert 
spent th 
ree years at the Broadway Theatre, and in 1869 
She · · 
Joined Augustin Daly's company at the Fifth Avenue 
Theatre. 
She was to remain with Daly for thirty years 
Until h. is death in 1899. Along with Ada Rehan, John 
Gilbert was known as one of Drew and J ames, Lewis, Mrs. 
''D aly's Big 
In 
Four." She famous for "old woman" was 
c· llbert h 1 Played her first starring role in Car es 
Frohman's f production of Granny, produced especially or 
her. 
1904, at the age of eighty-three, Mrs. 
She died in Chicago during the tour of the play. 
Successful 
half 
a century, Mrs. 
on the American stage for more than 
Gilbert had achieved prominence and 
respect. 
Critic William Winter remembered her as ". 
Dot 
only one of the most accomplished of dramatic 
203 
Perf 
--Ormer-· h :::; ; s _ e was one of the noblest and sweetest of 
Women." Jh~ __ Stage Reminiscences of- Mrs. G' lb 
_____ __:_:.__~=-----=--=---=-.:.::....::~_.::...::i er t , 
published in 1901, recall with humor and affection the 
many P 
· ersons and plays which were woven in the decades 
of h 
· a rd work and applause. Anne Hartley Gilbert was 
anoth 
er woman who enjoyed a long success in the American 
theatre,222 
!i_a~lda Heron, born in Ireland in 1830, came to 
Philadelphia with her family at age twelve. She played 
in sto k c companies in New York, Washington, Philadel-
Phia B 
' 0st0n and San Francisco. After a journey abroad 
during which she of La Dame Aux saw a production 
~liaRs, H d f d th 
-----=-=- eron translated the play an per orme e 
central role i·n 855 d th on tour Philadelphia in 1 an en · 
By 1856 she was achieving popularity as Camille in St. 
Louis C. . h 
' incinnati, Mobile and New Orleans. In 1857 s e 
enjoyed brief but stellar success as Camille at a 
t.lallack's Theatre in New York where her production ran 
for loo . . performances. Miss Heron then toured again in 
~ille d h dred 
---=- and other plays, and reportedly ma e one un 
--------
·---
222 
Bartle Clapp and Edgett' pp. 115-1] 8; Gilbert' Anne y f M Gilbert, 
edited · The Stage Reminiscences O Yor:k: Charles 
Scribn . ~y Charlotte M. Martin (New 
t.li111-· er s Sons, 1901); James, PP· 29-30; Winter, 
o am v Further Memories of 
ther n' agrant Memories, Being Wi'nter, pp. 247 .. 256. 
~· p. 241f; and also see 
so Mullin, pp. 217-220. 
204 
thousand 
By the mid-1860s, dollars. Miss Heron's 
Populari t d. . 
Y imini s hed, her health began to 
fortun 
e evaporated. 
fail, and her 
forty-six. 
She died almost destitute at age 
Although Matilda Heron's career was brief compared 
to 
many of the woman discussed in this study, her impact 
on Am 
erican acting was regarded a s substantial. Heron 
introduced h 
w at came to be known as the Emotional School 
Of 
acting, a term applied to strong realistic portrayal 
of Violent emot;ons. 1 f C ·11 f t L Thero e o am1 e was a per ec 
Vehicl 
e for Heron's style, and for years afterwards she 
Was 
remembered for the wrenching pain of her perfor-
tn.ance. 
Heron is also representative of the woman who came 
from h 
umble origins, chose the theatre for a career, and 
Was able to . 
establish significant artistic and financial 
success 223 ;f l f . . d . 
' L on y or a lirnite time. 
came 
~ny Herring, the daughter of English performers, 
to America as a child with her widowed mother. Her 
age first appearance was at the Bowery in 1842 at 
twelve. 
Orphaned at fourteen, Miss Herring obtained 
205 
en)p 1 
' ~-
0 Yment at 
gir' 
the Chatham Street Theatre as a ballet 
J.. Gradually' during 
her 
way up the ladder in 
the 1840's, Miss Herring worked 
-Was 
New York theatres. By 1852 she 
a membe f 
. r O the company at the Olympic, in 1859 she 
Joined th 
e New Bowery company, and in 1862 she went to 
the Old 
Bowery where she worked until 1866. She toured 
in th 
e late 1860s, then returned to New York where she 
continued to 
perform until 1892. Fanny Herring was a 
typical N 
ew York stock actress of the 1850s and 1860s, 
aPPearin . 
g 1.n a vast number of roles and maintaining a 
comfortable degree of popularity with New York audi-
ences. 
