ABSTRACT Title of Document: GRACIOUS BUT CARELES: RACE AND STATUS IN THE HISTORY OF MOUNT CLARE Teresa S. Moyer, Doctor of Philosophy, 2010 Directed By: Profesor Mary Corbin Sies, Department of American Studies Historic plantation sites continue to struggle with the legacy of slavery and black history, particularly concerning their significance in American culture. Although enslaved persons are erased from the contemporary landscape of Caroll Park in Baltimore, Maryland, the historical and archaeological record preserves their importance to the Caroll family and the plantation caled Georgia or Mount Clare. I argue that historic preservation is a form of social justice when underepresented historical groups are integrated into interpretations of historical house museums and landscapes. Enslaved blacks held esential roles in every aspect of Mount Clare from circa 1730 to 1817. They became culturaly American at the intersection of race and status, not only through the practice of their own cultural beliefs and values, but those of elite whites, as wel. Focus on white ancestors reveals only part of the history of Mount Clare: I demonstrate that blacks? own achievements cannot be ignored. GRACIOUS BUT CARELES: RACE AND STATUS IN THE HISTORY OF MOUNT CLARE By Teresa S. Moyer Disertation submited to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degre of Doctor of Philosophy 2010 Advisory Commite: Profesor Mary Corbin Sies, Chair Profesor Julia A. King Profesor Cheryl J. LaRoche Profesor Paul A. Shackel Profesor Psyche Wiliams-Forson ? Copyright by Teresa S. Moyer 2010 i Acknowledgments Over the course of researching and writing about Mount Clare, I received generous help from al directions. Some of that help came from scholars; some from people who knew how to find things; and some from those whose support gave me the space and flexibility to push on. The Department of American Studies at the University of Maryland proved to be an encouraging and helpful place to disertate. Thank you to my disertation commite chair, Mary Corbin Sies, and to the members of the disertation commite, Julia A. King, Cheryl J. LaRoche, Paul A. Shackel, and Psyche Wiliams- Forson. Al led me to scholars, ideas, and questions that opened up the interpretation of Mount Clare in significant ways and made the disertation a more useful document. Dr. Sies, in particular, provided exceptionaly valuable guidance throughout my time as her student and advise. Additional appreciation goes to Nancy L. Struna for her flexibility as department chair. A Bode-Wise Felowship through the department and an Ann G. Wylie Disertation Felowship from the Graduate School supported my studies. Reference staf and volunters at the Maryland State Archives were patient and gracious during marathon pulls of government records. Thank you to al, especialy Vicki Alen, Robert Barnes, Brandy Dorsey, Melodie Krauss, Michael McCormick, Edward Papenfuse, Sarah Paterson, Jennifer Petrisko, Mathew Pollard, Amber Robinson, Robert Schoeberlein, and Christopher Schini. Kim Moreno offered guidance as a MSA archivist and an expert on Margaret Tilghman Caroll. ii Staf and volunters at the Maryland Historical Society gave asistance on using the collections and the minutiae of Baltimore history. Appreciation is extended to Jennifer Namsiriwan, Marc Thomas, and Francis O?Neil. A Lord Baltimore Felowship from the historical society provided institutional support. Staf at the Mount Clare Museum House gave aces to archival materials and history files held in the research library. They also helped me to understand the decorative arts and furniture collections on display. Thanks to Jane Wolterek, Carolyn Adams, and Alice Donahue for their asistance. The Caroll Park Foundation and the Baltimore Talent Development High School provided aces to the Carol Park archaeological collection and organized students to asist me. Thank you to Pamela Charshee from the Caroll Park Foundation, who facilitated aces to the collections, and to Monica Watkins, who coordinated the students? schedules. Special thanks to the students: Charles Haris, Christopher Haris, Russel Henry, Tashawna Fennel, Jonathan Frazier, Robin Simons, and Nasha Queen. The Moyer, Hooker, and Burns families were terific cheerleaders. My mother, Lauren Moyer, in particular, caried the cheer both for herself and in my father?s spirit. Much gratitude goes to Mat Burns for his saintly patience, solid jams, and good sense. I am so lucky to have such a supportive and resilient group on my side. Thanks, everybody! iv Table of Contents Acknowledgments...................................................i Table of Contents...................................................iv List of Tables......................................................v List of Figures.....................................................vi Chapter 1: Introduction...............................................1 Chapter 2: Slavery and Iron at Georgia..................................37 Chapter 3: The Creation of Mount Clare.................................74 Chapter 4: Slavery and Revolution....................................114 Chapter 5: White Widowhood........................................144 Chapter 6: Into Fredom............................................185 Chapter 7: Slavery and Historic House Museums.........................223 Chapter 8: Conclusion..............................................258 Appendices......................................................265 Bibliography.....................................................279 v List of Tables Table 1: Charles Caroll?s Slaveholding in 1783, Mount Clare Excepted Table 2: Terms of Enslavement, 1817 to 1820 by George Lindenberger vi List of Figures Figure 1: Locations of Mount Clare relative to other Caroll properties and the cities of Baltimore and Annapolis. Figure 2: Overview of historic easement, showing locations of shovel test pits, 1984. Figure 3: Locations of archaeological excavation near the mansion up to 1996. Figure 4: Relative location of the Baltimore Iron Works to Mount Clare, 1836. Figure 5: Charles Wilson Peale's painting of Mount Clare circa 1775. Figure 6: Detail of Mount Clare and surrounding gardens. Figure 7: Detail of a black groomsman and Charles Caroll the Barister. Figure 8: Milington Mils, 1826. Figure 9: Milington Mils, 1856. Figure 10: Poppleton?s map of Baltimore, 1818. Figure 11: Scott?s map of Baltimore, 1856. Figure 12: Military map of western Baltimore, 1863. Figure 13: Camp Caroll by Sasche and Co., 1862. Figure 14: Detail of Camp Caroll showing the mansion at Mount Clare. Figure 15: Sasche?s map of Mount Clare and western Baltimore, 1869. Figure 16: Detail of Sasche?s map showing the mansion. Figure 17: The mansion after the Scheutzens demolished the wings and before Baltimore City commisioned new ones. Figure 18: The mansion with new ings built by Baltimore City. Historic American Buildings Survey, Library of Congres. 1958. vii Abbreviations Repositories CPF Caroll Park Foundation, Baltimore, MD LOC Library of Congres, Washington, DC MSA Maryland State Archives, Annapolis, MD dHS aryland Historical Society, Baltimore, D MHT Maryland Historical Trust, Crownsvile, MD CMH ount Clare Museum House, Baltimore, D NARA National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC Names or Titles within Citations MHM Maryland Historical Magazine Dr. C Dr. Charles Caroll CB Charles Caroll the Barister MTC Margaret Tilghman Caroll 1 Chapter 1: Introduction Blacks etched themselves into the history of the Chesapeake region wel before Dr. Charles Caroll emigrated to America from Ireland by 1716, just as in fredom so did the descendants of the people he and his descendants enslaved. 1 Although blacks are erased from the contemporary landscape of Caroll Park in Baltimore, Maryland, the historical and archaeological record preserves their importance both to the Caroll family and the plantation caled Georgia or Mount Clare (Figure 1). I argue that historic preservation is a form of social justice when historicaly underepresented groups are integrated into interpretations of historical house museums and landscapes. Enslaved blacks held esential roles in every aspect of Mount Clare?s operation from 1720 to 1817. They became culturaly American at the intersection of race and status, through the practice of not only their own cultural beliefs and values, but those of elite whites. Focus on white ancestors reveals only part of the history of Mount Clare: 1 A note on terminology: The specific geographic or tribal origins remain uncertain for the people enslaved at Mount Clare. Their homelands might have been located on the African continent, the West Indies, Brazil, or interstitial locations along slave trade routes to America. I acknowledge the ambiguity by using the term ?black? instead of African or African American. I emphasize that slavery was imposed upon blacks, not chosen, through the term ?enslaved? rather than slave and ?slaveholder? or ?enslaver? instead of master, mistres, or slaveowner. I employ the term ?servant? only for hired or indentured persons of European descent. Several men named Charles Carol lived in the Maryland colony in the eightenth century. They are believed to have been cousins or distant cousins who descended from kings in Ireland, and al moved in similar social, busines and political circles. The men adopted monikers to identify each from the other. Personal papers, busines records, and government documents inconsistently apply the monikers. I focus on Dr. Charles Caroll (1691-1755) and Charles Caroll the Barister (1723-1783). Others included Charles Caroll the Setler (1660/1-1720), Charles Caroll of Annapolis (1702-1782), Charles Caroll of Carollton (1737-1832), and Charles Caroll of Homewood (1775-1825). ?Charles Caroll Esq.? is used in records to identify any one of the men. 2 in the following narative, I demonstrate that blacks? own achievements cannot be ignored. Blacks held by Dr. Caroll and Charles and Margaret Tilghman Caroll lived at the plantation caled Georgia or Mount Clare from about 1730 to 1817. A fraction of the acreage and the Carolls? mansion is today preserved within a historic easement in Caroll Park in western Baltimore, Maryland. Park recreational facilities, urban housing development, and industrial complexes have absorbed the rest of the plantation acreage. In 1917, the Maryland Society of the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America asumed stewardship of the mansion to create the Mount Clare Museum House. The central part of the mansion is the only above-ground feature preserved from the eightenth century. Subsurface evidence may remain in the historic easement area, but the degre of disturbance identified by past archaeology suggests that it is in significantly compromised contexts. The Caroll Park Foundation became steward of the historic easement surrounding the mansion in 1991. It also asumed responsibility for the archaeological collections. The Foundation cals the landscape ?Caroll?s Hundred? to distinguish its work from that of the Maryland Society. 2 The two organizations work with Baltimore City to manage the property. 2 The term ?Caroll?s Hundred? appears on the 1783 asesment for Middle River Lower Hundred to identify a Caroll property caled Carolls Island in other records (General Asembly House of Delegates (Asesment Record) Charles Caroll (Barister), 1783, Middle River Lower Hundred, Baltimore County, p. 3, M871-17, MSA SM59-22.). iddle River Lower Hundred was located east of Baltimore on the iddle River. Se Baltimore County Hundreds and Boundaries (online http:/ww.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~mdbaltim/hundreds.html, acesed October 29, 2009) and also Robert Wilkinson?s map in Robert Barnes, Guide to Research in Baltimore County, 2 nd ed. (Westminster: Family Line Publications, 1989, p. 111) for locations of hundreds in 1798. Mount Clare was not asesed in 1783, probably due to 3 The Maryland Society and the Carol Park Foundation have made progres since 1917 and 1991, respectively, in black history interpretation. Neither organization has yet realized the full potential of the site to discuss blacks and slavery, and both use organizational politics to impede it. Organizations that ignore historical evidence, or cannot prioritize the inclusion of traditionaly under- represented peoples, or promote and adhere solely to their own visions and beliefs, further the racist social projects that erased or diminished blacks from the landscape. Both organizations operate on thin resources, but methods and media for blacks and slavery are not necesarily time, money, or staf intensive. Recommendations in Chapter 8 set out some ways to asert the significance of blacks with few resources. Social justice at Caroll Park can only come about if black history is made a priority along with the Carolls and the reconstruction of historic structures. These statements are not easy for organizations like the Maryland Society or the Caroll Park Foundation to hear. But the fact remains that a visitor to the park today would learn very litle about black history, and that problem does not exist independently of its stewards. One impediment to black history interpretation at Carol Park is that the two organizations have not come to an agrement on the development of the landscape, use and exhibit of the archaeological colections, or the degre of emphasis to place on blacks and slavery. Another isue concerns the diferent agendas for the site. Interpretation at the mansion by the Maryland Society has, since 1917, focused on the Carolls rather than al of those who lived and worked at the historic site. setling Charles Caroll the Barister?s estate. The 1737 asesment refers to Georgia as ?Dr. Carolls quarter? in the Upper Hundred of Patapsco (Baltimore County (Tax Lists) Dr. Charles Caroll, Upper Hundred of Patapsco, 1737, MSA CM918-9, M1560-22.). 4 Opportunities to involve black history in permanent and temporary exhibits, special programs, publications, and docent tours have been repeatedly mised. Although the Caroll Park Foundation has re-established an orchard, exhibits or programs on black history are not as of this writing available on a permanent or daily basis to the public. The Foundation works with the Baltimore Talent Development High School, located north of Caroll Park in Harlem Park, to conduct educational programs with students using the archaeological collections. The collections, however, are in critical condition and are not supervised by an archaeologist. The Foundation is in the planning stages of reconstructing outbuildings and living history events that wil emphasize black history. I do not dismis the acomplishments of the two organizations thus far, but expres concern about the pace of progres and the resulting implications for contemporary populations, particularly descendants of the enslaved community and Baltimoreans in general. Social justice sets a standard for inclusion that frames stewardship as opening a site for al, rather than using stewardship to maintain control of a site or collections or a vision for a place. It provides a framework for organizations to work together towards a cause of historic sites as being the heritage of al Americans. Blacks are the mising key to the story at the mansion and the surrounding landscape: as slaves, their knowledge and skils fueled the plantation, qualified the Carolls to be social elites, and influenced developments in American labor and social interactions. Today, even though the former plantation at Caroll Park is as much a site of black heritage as it is a white one, the legacy of racialized practices persists through the proceses that omit black representation in its interpretation. 5 Figure 1: Mount Clare relative to other Carroll properties and the cities of Baltimore and Anapolis. GoogleMaps. 2009. 6 The omision of enslaved blacks from the interpretation of Mount Clare since 1917 constitutes the focus of the folowing narative. Unlike for the Carolls, no historical context for blacks at Mount Clare existed prior to this study. Site managers, as a result, had litle information for talks, public programs, or exhibits. I learned about the gap in knowledge of enslaved blacks at Mount Clare while creating a walking tour on black heritage. 