In the late 1840s, Fanny Herring married a man not 
conne Cted With 
Of 
or 
the theatre, and they had two sons, one 
-Whom b 
ecame an actor. There is no mention of divorce 
marriag d · . · 1 bl e 1.f f 1.cul ties in the information avai a e 
about 
the h · · d her 
non h 
actress, so presumably s e ma1nta1ne 
-t eatre 
marriage 
actin g career. 
successfully while continuing her 
Like Kate Reignolds 
Berring 
and Annie Clarke, Fanny 
assumed financial responsibility in a widowed 
family 
being 
at an early age. She also managed to survive 
orphaned young and conducted her caree r for many 
Years 
Playing a broad variety of roles in city stock 
theat 
res and on tour. 
harct .~ 
-Working professional actress who did not achieve 
Fanny Herring i s typical of the 
206 
star statu s 
career.224 
but who maintained a long and productive 
~delia Howard, daughter of actress Caroline Fox, 
began h 
er career at age two in 1850. Two years later in 
Troy, 
New York, where her 
managed 
a stock company, the 
in the f1.· rs t dramatization 
Cordel· , 
1.a s father produced 
Vv • 
father, George C. Howard, 
Howard family was involved 
of 
the 
Uncle Tom's 
play using a 
Cabin. 
script 
ri.tten by her uncle. Her mother appeared in the cast, 
and C 0rd
elia played Little Eva. The play opened in 
September 1852 d f . T 
, an ran for l 00 per ormances 1n roy, 
follo,;y d 
e by a run in Albany. Next the production moved 
to th 
e National Theatre in New York, where it triumphed 
and C 0rd
elia Howard became famous at the age of four 
Years. 
The 1853 run of over 200 performances was 
follotved b 
Ya series of tours in the United States and 
Engl 
and through the 1850s. Cordelia Howard was the most 
tve11 k 
- notvn and the most popular of the many actresses 
tvho 
Portrayed Little Eva, and she repeated the role 
Conti 
nuously until 1861, when she retired from the stage 
at a 
ge thirteen. 
224 
~ork~_J.9rk Dramatic Mirror, July 12 , 1902 , p. 3 ; 
. May 19, 1906, ll:6. 
----=.;;;;::======---
207 
Bawa d 
In 1928, a t the age f h d 1 o _ eig. ty years, Core ia 
r wrote brief but entertaining memoirs of her stage 
career. 
She had married Edmund J. Macdonald in her 
early adult 
years , and she had never returned to publi c 
life. Her 
Boward 
memoirs, edited by her n~phew George P. 
, comment on 
tion 
her discomfort with public recogni-
a nd celebrity 
theatre 
sta tus. However, she recalls many 
La1wrence 
Personages such as P. T. Barnum, Charles Kean, 
Barrett, Fanny Davenport, and her 
Pantom1·m. 
uncle, 
1s ·t G ff t· eorge .L. Fox, with a ec ion, and she 
secure 
that her stage childhood was a very happy and 
existence. 
Co rde 1 ia Howard was one of many child stars to 
enjoy 
success in the mid-nineteenth century, and her 
histor· 
le association with the original Uncle Tom's Cabin 
makes he r 
at:r-e.225 
a significant personality in American The-
Jean D f d a child in aven ort Lander per orme as 
England d St t " 
' and for a short time in the Unite .a eu · 
Then 
' after a return to Europe to study music, she made 
her 
adult stage debut in London. She came back to 
----------
t... 
22 SH pp. 224 - 225; l'lacd ewitt pp 171 179· James, 1 L 0 nal ct ' · - ' f the Orig ina ittl , Cordelia Howard "Memoirs O · 8 (Decemb e r l956)~ }va," Educational Theatre Journa l 
D:r-arna ~67 - 282 ; Wilson, Three Hundred Years of Ameri can 
an ct Theat re, pp. 202-203. 
208 
America in 1849 
a nd appeared in theatres in New York and in Californ· 
·· i a 
marr· 
during the 1860, 1850s. In after her 
lage to G 
enera l Frederick Lander she retired from 
the st , 
age , and when her husband was killed in the Civil 
-War M 
' rs Lad 
tance 
· n er committed her energies and her inheri-
to caring for war wounded 
1865 
• Mrs Lander returned to the 
in South Carolina. 
stage at 
In 
Niblo 1 s 
Garden 
in New York and remained in the company there for 
several 
Years. Later she appeared at the Boston Theatre 
and · 
1870
:n Washington, D. c., where she =ved in the early 
a
nd 
made her retirement home. 
Jean Davenport Lander survived two major career 
transit · lons 
Prodigy, 
and she 
She was originally popular as a child 
later returned successfully to play 
actuit 
roles Her hiatus from the stage during the Civil 
War did 
rnarri 
.age 
Post-war 
not damage her popularity, and undoubtedly her 
to a G 1 h dded pre.~tige to her enera and war ero a -
career. 
Mrs. Lander's scrapbooks and personal papers are 
in the M 
Man 
anuscripts Division of the Library of Congress. 
'/ C] . . . ., 
-l.Ppings attest to the vast number of productions 
in 
which 
s he appeared. She had been the first actress 
to 
Pe rform the 1· n the United States, 
h role of Camille 0 we 
Ver Mati·lda portrayal caused Jean 
I) Heron's subsequent av 
enPort to f her repe rto ire. 
el iminate the role rom 
After 
the Ci v . 1 r.r Lande r tended t o pref er to 
1. wa r, Mrs . 