3 The information then available was thin, poorly contextualized, or outright wrong. No one had gathered or asesed evidence of blacks in archival or archaeological records in a thorough or analytical way. Even the basics were absent, such as a compiled list of the number of slaves at Mount Clare over time. It took very litle research to se blacks? involvement in every aspect of the Carolls? lives. Integration of black history into Mount Clare wil help site managers to extend the site?s relevance to the African American communities that today constitute the majority of Baltimore?s population. 4 3 Teresa S. Moyer, Museum Practicum: A Walking Tour of Mount Clare and Georgia in Carroll Park, Baltimore, Maryland (College Park: Department of American Studies, University of Maryland), 2008. On file, University of Maryland. 4 Ethnographic research beyond the scope of this study is necesary to ases the relationships ? potential and actual ? betwen Mount Clare and African Americans today. The U.S. Census Bureau?s 2008 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimate for Baltimore indicates that at least 63.1 percent of the city identifies as black or African-American. Since the ranking tops at 63.9 percent, the actual percentage may be higher. During my visits to the Caroll Park, which offer a sample of typical use, African Americans use the entire park (siting in cars in parking lots, walking dogs, playing games in fields, walking for exercise) recreationaly except the historic easement section and mansion. I have only observed African Americans imediately around Mount Clare in their capacity as Baltimore park employees or walking the roadways. The Maryland Society conducts educational outreach with nearby Charles Caroll the Barister Elementary School, while the Caroll Park Foundation works 7 To explore the legacy of slavery at Georgia or Mount Clare, I begin with a detailed examination of blacks? lives in the eightenth and early ninetenth centuries. The knowledge and skils necesary to support everyday life at Mount Clare cross-cut the race-based status quo. Not only did blacks in slavery contribute to American cultural developments, but the Carolls relied on them to be subject-area experts in plantation and household management. The traditional interpretive emphasis on the Carolls at the expense of the people they enslaved thus inacurately represents the overal significance of Mount Clare to the development of American culture. I next outline the erasure of black history from Mount Clare, particularly since 1917, as a racialized practice of European American historic preservation. My goal for the following study is a path for interdisciplinary studies of museology, archaeology, history, and cultural landscape studies to employ historic preservation for social justice. Such work fulfils the responsibility of contemporary scholars to confront and atempt to remedy the perpetuation of inequality in the past into the present. Site Overview The great-grandparents of the eldest blacks enslaved at Mount Clare in 1817 were born circa 1700, their children in the 1720s, their grandchildren in the 1740s, and their great-grandchildren in the 1780s. Their homelands are not known, but they may originate in west-central Africa or Barbados. Diasporic black communities lived in the Chesapeake region by the mid-1700s during the development of a stratified with the Baltimore Talent Development High School. For both schools, European American and Latino or Hispanic students are minority populations in comparison with African American students by a dramatic margin. 8 society and tobaco plantations dependent upon slavery. Charles Caroll, Chirurgeon (a surgeon, or doctor), emigrated from Ireland to America by 1716. He setled in Annapolis where he became a slaveholder and practiced medicine. Dr. Caroll patented Georgia, now part of western Baltimore, in 1729. He and four partners formed the Baltimore Company in 1731 to establish the Baltimore Iron Works on the western part of Georgia. Blacks labored for the ironworks on company land as wel as the land retained by Dr. Caroll on the eastern side of Georgia. Dr. Caroll amased significant acreages in Baltimore County for ironworks, shipping, and miling enterprises. By 1737, eight enslaved persons lived on Georgia and nine at The Caves, another of Dr. Caroll?s plantations (Figure 1). Blacks held by the Carolls at the mid-eightenth century witnesed fundamental shifts related to status maintenance, the decline of tobaco, and the growth of black communities on and off the plantation. They were also afected by changes in the Caroll family. Dr. Caroll died in 1755. His son, Charles Caroll the Barister, became one of the wealthiest men in the Maryland colony due to his property holdings, including slave ownership and the promise of income based on slave labor. Charles commisioned a summer home in 1760 on the Georgia tract and renamed it ?Mount Clare? upon its completion. He maried Margaret Tilghman, herself a wealthy landowner and slaveholder, in 1763. The black populations at the Carolls? properties grew by procreation and purchase. Their members maintained ornamental and kitchen gardens, orchards, and grenhouse plants; grain crops; animals and birds; and domestic work. Over fifty enslaved persons lived betwen the Carolls? Baltimore County and Annapolis 9 properties, not including children or the very elderly, in 1773. During the Revolutionary era, the Carolls resetled at Mount Clare as wartime activity heated up Annapolis. Enslaved blacks came into more regular contact with the Carolls, particularly Margaret. Perhaps due to unsetled conditions raised by blacks? own beliefs about revolution and resistance, for the first time Charles placed advertisements to retrieve escaped persons. After Charles died in 1783, Margaret chose among approximately seventy people to live with her at Mount Clare. The community was unique both for its size relative to other places in the Baltimore region and for Margaret?s wealth in widowhood. Several blacks became fre during Margaret?s lifetime, but the remaining fifty at her death in 1817 were subjected to delayed manumision. A new black community came to Mount Clare with her husband?s nephew, James Macubbin Caroll, in 1818. Blacks formerly enslaved by the Carols went to new enslavers or were fred. By the mid-ninetenth century, only half of the blacks enslaved by Charles and Margaret had formaly registered their fredom in court. Physical evidence of blacks eroded from the landscape. Mount Clare was rented for most of the ninetenth century. The gardens and orchards declined and the outbuildings were eventualy demolished. In 1890, Baltimore City purchased the property to create a city park. The Maryland Society of the National Society of the Colonial Dames in America reached an agrement with the city in 1917 to care for the mansion as a museum. 5 The Maryland Society set to restoring, landscaping, and 5 Thre societies in the United States cal themselves ?Colonial Dames.? Al are women-only organizations that rely on genealogical connections with the colonial era 10 furnishing the property as part of its mision to preserve historic houses in commemoration of its members? colonial ancestors. Situated within a city park, the house was open to the public as part historic house and part shrine. The Maryland Society began to mention African American history at Mount Clare in the 1980s and 1990s and hired profesional museum staf. The Caroll Park Foundation became steward of the historic easement area surrounding the mansion in 1991. The Foundation is in the planning stages to restore the landscape to a Revolutionary era appearance with special emphasis on its African American past. Today, Carol Park is at the center of debate over the development of the cultural landscape for tourism. The Maryland Society and the Carol Park Foundation have litle information on enslaved blacks to guide their work. Available published histories on Mount Clare avoid black history. As a result, they tend to misrepresent the Carolls, under- represent blacks, and distort everyday life. Historical architect Michael Trostel began working on his history of Mount Clare in 1974 under commision by the Maryland Society. 