/' 
20 9 
Perform . 
l.n European transla tions, and she was known for her 
intelligence, petite 
Perfect d. · 226 J_ct1on. 
beauty, melodious voice and 
~cs Menken established a sensational 
reputation b 
ased on her performance of the lead role in 
~ ' in Which s he rode a horse in a .flesh-colored 
Born in the 1830s, probably in Louisiana , 
deliberately clouded and distorted details of her 
Personal 1· 
1.fe, even adopting a number of assumed names. 
Apparently 
the financial crisis of 1857 destroyed the 
business 
of her first husband, and as a result she tried 
an a t. 
C 1.ng 
Nev, 
career, debuting in Shreveport and later in 
Orleans. A short tour followed, and 
appeared 
then she 
rnarria 
in 1859 at the National in New York. A second 
ge and charges 
and after 
recovering 
of bigamy made Menken notorious, 
. sh 0 from a period of depression, "' 
returned 
to the stage in 1861 in the role in Mazeppa' 
creat· 
lng a pub11.·c 
uproar. 
other . Performing in Mazeppa a
nd 
similar equestrian plays, she toured 
and in 186 
4 she took Mazeppa to London· 
the country , 
By that time 
receiving $500 . 00 per performa nce. A stormy 
-----------
and 226CJ Jp 202-204; Morris: p. ]4~ 
p. 17 - c p and Edgett, pp. . t- American Bio ra h , 
Pp, 127 _1
2 ; National C clo aedia O ·r Actors, 
Pp 28 · R · w Yester ays wi · -
a1· 118 -119' e1gno s- ins owA,ugust 3, 190 3 , 2 :4. See 
so, Mull. ; !:{_ashing ton Star, 
1 n, p . 155 . 
2 1 0 
in 1866 
frorn America to Europe, where she performed 1 irnj t d 
- e success until her death in 1868. 
resulted in Menken's final 
Menken' s br1.· ef 
popularity and financial success as q Perforrn 
t· er sprang from her early notoriety and associa -J..on vJi th 
scandal. 
cidvent 
Uress d 
' an unlike the other women included in this Study 
She capitalized on her image as an 
'she seems t h bl" d" l She o ave encouraged pu ic 1.sapprova. rnanaged 
to convert private disasters into celebrated esc apade 8 
c~' 
' a
nd 
in this manner she became one of Ameri-~ s f . l.rst 
the Performers to succeed by repeatedly s hocking 
Public b 227 
' 
0
th on and off the stage . 
Anna c l · l f 
~
0
ra Mowatt descendant of American Co onia Ot - ~, ebears 
' vJas born in 1819 and as a child and young t.:ozna 
n enjoyed d ·t· hub amateur theatricals an wri ing . s and' s . 
financial failure forced her to write for an i.nc0 Ille d 
Uring the 1840s. ~ 
Her 
vJas Pr d d h Park Theatre i·n New York, o uce at t e 
Then, in 1845, her play 
/' 
11 
211 
and 
afterwards it was presented many times in other 
cities 
and abroad. Successful as a playwright, Mrs. 
Mowatt nex t 
tried acting at the Park Theatre. Her debut 
in 1845 was 11 · d d h b 1 we -receive , an s e su sequent y toured 
the United States 
from h 
and England for nine years, retiring 
t e stage in 1854. 
Widowed in 1851, Mrs. Mowatt married Richmond 
newsp 
ap e r editor William Foushee Ritchie in 1854, but 
the ma . rriage 
1860 During 
was unhappy and the couple separated in 
the next seven years, Anna Cora Mowatt 
Ritchie 1 
continued to write and she published two nove s. 
She died in 1870 near London of the tuberculosis which 
had 1 
P agued her most of her adult life. 
Anna Cora Mowatt I s brief but highly successful 
acting 
career was unusual for a woman raised in a 
socially prominent and financially secure family. Her 
Only 
childhood connection with theatrical activity had 
been the f · 1 and amateur presentation of plays for ar:u . Y 
friends 
Her introduction to professional theatre 
throu h · d h g production of her play must have convince er 
that 
was an acceptable and Professional performance 
SUitabl 
e way for her to earn a living for her ailing 
hus band 
a nd herse lf. Apparent ly s he gave up her acting 
career b d 
ecause of ill-health and turne to the less 
Physically strenuous occupation of writ i ng. 
21 2 
Mowatt, h. . 
s c ief biography, Eric Wollencott Barnes, 
ottrib 
Utes changes in public attitudes towards women in 
the 
theatre 
example and 
at mid-nineteenth century to Mowatt's 
influence. She was always regarded 
''1 ady" 
and she behaved with 
Privately anct publicly_228 
dignity and poise, 
as a 
both 
b ~ was born in England in 1818, and 
ecame 
enamored of the stage through her childhood 
actrnirat· 
l.on for troupes of strolling players who visited her y 
Orkshire village. 
in her 
She married actor James Ponisi 
and by 
teens and toured the provinces with him by coach 
foot. 
8 he Her London debut was in 1848, and in 1850 
came to America under a three-month contract· 
never 
returned to England. 
Walnut 
Appearing first at 
She 
the 
St reet Theatre in St Philadelphia, she was given 
ar bill. 
1.ng and a warm 
Ponisi 
she moved to New York in November 1850, 
reception. Known as Madame 
and 
debuted 
corn Pany 
at the Old Bowery. Later she joined the stock 
du:i:--; 
at 
the 
the Broadway Theatre, where she appeared 
... ng 
lBSOs, of ten in support of Edwin Forrest. 
-
2
28 of Fashion ?'1 e i;..., y O r ~ a rn es , Eric Wo 11 enc o t t , ..:.T.!!h~e~L;'.'.;a~d~~:__J;-a=:m::::-:e~s:::--,--;:;-p-;:;-p-. 
96-597 k. Cha rles Scribne r ' s Sons , 1954), an Actress J ~os ton: Mo_watt, Anna Cora, Au~obiography o_f Wilson' A 
M'i?rtor . Ticknor Reed, and Fields, 1853)' See a lso 
~~American Acting, pp. 113- llB. 
' Pp. 339-340. 
213 
During the 
l860s, Madame Ponisi continued her career in 
New York 
' including appearances at Laura Keene's Theatre 
in the f1.· rs t 
Bawn 
production of Boucicault's The Colleen 
~ · She al so toured a number of times with Forrest. 
In 1871 she . 
Joined Wallack's company and remained there 
Until the 
company disbanded in 1888. Her last stage 
ap Pearance Was in a benefit for her close friend Louisa 
Eldridge in 1893. Madame Ponisi had divorced and 
rnarried a 
Child 
second time in 1859; she raised seven step-
ren, 
and was widowed in 1884. Following retire-
rnent , 
1899_ 
she lived quietly in New York until her death in 
Elizabeth Ponisi, s long and uninterrupted career 
:tese b 
m les the careers of Mrs. W. G. Jones, Clara Fisher 
Haeder 
Like those women, ' and Anne Hartley Gilbert. 
Elizabeth 1 Ponisi was born in England, apparent Y to 
Parents 
of humble means. Like the other women, she 
rnarried a h h theatre and like the man w o worked in t e , 
Others 
she began her performing career early in life. 
Hacta 
nie Ponisi was 
longev· 
1.ty and earned 
another woman who managed 
229 
a comfortable old age. 
career 
229 b 1, 1894, p. 2; New y ~w ~ork Dramatic Mirror, Sep~~~ er 
~, February 22, f899 • · · 
214 
~ertson was born in Edinburgh and began 
he r career in the English provinces during her adoles -
cence. 
She later appeared in London with Charles Ke an. 
Shortly after her 
marriage to Dion Bouciacult in 1853. 
Robertson 
came to the United States and performed at 
Burto , 
n 8 Theatre in New York, where she achieved ins t ant 
Popularity. In 1854 she appeared at the Boston Museum, 
and then i· n 
many cities, establishing a fine reputation , 
Particularly for her portrayal of the heroines in her 
husband' . 
s plays. In 1860 Robertson returned to London 
and 
Performed there for six years, returning to tour 
Arne · 
rica in 1866. She then made her home in London until 
her death 1· n f h t t t 1916, having retired ·rom t.e sage wen y 
Years bf e ore. 
London h Am · 
• she was still admired and loved by t _e erican 
Although Robertson's later career was in 
Public. In 1890, shortly after her divorce from 
Bou · cicauJ.t 
Robert son 
and his subsequent death, a benefit for Agnes 
at the Fifth Avenue Theatre in New York 
contr·b -. luted more than $2000.00 for her benetit. 
Like Mrs. John Wood, Agnes Robertson was able to 
rn . 
a1ntain popular appeal on both sides of the Atlantic. 
She 
specialized in the portrayal of sweet 
girls which probably pleased 
Scotch Peasant 
British immigrant population in American 
Robe rt , d d 
son s marriage to Bouc icaul t pro uce 
dt- en 
th ree of wh om pursued thea t r i cal 
Irish and 
the large 
audiences. 
six chil-
ca r ee r s . 
215 
Boucicault's 
infidelities and his charges that he was 
never 
legally married to Robertson, thus l abeling his 
own h · 1 
c 1. dren illegitimate, aroused great sympathy for 
Robertson 
throughout h 1 230 
er ong career. 
She was clearly admired and respected 
Ann Wallack, born in Charleston, South Carolina, 
in 1815 
' Was the daughter of an actress mother, and her 
uncles H 
, arry and Tom Placide, were both actors. As Ann 
Duff Waring, 
Chestnut 
she made her debut at age twelve at the 
Street Theatre in Philadelphia and performed 
many 
roles in that city. Her first marriage left her a 
Young w1.·d W 11 k 
ow, and she then met and married J. W. a ac , 
Jr. 
w. 
Thereafter she was known to the public as Mrs. J. 