6 Trostel?s book remains a singular reference to the Caroll family and to the for membership. The Mount Clare Museum House is asociated with the National Society of the Colonial Dames in America (NSCDA). The NSCDA was founded in 1891 and is currently headquartered at the Dumbarton House in Washington, D.C. The Colonial Dames of America (CDA) was founded in 1890. It is headquartered in the Mount Vernon Hotel Museum and Gardens in New York, New York. The CDA has a chapter in Baltimore, aryland. The National Society of Colonial Dames XVI Century has its Headquarters in Washington, D.C. It is specificaly interested in sevententh-century genealogy and history. 6 Michael F. Trostel, Mount Clare: Being an Acount of the Seat Built by Charles Carroll, Barrister, upon his Lands at Patapsco (Baltimore: National Society of Colonial Dames of America, 1981), ix. Also se Annie Leakin Sioussat, "Mount Clare" Carroll Park, Baltimore: An Historical Sketch Isued under the Auspices of the Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America, (Baltimore: Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 1926) for a similar approach. 11 mansion?s architectural context, but it neither engages with the significance of slavery in every aspect of the Carolls? lives nor the character and culture of the community. Biographical acounts portray Dr. Carol and Charles as energetic, likeable, innovative, and inteligent members of the wealthy colonial elite. 7 Margaret Tilghman Caroll is presented as a wife and mother dedicated to the domestic female sphere. 8 Kimberly Collins Moreno addreses Margaret?s slaveholding and proposes black history as a line for future inquiry. Moreno, in particular, relates Margaret?s manumision choices to her busines acumen as an elite. 9 Although recent print brochures stil focus on the Carolls, both the Mount Clare Museum House and Caroll Park Foundation websites addres black history. The museum website includes pages on slavery and fredom in Maryland, fredom sekers, Baltimore, industrial slavery at the Baltimore Iron Works, runaway advertisements, and manumisions. 10 My research, however, identified a number of inacuracies and 7 For example, se W. Stull Holt, ?Charles Caroll, Barister: The Man.? MHM 31: 112-126; Lilian Gifen, ??Mount Clare,? Baltimore,? MHM XLI: 29-34; NSCDA, Adventurers, Cavaliers, Patriots and Mount Clare: Home of Charles Carroll, Barrister. 8 Joanna Tilghman Tamplin, "Chatelaine of Mount Clare," in Behind the Maryland Scene: Women of Influence 1600-1800, ed. the Southern Regional Commite National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, and Dame Guests from other Maryland Commites, 95-103 (National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Southern Maryland Regional Commite, 1977) 95-103. 9 Kimberly Collins Moreno, Mistres of Mount Clare: The Life of Margaret Tilghman Carroll 1742-1817 (master?s thesis, University of Maryland, Baltimore County, 2004). 10 Mount Clare Museum House, Slavery (Mount Clare Museum House, 2007) Online: http:/ww.mountclare.org/history/slavery.html (acesed 9 October 2009). 12 misrepresentations in the webpages. The Caroll Park Foundation?s website acknowledges the African American heritage of Mount Clare, but does not include information about it. 1 The following historical context frames black history at Mount Clare in order to improve and enrich knowledge about slavery and blacks? everyday and cultural lives. Approaches to Black Slavery Scholarship on black slavery in America debates questions of identity, power, and significance. Isue-based questions include: Do blacks? cultures in America reflect their places of origin? How did black culture and African American culture develop, and to what degre as a result of European American influences? Methodological questions include: How can scholars recover black voices from white-generated textual sources, or in sites controlled by whites? What does material culture purchased or owned by whites say about slavery or blacks? How do experiences from one plantation compare to another, or one region to another? How can black culture be evaluated by individual, group, community, generation? Questions of contemporary context include: Why is black history mising from white historical naratives when the sources clearly show daily interaction and interdependence? Who should do black history? When should inequality in the past be addresed in the present or future? Four categories of scholarly literature are particularly relevant to 1 Caroll Park Foundation, Caroll?s Hundred (Caroll Park Foundation, 2008), Online: http:/ww.carollshundred.org/index.html (acesed 9 October 2009). 13 Mount Clare: the social construction of diference, slavery studies, Americanization proceses, and contemporary activism in cultural fields through scholarship. Black history at Georgia or Mount Clare shows that the social construction of diference organized everyday life around race and status. Social construction and racial formation are contemporary terms applied to the distant past to explain diferences among peoples. Michael Omi and Howard Winant emphasize that race is not natural or inherent, but a concept that ?signifies and symbolizes social conflicts and interests by refering to diferent types of human bodies.? 12 Race ? or, more acurately, racism ? has a deep-seated history in the United States as an ideology or worldview. It has guided projects such as the ordering of state and civil society and its institutions, as wel as human bodies and social structures. 13 Of particular concern is the formation of race at the state level, where it is politicaly contested. 14 One example is colonial law, which codified the dominant status of white elites over black chatel at Mount Clare. 15 The upper and literate clases in the West considered 12 Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the U.S. (1986; New York: Routledge, 2nd ed., 1994), vii, 55. 13 Smedley traces the history of race as it afected Irish/English relations and English/African relations, among other groups, in terms of slavery. Audrey Smedley, Race in North America, 3 rd ed. (Boulder: Westview Pres, 2007). 14 Omi and Winant, Racial Formation in the U.S., vii and 56. 15 Ian Haney-Lopez argues that the courts codified ?common knowledge? about race into law hen science failed to do so. Law established physical diferences, racialized meanings to physical features and ancestry, and transformations of ideas about race into material conditions that entrenched them in society. Ian Haney Lopez, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race, 10 th ed. (New York: New York University Pres, 2006). 14 physical labor as a chore to be left to slaves, peasants, or servants. 16 Race and status as social constructions held diferent meanings in diferent social and cultural contexts. Material markers evidence the contrasts betwen contexts, such as the Carolls? purchase of tea versus ironworkers? overwork for bedding. Bedding purchased through overwork signaled status within the enslaved black ironworkers? community in a way that did not translate to the Carolls? way of life as European American elites. On the other hand, tea was a luxury purchase that separated the Carolls from enslaved black laborers, as wel as most other European American colonials. Examples of projects of racial formation and social construction at Mount Clare include the management of slavery and fredom by colonial, state, and Federal law or, today, just as powerful if not more insidious, the exclusion of blacks from whites? history. Historic plantation sites, like Caroll Park, are examples of modern projects of ongoing racial formation that appear to perpetuate past beliefs. A number of terms define the qualities of race-based atitudes in the present day. Racism is a belief that races exist and that members of one race are inherently inferior to those of another race. Racial prejudice is a set of learned ideas to evaluate a person of another race. Racial discrimination uses racial prejudice to treat a person unequaly on the basis of racial afiliation. Ethnocentrism is the preference for one?s own ethnic or national group. It is based in cultural atitudes and the presumption that one?s own culture is 16 David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World, (Oxford: Oxford University Pres, 2006) 51. 