Wallack. In New York she appeared at the Park 
Theat,-
,e, 
Winter 
Burton's 
' 
Laura Keene's, Brougham's Lyceum, the 
Garden, and Booth's. With the formation of 
Wallack' b r of that s company, she became a prominent mem e 
group t · 1 1874 
' and maintained a successful career un 1. · 
follow· 
1.ng her husband's death. She lived comfortably 
Until her death in 1879, and she left a sizeable legacy 
in J 1 
--
real estate for her mother and a .oya and provisions 
and 
York 
Edgett, 
Times, 
Pp 307-310; James, pp. 
. b r 7 1916 11:4; Novem e , , ' - d) (Fo o tnot e Continue 
216 
Ann Wallack was evidently a ,,ery fine actre s s. 
Joseph J f 
ac tj 
-ng , 
e -fer son commented on the force of her tragic 
st
ating that "In the quality of queenly dignity 
I think h 
II s e even surpassed Charlotte Cushman 
Will· 
1.am Winter attributed to Ann Wallack much of her 
husband's 
Professional success "because she cheered and 
aided h· 
· 1.m in all his high ambitions and endeavors, and 
supplied h 
t e prudence which he lacked in the conduct of 
Practical affairs." 
Ann Wallack' s long career is another example of 
one h 
w ich began in childhood within the circle of a 
theatrical family. 
attests h b d 
to the financial success she and her us an 
en· 
Her wealth in her later years 
Joyed, and to her management of that wealth in her 
widowhood.231 
~ made her stage debut in 1858 in a 
l:"isq h 
ue Play entitled Three Fast Men, produced by er 
Stepfather in 
followed d d·tt· l 
, and Lucille and her sister Helen ha 1 icu -
various cities. Public disapproval 
ty . 
1.n obtaining employment for a few years· 
luci11 · t' 
e Western h · ht to a dramatiza J.on purchased t e rig s 
In 1860, 
(F'0 otn 
Rein ote Continued) 
Seegaflds-Winslow, ~Y1e~s~t~e~r~d~a1y_~w~i~t~h.~~A~c~t_o_r_s, so Mullin, pp. 385-387. 
231 
pp. 64-6 7. 
1879 . Jeffers on, 
' 
5 :4; Winter 
New York Times' February 13' p. 61 ; 119 
' 
Vagrant Memories, P· · 
217 
of East Lynne, which she successfully produced and 
played the s tar role. The play made her famous, and she 
toured in East Lynne for sixteen years, earning upwards 
of $250,000.00, which she reportedly squandered. 
Lucille We s t e rn became a celebrity, but she was 
never known as a first-rate actress. Her popularity and 
financial gain came from her image as a temptress and 
renegade. She was not associated with scandal, as was 
Adah Isaacs Menken, but she chose to perform in plays 
which challenged middle-class morality and in which she 
often exploited her sexuality and suggeS t ive beauty. 
Lucille Western courted celebrity and deliberately 
created an aura of mystery around herself. She attempt-
ed to avoid the public by concealing her face behind 
heavy veils, and she generally took her meals in her 
on tour. hotel suite while 
glamour by avoiding 
She preserved the image of 
Western's 
t rs in public. chance encoun e 
career is an example 
of a touring 
actress who . 1 1.·n one star vehicle, just appeared primari Y 
as Maggi· e Mitchell scored perennial 
success with 
~.232 
232 d M ris curtain Time (New 
York. Logan, p. 443; Lloy or 208 •. -NeW York Times, 
J a · Random Hous e , 1953) P · ' - 507 nu Mullin, P· · 
ary 12, 1877, 5:3; see also 
------
218 
Maria p 
as Mr s~_r ay Wil liams' known f or most of her career 
Ba r ney w ·1 1 
he .,.. 1. i ams, ma de her f1.· r s t ,. na t . appea r ance in 
l.Ve New York 
at the Chatham Thea tre i n 1842 when She Was ag·e sev e n t een. 
corned · l.an Ch ar l es M estayer, 
As Mrs. Me s t aye r, wife t c, 
on tour 
in Ri o de Yo rk J a niero, and in stock companie s in New 
' Bos ton a d hi n Cinc inna ti. Afte r Mestayer ' s death, 
s Wi dow 
Will· married Barney Williams in 1849. Mr. and Mrs . 
lams 
th p e r f o r med together in New York and toured in 
e 1840 
s , Perf · th arming as far west as San Francisco where 
ey We r e 
Went enormously popular. 
to Lo d 
and n on where they played for the Royal Family 
then 
r., toured 1.·n E 
~ill. urope. 
lams 
Phia 
, Balt-im 
13
69 
- o r e, Washing ton and New York . From 186 7 to 
• Mr. w· . 
anct M 1.ll iams managed the Little Broadway Theatre, 
r s. Wi11· 137
0 
I.a ms played leading roles there. 
s the y t in oure d toge ther until Barney Williams' death 
1876 
Mrs w· 11· , · · Ph ' l 
· 1. 1.ams f 1.nal appearanc e was 1.n 1. -
she worked during the 1840s 
In 1856, 
In 18.59, 
the Wil l iamses 
Mr. 
began a six-year period touring in 
and Mrs. 