15 superior. 17 The concepts are more comfortably identified in the past at plantations than today. Racism became rooted in the sevententh-century institutionalization of slavery. It reached ideological force in ninetenth-century scientific and social thought. 18 The result removed responsibility and culpability for blacks? degraded circumstances from whites? racism and elitism and placed it on blacks. Race relations in history responded to many diferent factors. Among them were demography, ethnicity, space, land availability, geography, inter-cultural contact, commerce, agriculture and economic trends, ethnic community development, behaviors and logics as adaptive mechanisms, social stratification, population swel and density, and economic status. 19 The intensification of the Atlantic slave trade, the economic and cultural role of plantation America in European society, and Enlightenment notions of human progres helped to instil racism in eightenth-century America. Eightenth- century thought posited that Africans? mental, moral, psychological and physical characteristics were born of environment. Roxann Wheeler demonstrates that eightenth-century Europeans held an ?elastic? and emergent concept of racial identity. For example, conceptions of Christianity, civility, and rank played a more significant role in Britons? self-asesment than physical atributes. Britons in England and America used ?Africans? interchangeably with ?Negroes? and ?blacks? 17 Alden T. Vaughn, ?Preface,? Roots of American Racism: Esays on the Colonial Experience (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1995) ix. 18 Frederickson, Black Image in the White Mind, 322. 19 T.H. Bren and Stephen Innes, ?Myne Owne Ground? Race and Fredom on Virginia?s Eastern Shore, 1640-1676 (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1980). 16 for peoples imported to America and their America-born descendants. Europeans diferentiated humans by complexion until about the third quarter of the eightenth century. They believed that complexion resulted from climate, bodily humors, and anatomy; in other words, the outer appearance reflected inner states as a product of environment. Christianity played a significant role in their thinking. Christian semiotics, for instance, aligned ?white? with goodnes and purity and ?black? with evil and sin. By the late eightenth century, the body?s surface came to define racial identity. 20 Scientific thought in the ninetenth century encouraged racism by indicating that blacks were intelectualy inferior to whites in order to justify white supremacy. 21 Dr. Caroll expresed in a leter his belief that the ?African, Grecian, and Roman Empires are no more? in discussion of his concern for his ?family and country.? 2 By this statement, Dr. Carol demonstrated his bias predicated on British societal and cultural mores of civilization over contemporaneous African ones. Americans from Europe conceptualized Africa as a savage place outside the narative of Western progres. 23 They came to use blacks? skin color, facial features, and hair texture as clasificatory characteristics of ?natural slaves? and status diferences. 24 20 Roxann Wheeler, The Complexion of Race: Categories of Diference in Eightenth- Century British Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Pres, 2000) 2-7. 21 George M. Frederickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro- American Character and Destiny (Middletown: Wesleyan University Pres, 1971) 2. 2 Leter Book of Charles Caroll, 1716-1731, p. 106, MS 208, MdHS. 23 James Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic (New York: Oxford University Pres, 2007) 6. 24 Davis, Inhuman Bondage, 53. 17 The relatively recent use of ?white? or ?black? for ethnic or racial groups obscures the origins and complexity of racist thought in eightenth- and early ninetenth- century atitudes. Race and status at Mount Clare connect with anthropological questions in social history about the significance of underepresented populations in the story of America. Social history engages with the stories of people other than white, European-descended men of means. It has also addresed individuals? experiences and their agency. As a result, social history has changed the conceptual and methodological approaches to the past. Historians, for example, traditionaly focused on the impacts of slavery in the South. A shift is taking place to defog national memory about slavery in the North and throughout the United States. 25 A methodological impact of social history is that textual methods are considered insufficient research tools. Material culture and oral history have grown in significance for their ability to shed light on the unrecorded elements of everyday life. Historians also consider the position of the source as wel as gaps necesary to fil. An Africanist approach, for instance, looks at slavery from the perspective of peoples from the African continent through African-generated sources. 26 Scholars also sek 25 James O. Horton and Lois E. Horton, In Hope of Liberty: Culture, Community, and Protest Among Northern Fre Blacks, 1700-1860 (New York: Oxford University Pres. 1997); Gary B. Nash, ?Forging Fredom: The Emancipation Experience in the Northern Seaport Cities 1775-1820,? in Slavery and Fredom in the Age of the American Revolution, ed. Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, 3-48 (Charlottesvile: University Pres of Virginia. 1983); Ira Berlin, Generations in Captivity: A History of African American Slaves (Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 2003). 26 Gwendolyn Hal, Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 2005). 18 the hardest-to-find members of enslaved populations, such as children and women. They work against the tendency to focus on black males through examination of women?s fights against racial oppresion and their significance to black community development. 27 Critics of current approaches argue that focus on the individual mises broader trends, or that studies of slaveowners veer towards their sadistic tendencies and sensationalize slavery for dramatics. 28 One efect of anthropological social history the past is more acesible to contemporary populations by reaching al people, not just selected groups. Anthropological approaches to history reveal the influence of the social construction of race and status over historical projects. Racism, prejudice, and ethnocentrism are, indeed, one set of explanations for the erasure of black history 27 Focus on black women comes from Barbara Elizabeth Walace, "Fair Daughters of Africa": African American Women in Baltimore, 1790?1860 (Ph.D., University of California, Los Angeles, 2001); Gloria Seaman Alen, Threads of Bondage: Chesapeake Slave Women and Plantation Cloth Production, 1750-1850 (Ph. D., George Washington University, 2000); Cheryll Ann Cody, ?Sale and Separation: Four Crises for Enslaved Women on the Bal Plantations 1764-1854,? in Working Toward Fredom: Slave Society and Domestic Economy in the American South, ed. Lary E. Hudson, Jr. (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Pres, 1994); as wel as the interactions among black and white women as researched by Elizabeth Fox- Geneovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 1988). Studies of children include Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Born in Bondage: Growing Up Enslaved in the Antebelum South (Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 2000) and Wilma King, Stolen Childhood: Slave Youth in Ninetenth-Century America (Bloomington: Indiana University Pres, 1995). Among the few projects on the elderly are Stacey K. Close, Elderly Slaves of the Plantation South (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1997) and Leslie J. Pollard, ?Aging and Slavery: A Gerontological Perspective,? The Journal of Negro History 66, no. 3: 228-234. 28 Discussed in, but not sanctioned by, Paul Ruffins, ?The Peculiar Institution: New Trends and Controversies in Researching and Teaching Slavery,? Black Isues in Higher Education 18, no. 7 (2001) 20-26. 19 from Mount Clare. Why were blacks not included in earlier historical studies? Except for archaeological evidence and court-registered fredom papers, I reviewed the same sources used by historians in the first third of the twentieth century to construct a history of Mount Clare. Why has no other scholar, volunter, or student conducted such a study? Why is the clear historical majority population stil under-represented in modern-day interpretations at Caroll Park? The main isue at stake is intent: to what degre have the twentieth-century managers of Caroll Park sought to further white interests over those of blacks? Unfortunately, litle evidence is acesible at this writing. For example, the Maryland Society has its institutional archive at the Mount Clare Museum House. A microfilmed copy resides at the Maryland State Archives. Neither is available to the public. 29 The efect is that preservation historians cannot conduct research into the development of the Maryland Society, but also that the organization has something to hide. The archive has the potential to shed light on the importance of the Maryland Society to preservation in Maryland in relationship to broader national trends, especialy where it stood on black history over time. The motivations and beliefs of women preservationists are part of the, at least of this writing, unexplained elements of the anthropological history of Mount Clare. The intent to erase black history from Mount Clare can, as a result, be infered from its omision from contemporary site interpretations. 29 My requests to view the archives and microfilm were repeatedly denied. The aryland Society cites privacy as its reason to deny public aces. The microfilm was deposited at a time when the Archives permited private organizations to place restrictions on their collections. The Maryland Society stipulated that, as a condition of depositing the microfilm, it retained the ability to permit public aces. The Archives no longer acepts collections at its publicly funded repository with stipulations on use. Prior agrements stil stand. 20 Despite movements in slavery studies as a whole, much room remains in Maryland and at Maryland historic sites to iluminate blacks? experiences. One contribution of this study is guidance for interpreting scant textual and material evidence of historic plantation sites. I found no study that, like this one, rewrites a traditional white narative of an eightenth- and early ninetenth-century historic plantation in Maryland by focusing on blacks. Wel-known sites like Wiliamsburg, Jamestown, Mount Vernon, and Gunston Hal in Virginia are examples of Chesapeake region plantations researched first for information on their European- descended owners and later for blacks. 30 Site-specific studies or revisions of histories that focus on black history tend to come from archaeological investigations, not historic houses or plantations. 31 Broader studies addres topics such as origins of slavery, manumision, colonization, and resistance in Maryland. 32 Christopher 30 For historical overviews of archaeology on Southern plantations, se Theresa Singleton, The Archaeology of Slavery and Plantation Life (San Diego: Academic Pres, Inc., 1985) and ?The Archaeology of the Plantation South: A Review of Approaches and Goals,? Historical Archaeology 24 (1990) 4: 70-77; Charles E. Orser, ?Toward a Theory of Power for Historical Archaeology: Plantations and Space.? In The Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States, ed. Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Potter, Jr., 313-343. Smithsonian Institution Pres, Washington and London, 1988; Charles H. Fairbanks, ?The Plantation Archaeology of the Southeastern Coast,? Historical Archaeology 18, no. 1 (1984): 1- 14. 31 For example, Sharon Ann Burnston, ?The Cemetery at Catoctin Furnace, Md: The Invisible People.? Maryland Archaeology 17, no. 2 (1981): 19-31 and Anne Elizabeth Yentsch, A Chesapeake Family and Their Slaves (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Pres) 1994. Se R. Kent Lancaster, ?Chatel Slavery at Hampton/Northhampton, Baltimore County,? Maryland Historical Magazine 95, no. 4 (2000): 409-427 for a ninetenth-century asesment. 32 Darold D. Wax, "Black Imigrants: The Slave Trade in Colonial Maryland." Maryland Historical Magazine 73, no. 1(1978): 30-45; Ralph Casimere Jr., Origins 21 Philips and Steven Whitman provide important syntheses that examine the unique opportunities for blacks in slavery and fredom in eightenth- and ninetenth-century Baltimore City. 3 Baltimore County has been merged into these studies to some degre, but the relationship betwen the city and the surrounding countryside is an area for further investigation. My work contributes a site-specific test of Philips?s and Whitman?s findings that aseses the applicability of their models for the Baltimore region to history on-the-ground. My research findings show that broad contextual histories of Baltimore should be tested against specific people, sites, and circumstances to understand how they do or do not apply. Contextual studies in public history and post-procesual archaeology orient black slavery around power, its expresion and its performance, particularly in terms of dominance or invisibility. Contextual scholars sek blacks? cultural expresions in America. Study of ceramics, architecture, ritual, storyteling, family life, and other aspects of culture connect with broader trends in black history. Such work supports and Early Development of Slavery in Maryland, 1633-1715 (Ph.D isertation, Louisiana State University in New Orleans, 1971); John Joseph Condon, Manumision, Slavery and Family in the Post-Revolutionary Rural Chesapeake: Anne Arundel County, Maryland, 1781-1831 (Ph. D., University of Minnesota, 2001); Barbara Jeanne Fields, Slavery and Fredom on the Middle Ground: Maryland During the Ninetenth Century (New Haven and London: Yale University Pres, 1985); LaTasha C. Gatling, Living on the Line Betwen Slavery and Fredom: Prince George?s County and Baltimore City, Maryland (M.A. Thesis, Morgan State University, 2004); Robert Hal, ?Slave Resistance in Baltimore City and County, 1747-1790.? Maryland Historical Magazine 84 (1989): 305-18; Penelope Campbel, Maryland in Africa: The Maryland State Colonization Society, 1831-1857 (Maryland Historical Society, [1971]). 3 Christopher Philips, Fredom?s Port: The African American Community of Baltimore, 1790-1860 (Urbana: University of Ilinois Pres, 1997); Stephen Whitman, Challenging Slavery in the Chesapeake: Black and White Resistance to Human Bondage, 1775-1865 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 2007). 22 blacks? agency, dismantles a monolithic ?African slave?, and recognizes slavery as a multifaceted experience. 34 Del Upton argues for the study of plantations as a totality experienced in diferent ways by the blacks and whites moving through them, as wel as whites of diferent status. Architecture across landscapes carved white-only or black-only spaces that reflected a status-oriented ideology. Whites, for example, determined the placement of entranceways or pathways at the main house, but blacks pased over them inside and outside. 35 But scholars have also determined from comparative studies that material culture points to centraly black cultural lifeways. Vesel shapes, food remains, beads, caches, and colonoware are typical markers of blacks at sites of slavery. 36 Ethnic markers work beyond material culture, such as the use of the terms ?Negro? or ?slave? in textual records. Such terms esentialize black identity on white terms by asigning a racial category rather than cultural or tribal 34 Laurie A. Wilkie, Creating Fredom: Material Culture and African American Identity at Oakley Plantation, Louisiana 1840-1950 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Pres, 2000); Terence W. Epperson, "The Contested Commons: Archaeologies of Race, Represion and Resistance in New York City," in Historical Archaeologies of Capitalism, ed, Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Poter, Jr. (Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, 1999) and "Race and the Disciplines of the Plantation," Historical Archaeology 24, no. 4 (1991): 29-36. 