Philadel-
In the 
1877. She died in 1911. 
Ma ria Pray Williams was a ctive on the American 
th ' l.rty - fi v e yea r s . Twenty -five of those yea r s 
St age 
f o r 
She 
spent a 
s pe . s Partner to her hu s ba nd, Ba rney Williams, 
CJ.. a li z ing . Of in comedy Mr . and Mr s . Williams we re one 
t he f . 
llat. ew husb a nd - and - wife comedy teams to meet wi t h 
J..ona1 
success . 1 · p 1d her 
, Maria ' s sister Ma v1.n a ray ai 
Wi.lliarn J. 
Both 
219 
Flor enc e 
coupl es 
were another 
enjoyed 
233 
in conjunction with long 
long 
and 
successful 
and happy 
fruitful 
The twenty-two 
rnate . careers summarized in the foregoing 
r1.a.1 
further ·11 l ustrate the variety of career Patterns 
, the 
and opportunities for 
the degree of 
long and stable careers, 
"t<iornen in professional success available to 
mid - n· B00 t J.neteenth-century American theatre. Agnes h, Ann · 
B - ie Clarke, Lotta Crabtree, Clara Fisher, Anne 
artley· 
Gilb 
ifa:i:-, ert, Elizabeth Ponisi, Anne Wallack and 
J...q p 
. ray Willi' ams Oecact maintained careers that lasted for 
es C 
Stars . aroline Chapman and Julia Dean became major 
1.n th i\ctah . e Western mining areas. Matilda Heron and 
Isaacs 
s llcce Ss 
Kate 
and 
Menken each enjoyed a brief but meteoric 
like Lucille Western achieved notoriety. 
Bat eman Chilct and Cordelia Howard were among the first 
stars 
a ' and Fanny Herring, who began to perform as 
CJ:iild 
ach· ' exemplified the working actress who never 
l.eved 
a star status. Louisa Eldridge, Rose Eytinge, 
nct Eff. 
l.e 
Poplll 
ar 
Germon were t ypical of actresses who were 
for Years in New York theatres. Agnes Robertson 
23 3 
7 Clap 1911 p a nd Edgett, 
' II, 11:4. 
p. 386-392; New York Times, 
22 0 
s uccessfu l in 
Cor a M 
owa tt and Jean Lande r a chieved stardom in New York 
American a nd Engli sh t hea tre. Anna 
-1 n d 
success fully ma i n t a ined a plac e in polite society. 
The 
With 
twenty-two women described in this section 
Mr s . w. G. Jones, Maggie Mit che ll, Kate 
Mrs . J . R. Vincent, Mrs. J ohn Drew, Laura 
Ke ene 
' and Mrs. John Wood, are examples of the many 
tvornen Wh 0 found economic security, career opportunities, 
and Pub1· 
le admiration through their varied and success-fu] 
· ace 
omplishments in the American theatre. 
CHAPTER FIVE 
CONCLUSION 
The 
careers which have been summarized in this 
st
udy demonstrate that b 1 women had flexi i . ity and autono-
my in 
career choices. They could remain in one city and 
conduct a 1 
ong career, as was true for Mrs. W. G. Jones 
a
nd 
Mrs J. R. Vincent. Women could tour the country, 
as did Maggie Mitchell, Mrs. Barney Williams, Lucille 
Western d 
an many others. Women could combine touring 
With terms h of residence in city stock t eatres, as Kate 
Reignolds 
Under all 
• Laura 
sorts 
Keene, and others . Women performed 
of circumstances, including the rough 
en · 
vironments of 
Chapman J 
, ulia 
the western territories where Caroline 
Dean and Lotta Chapman enjoyed great 
success. Various career options were open for talented 
Women 
and men in mid-nineteenth-century theatre, and 
Personal choice' not gender' appears to have governed 
the 
option selected. 
Not only was steady employment available for women 
in t h e theatre, the possibility for many years of 
employment is illustrated in many of the careers de-
Sc · b 
r1. ed in t his study. Of the women whose care e r s have 
221 
222 
been 
than 
describ d h . 
e ere, tho se actJ.ve on the stage for more 
forty years include Agnes Booth, Lotta Crabtree, 
Louisa El 
,. dridge, Ro se Eytinge, Effie Germon, Maggie 
Mit chell, 
and Elizabeth Ponisi. Careers of more than 
fifty Years b 
Gilbert 
elonged to Clara Fisher, Anne Hartley 
tvallack. 
• Mrs. W. G. Jones, Mrs. J . R. Vincent, and Ann 
The information presented in this study indicates 
that many began the theatre out of women careers in 
economic 
necessity, often appearing as child actresses 
to 
supplement for family income. Such was the case 
Annie Clarke, Lotta Crabtree, 
Reignold 
s, and Mrs. W. G. Jones. 
Cora Mowatt d d 
an Louisa Eldri ge, 
Fanny Herring, Kate 
Other women, like Anna 
turned to acting to 
reliev f. 
e inancial pressures in adult life. While many 
'women h f 
w o became actresses were children of per armers, 
such as Kate h J lia Dean and Bateman Caroline C apman, u 
' Effie G 
ermon 
' 
some women like Maggie Mitchell and Mrs. 