35 Del Upton, ?White and Black Landscapes in Eightenth-Century Virginia,? In Material Life in America, 1600-1860, ed. Robert Blair St. George, 357-369 (Boston, Northwestern University Pres, 1988). 36 Leland Ferguson, ?Looking for the ?Afro? in Colono-Indian Pottery,? in Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America: Afro-American and Asian American Culture History, ed. Robert L. Schuyler, 14-28 (Farmingdale: Baywood Publishing Company, Inc., 1980) 14; John Solomon Oto, ?Race and Clas on Antebelum Plantations,? in Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America, 133-143; Marsha C.S. Kely and Roger E. Kely, ?Approaches to Ethnic Identification in Historical Archaeology,? in Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America, 133-143. 23 afiliation. Textual and material ?Africanisms? can cary their own problematic efects by turning the black slaves into fetishized objects, limiting agency, and locking them into racialy-determined spheres. When placed into broader historical, geographical and material contexts, materials and terms can iluminate the conditions faced by blacks and restore texture to their experiences. Blacks in America merged the culturaly familiar with the culturaly new. Asimiliation, creolization, hybridization, and aculturation refer to the proceses of Americanization by which blacks became distinguished culturaly both from Europeans in America and from Africans in Africa. In this study, I use the term Americanization to emphasize that al cultural groups underwent adaptation and change in response to each other. Although the danger here lies in replacing one set of terms for another, I hold that the murky quality of ?black? has interpretive value because it points to how much is not known about the cultural origins of the people enslaved at Mount Clare. Blacks in America encountered new languages, clothes, foods, architecture and buildings, and rituals from meting Europeans and persons from other regions in Africa. Blacks born in succesive generations in America had no memory of life in Africa, but only their Americanized culture of slavery enhanced by elders? recollections and pased-down traditions. Scholars of slavery and black history have investigated Americanization. Ira Berlin demonstrates that slavery was not a static and monolithic entity, but a proces over time. Blacks wedged themselves into mainstream society during their first generation in captivity despite their status. They forged community identities as African Americans in the next generation and confronted the Revolutionary ideology 24 with the rest of colonial society. 37 Paul Lovejoy argues that Africans in America could not typicaly recreate African cultural and societal systems within the racialized political environment of colonial America. 38 Gwendolyn Hal finds that Africans continued to identify with their ethnic and regional cultural origins decades after they arived in America. She cals for a more nuanced discussion of which Africans creolized rather than asume a consistent proces for al. 39 Richard Price and Sidney Mintz emphasize that just as no monolithic African culture existed in Africa, neither did a single, unified enslaved black culture in America. Enslaved persons created a multitude of creolized cultures. Price and Mintz argue that the adaptive proces took hold quickly due to an absence of pure African culture under oppresive conditions. 40 Michael Gomez atributes the formation of African American identity before 1830 to movement away from ethnicity towards race. He traces evidence from Africa to its manifestations in America to demonstrate that formation of a collective identity became organized around clas. 41 Such approaches demonstrate that blacks in America carved a place for themselves with a diasporic identity. 37 Ira Berlin, Generations of Captivity and Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 1998). 38 Paul E. Lovejoy, ?Identifying Enslaved Africans in the Diaspora,? in Identity in the Shadow of Slavery, ed. Paul E. Lovejoy, pp. 1-29 (London: Continuum, 2000) 14-15. 39 Hal suggests that the Igbo from the Bight of Biafra and Greater Senegambia clustered in the Chesapeake region on the basis of slave trade data. Hal, Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas. 40 Sidney W. Mintz and Richard Price, The Birth of African-American Culture: An Anthropological Perspective (Boston: Beacon Pres, 1976). 25 Scholars examine debate in the black community about Americanization as a dichotomous, political choice betwen integration or black nationalism. From this perspective, Africans faced choices about replacing aspects of their identity with an American one. John Blasingame bases his analyses of slave culture on the principle that Africans retained solid senses of African self and culture and determinedly acted on them throughout their lives. 42 Eugene Genovese argues that enslaved blacks constituted their own clas that ?laid the foundations for a separate black national culture while enormously enriching American culture as a whole.? 43 Mechel Sobel ses American culture as deeply influenced by intensive racial interactions. Southern culture emerged as a mixture of African and English values. 4 Philip Morgan aserts that enslaved blacks maintained aspects of homeland culture while fashioning a culture that adapted or responded to plantation life. 45 Nationalist work perceives distinctnes in black culture that enabled enslaved and fre persons to propel themselves and each other through slavery into fredom. 41 Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks; The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebelum South (Chapel Hil: University of South Carolina Pres, 1998). 42 John W. Blasingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebelum South (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1972). 43 Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Rol: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972 [1974]) xv. 4 Mechal Sobel, The World They Made Together: Black and White Values in Eightenth-Century Virginia (Princeton: Princeton University Pres, 1987 [1989]). 45 Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eightenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 1998.) 26 Another approach seks greater complexity in day-to-day decision-making. James Horton and Lois Horton argue that blacks focused on values that cut across human cultures, such as fair treatment, equality, and liberty. They se Africans as having strong felings about the isues at stake, but, as they write, ?lines were often quite fluid as opinions changed with shifting options.? 46 Others sek markers of aculturation through material culture or actions. Gerard Mullin ses resistance as a stage of a developmental aculturation proces that set African Americans apart from newly-arived Africans or New Negroes. He argues that enslaved persons became more dificult to control and outwardly rebelious as they aculturated to American life. The tasks asigned to a slave afected her or her aculturative experiences. Mullin aserts that an African became a New Negro when ?his job replace[d] aspects of his heritage as a basic reference point for his reaction to slavery.? 47 The development of a black or African American identity may have drawn on the common experience of slavery as much as an understanding of cultural diferences among tribes or places of origin. The increasingly clear asertion of an African American identity within European-dominated American life occurred through the documentation of churches, schools, and fraternal organizations by 1800. 48 In other words, blacks appropriated racial formation to develop projects to strengthen their positions in America. For sites like Mount Clare, a discussion about race and status is 46 Horton and Horton, In Hope of Liberty, xii. 47 Gerard W. Mullin, Flight and Rebelion: Slave Resistance in Eightenth-Century Virginia (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1972), 37-39. 48 Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 6-7. 