J. R. 
'without 
F'or a11 
Provided 
fields. 
V;nc t 1 h to become actresses ~ en apparent y c ose 
any prior family association with the theatre. 
of these women a career in the theatre clearly 
' 
greater economic opportunity than work in °th er 
Alth 1 Pattern of women's wages ough the genera 
in the id to theatre was definitely lower than wages pa 
men ' St ill had much mo re economic 
, women in th e thea tre 
egu1· ty 
T.,. h tl r oc cupa t .ions' as 
w J_ t men than wome n in o 1 e 
223 
the salary data in Chapter Three of this 
Women in the h t eatre earned far more than women 
Other a reas of in the 
century 
· ' as discussed in Chapter 
employment mid-nineteenth 
so the theatre Clear1 
Y offered 
Three, 
than 
greater economic opportunity to women 
Oth 
· er employments provided. 
The quest 1·on of the nineteenth-century American 
actress' 
social status 
Perceived 
and whether social censure was 
as a problem by the actress herself is a topic 
for furth 
er research. 
ans h 
,as b 
The tendency of theatre histori-
een to generalize across the entire nineteenth 
century 
on the assumption that social attitudes towards 
t-.romen 
in the theatre were relatively static. In addi-
tion 
' little attention has been given to a comparison of 
attitud 
es towards actresses as compared with attitudes 
towards 
0 ther working women. Finally, there has been no 
Stud 
y to determine whether those women who chose theatre 
careers 
might have achieved a noticeable improvement or 
Chan ge 
Paths. 
humble 
in social status had they selected other career 
Considering that most of these women came from 
origin s 
for . ' 
s1g · 
n1fic ant 
I contend that they had little chance 
through 
b . 1 . 1· n any waJv other than upward mo 1 1 ty 
Public success in the theatre. 
Addit1·on l h i·s also needed on the careers a researc 
the theatre prior to 
decade s s tudi ed he re 
1850. 
were a 
While 
time 
the 
of 
2 21 .. 
s i.gnifi c an t thea tri ca l g rowth, there was ample theatri-
ca l a ctivity pr io r to 1850, and women performers con-
tribut e d to that a ctivity. Very little information has 
been a s s embled on t he salaries of men and women in the 
theatre prior to 1850, and such data might yield addi-
tional evidenc e concerning professional equity in the 
Am e rican theat re . 
The emergence of women in management roles in 
American theatre is another area for further research. 
The three actre s s-managers who are discussed in this 
study were pioneers in management practices among both 
male and female managers. In particular, the role of 
the female manager such as Catherine Sinclair in the 
Gold-Rush years in California would enhance our under-
standing of the impact women had on theatre development. 
Finally, this study has suggested another research 
area related to women as managers of acting careers. 
The careers of Lotta Crabtree and Maggie Mitchell were 
influenced by the early influence of their mothers who 
a pparently made shrewd contracts for the actress-daugh-
ter. The emergence of the "stage mother 11 in the Ameri-
can theatre has y e t to b e studied. 
In conclusion, this study indicates that women 
we r e a ctive, in f lue ntial, and successful in 
n ine t eenth-c e ntury Ame ric a n theatre. Many 
e njoyed l e n g thy and rewardin g careers , 
the mid-· 
actresse s 
and they 
? ' ' r.: 
~L J 
contribute d to the poss ibility f o r oth e r women to pursue 
profe ss i ona l careers on the Ame rican stage. Working 
with men, under t h e s ame circumstance s a s men, and with 
o ptions to choose a car eer pa th similar to that avail -
able to men , t he American actress from 1850 to 1870 
e nj oyed s uccess, career l ongevity , and differentiated 
car e e r pr1 t t ern s . Equality in wages between actresses 
and ac t ors occurr e d in some, but not all, cases. 
Equality in the number of acting jobs available to women 
and men was seldom, if ever, possible because of the 
predominance of male roles in dramatic literature. 
There fo re, perfect employment equality did not exist 
b e tween women and men in mid-nineteenth century theatre. 
But, in a n era when the subordination of women pervaded 
our soc i ety, the theatre was a unique context in which 
the ac tress , through the merit of her talent and effort, 
experienced career autonomy rarely available to other 
working wome n, and often earned a g r eater degree of fair 
compensation than women in other occupations. In this 
sense , the mid-nineteenth-century theatre, in contrast 
to oth er social institutions of the time, offered 
actres se s an except i on a l degree of profess iona l equity. 
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2.66 
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267 
" S1-1ccess on the Stage," North Ameri can Review, 135 
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Methodology 
35 (June 1906) 
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268 
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Theatre 
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269 
Smith , Mar y Ann Yod e li s. "The Metho d o f History," i n 
Research Me thod s i.n Ma ss Communication. Edite d by 
Guido H. Stemple , III, and Bruce H. Westl e y . 
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Yale Theatre 5:1 (1973) 139-144. 
Women's Studies 
Be asley, Maurine. "Pens and Petticoats: Early Women 
Washington Correspondents," Journalism History, 
1:4, (Winter 1974-75) 112-115. 
Nochlin, Linda. "Why Have There Been No Great Women Ar-
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Pa l g rave, F.T. "Women in Fine Arts." Macmillan's 
Maga z ine 12 (June 1865) 118-12 7; continued (July 
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We lte r, Barbara. "The Cult of True Womanhood 1820 ·-
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151-74. 
NEWSPAPERS 
18 (Summer 1966) 
Bos ton Evening Transcript June 11, 1850; J anuary 3, 
1865; January 7, 1865; April 27, 1885; September 
6, 1887; May 1899; March 10 , 1906 ; July 11, 1911; 
Ju l y 12 , 1911. 
270 
Bos t on Globe July 12, 1911; July 14 , 1911; April 4, 
1971. 
Boston Herald April 26, 1885; Sept ember 5 , 188 7; July 
12 , 1911. 
Boston Post June 12, 1850. 
Brooklyn Daily Eagle February 4, 1968. 
Concord Evening Monitor (New Hampshire ) July 12, 1911. 
Evening Star (Washington, D.C.) May 3, 1862; Mary 12, 
1862. 
Missouri Republican January 9, 1860. 
New York Dramatic Mirror September 11, 1877; September 
1, 1894; January 2, 1897; Christmas Issue, 1896; 
July 2, 1902; June 20, 1903; July 25, 1903; April 
23, 1904; April 24, 190lf; June 22, 1907; July 11, 
1911; July 19, 1911. 
New York Times March 7, 1868; August 2.1, 1868; January 
12, 18 7 7; February 13, 18 79; June 20, 1886; Mary 
22, 1888; March 4, 1889; July 11, 1897; November 
13, 1898; February 22, 1899; December 10, 1905; 
December 12, 1905; June 14, 1907; June 24, 1907; 
July 11, 1907; January 3, 1910; May 7, 1911; 
December 21, 1911; March 7, 1914; November 7, 
1916; March 23, 1918. 
New York Daily Tribune April 1, 1888. 
New York Tribune May 9, 1899. 
St . Lou i s Globe Democrat April 12 , 1904. 
271 
Sunda~rald (Boston) April 19, 18 85 ; March 3, 1889. 
The Clipper undated clipping. 
The Newark Sunday Call undat ed clipping. 
Washington Star August 3, 1903. 
Also various undated, unidentified clippings as not ed in 
footnotes in text. 
UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS 
Correspondence and Personal Papers: 
Cutler , Lucy. The Lucy Cutler Papers. Society Collec-
tion, Manuscripts Division, Pennsylvania Histor-
ical Society, Philadelphia. 
Ford, John Thompson. Correspondence , 1858-1867. Re-
search Library, New York Historical Society, New 
York City. 
Keene , Laura. Correspondence and papers. Manuscript s 
Division, The Library of Congress, Washington, 
D. C. 
Lande r , Jean Davenport . Corr e s pondenc e and pap e rs. 
Manuscripts Division , The Library of Congress , 
Washington, D.C. 
Menken, Adah Isaa cs. Correspondence and p apers . Manu-
scripts Division, The Library o f Congre ss , 
Washington, D.C. 
272 
Acco_unt _ _l3oo_ks and Salary Records: 
Account Book for Daly's Theatre. Manuscripts Collec-
tion, Columbia University, New York. 
Daily Cash Book for Barnum's Museum, Philadelphia, 1851. 
Manuscripts Collection, Harvard Theatre Collection 
of the Houghton Library, Harvard University, 
Cambridge, Massachusetts. 
Shipley, Werner. Account Book of Werner Shipley, prop-
erty man at the Holliday St. Theatre, Baltimore. 
One volume, 1858-1868. Manuscripts Division, 
Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, Maryland. 
Other : 
Untitled information provided by Actors' Equity Associa ·-
tion, New York, on current ( 1986) LORT contract 
salaries to performers. 
Mccusker, John J. An Historical Price Index for Use as 
a Deflator of Money Values in the Economy of Early 
America. 
CURRICULUM VITAE 
Name : Edna Hammer Cooley. 
Permanent address: 1823 Greenplace Terrace, Rockville, 
MD, 20850. 
Degree and date to be conferred: Ph.D., 1986. 
Date of birth: December 28, 1936. 
Place of birth: Cheyenne , Wyoming. 
Secondary education: Holton-Arms School, Washington, DC, 
1954. 
Collegiate institutions 
attended Dates 
Syracuse University 
George Washington 
University 
Catholic University 
Hunter College 
University of 
Maryland 
1954-56 
1956-58 
1958-61 
1963 
1976-86 
Major: Public Communication: 
Professional positions held: 
Date 
Degree of Degree 
B.A. June, 1958 
M.F.A. January, 1961 
Ph.D. May, 1986 
Theatre 
Inunaculata College of Washington, Assistant Professor, 
1969-1976, 4300 Nebraska Ave., N.W., Washington, DC. 
Northern Virginia Community College, Assistant Profes 
sor, 1976-1979, No. Beauregard St., Alexandria, VA. 
Montgomery College, Associate Professor/Professor, 
1979-1986, Manakee Street, Rockville, MD