27 a mising key to help visitors understand human interactions on the cultural landscape. Although pushing slavery, race, and status to the forefront is not a traditional point of emphasis for historic preservation, these topics do point to the relevance of sites to contemporary populations. Social justice through historic preservation points to the interplay betwen past and present cultural landscapes, particularly the cultural developments at the intersection of race and status. Leonie Sandercock cals it ?insurgent preservation.? 49 J.E. Tunbridge and G.J. Ashworth use the term ?disonant heritage? to describe the evocative and dificult histories of oppresed or underepresented peoples. The concept of disonant heritage acknowledges that the creation of heritage is a contested and controversial proces. 50 Descendants and invested groups are increasingly involved in the restoration of their heritage to contested landscapes. For Mount Clare, genealogical research continues in order to identify the enslaved families? descendants past 1910. Historic preservationists, archaeologists, and public historians argue that contemporary populations must be involved in the discussion of significance and the proces of preservation and resource management. 51 Fath Ruffins 49 Leonie Sandercock, ?Introduction: Framing Insurgent Historiographies for Planning,? in Making the Invisible Visible, ed. Leonie Sandercock, 1-36 (Berkeley: University of California Pres, 1998). 50 J.E. Tunbridge and G.J. Ashworth, Disonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict (West Sussex: John Wiley and Sons, 1996). 51 Cheryl J. LaRoche and Michael L. Blakey, ?Seizing Intelectual Power: The Dialogue at the New York African Burial Ground,? Historical Archaeology 31, no. 3 (1997): 84-106; Gail Le Dubrow, "Restoring Women's History through Historic Preservation: Recent Developments in Scholarship and Public Historical Practice," in Restoring Women's History through Historic Preservation, ed. Gail Le and Jennifer 28 and Maria Franklin, however, point to the relative lack of African Americans in the preservation of the past as mirored by a scarcity of black preservation and archaeology profesionals. 52 Bringing the heritage of contemporary black communities into public space provides opportunities to examine the power of race over things and rights, as wel as the ways race can simultaneously impact and sem invisible on the landscape. 53 The plantation landscape is a site of struggle, writes Terence Epperson, ?to define and control the meaning and significance of ideologies deployed against subaltern groups.? 54 Historic sites can both define social inequality in the past and serve to perpetuate inequality in the present by flatening conflict. Robert Schuyler points out that the archaeology of African Americans can be ?unpalatable to the national mythology and the victims of that mythology? but is also about survival. 5 In these ways, the larger goal of ??restorative social justice? through civic engagement??, to borrow Angel David Nieves?s phrase, requires profesionals to B. Goodman Dubrow, 1-14 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Pres, 2003). 52 Fath Davis Ruffins, "Mythos, Memory, and History: African American Preservation Eforts, 1820-1990," in Museums and Communities, ed. Ivan Karp, Christine Mullen Kreamer, and Steven D. Lavine, 506-611 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Pres, 1992); Maria Franklin, ?Towards a Black Feminist- inspired Archaeology?,? Journal of Social Archaeology 1, no. 1 (2001): 108-125 and ??Power to the People?: Sociopolitics and the Archaeology of Black Americans," Historical Archaeology 31, no. 3 (1997): 36-50. 53 Paul R. Mullins, ?Racializing the Commonplace Landscape: An Archaeology of Urban Renewal Along the Color Line,? World Archaeology 38 (2006): 60-71, 70. 54 Epperson, ?The Contested Commons,? 172. 5 Robert L. Schuyler, ?Preface,? in Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America: Afro-American and Asian American Culture History, ed. Robert L. Schuyler, pp. xii-xii (Farmingdale: Baywood Publishing Company, Inc., 1980) vi- vii. 29 acknowledge and do something about the ideological schemes that keep the ?other? in a marginalized and subordinate place. 56 Today, one approach to the relationship betwen race, status, and slavery works against presentism ? meaning the tendency for contemporary understandings to shadow the past ? to contextualize racial identity in its time. This is not to say, however, that contemporary scholars cannot use their work to justify their atitudes in the present, such as slavery was wrong. Research Methodology Interdisciplinary techniques culled from historical archaeology, public history, museology, genealogy, material culture studies, and cultural landscape studies teased the naratives of enslaved people from white-generated sources and artifactual material. My primary asumption was that every textual or artifactual source in some way refered to blacks at Mount Clare, even if they were not specificaly mentioned or named. I used a similar approach to understand the historical societies that are the stewards of Caroll Park. The adding-up of bits of information within a broader site- based and regional context created a narative about black history and its erasure from Mount Clare. No textual sources writen by blacks at Mount Clare have been recovered. References in the Carolls? personal papers and government documents enabled me to compile names, family relationships, jobs, and acts of resistance. More often the Carolls? papers track construction, gardening, and housekeeping and imply the roles 56 Angel Nieves, ?Memories of Africvile: Urban Renewal, Reparations, and the Africadian Diaspora,? in Black Geographies and the Politics of Place, edited by Katherine McKitrick and Clyde Woods (South End Pres, 2007), 82. 30 of enslaved persons. My question for the texts was, ?Where were slavery and blacks here?? Government documents for taxation or the census enabled me to evaluate the changing size and scope of the enslaved community. Manumision papers provided physical descriptions that connected with genealogical information from estate papers; in turn, I reconstructed family relationships. Other textual sources were newspaper advertisements, court records, and bank records. I recovered no new archival sources about life at Mount Clare: no plantation ledgers, bibles, or leters betwen the Carolls, their families, and their asociates. What is a new contribution, however, is my efort to find meaning in every mention of a slave or servant and to piece together disparate sources into a larger picture in combination with material and visual evidence. Visual sources consisted of maps, plats, and photographs. Plats and one landscape painting offer the only graphic evidence for the eightenth century. More graphic information is available in the ninetenth century through maps and lithographs. Photographic evidence indicates the appearance of the museum house and surrounding landscape in the twentieth century. No visual source located slave quarters or many outbuildings. Nonetheles, they situated buildings, gardens, and other features across the landscape and documented change over time. 31 Figure 2: Overview of historic easement with ?x? showing locations of archaeological test pits in 1984. The mansion is intersected by a diagonal road at the center of the image. Reproduced from Logan, Report I, 1993. 32 Figure 3: Locations of archaeological excavation near the mansion up to 1996. Reproduced from Logan, Report I, 1993. Archaeological data provided information that was not available in textual or visual sources. Smal finds pointed to the activities, knowledge, and beliefs of enslaved persons. Only the area within the historic easement at Caroll Park has been archaeologicaly investigated (Figures 2 and 3). Site contexts have been significantly disturbed. Eightenth- and early-ninetenth century artifacts remain, but not necesarily in temporal, stratified layers from their period of use. My collections survey sought particularly salient markers of the enslaved black experience, as wel as items that atested to the kinds of knowledge held by slaves to maintain the Carolls? 33 lives and the plantation. Chesapeake archaeologists look to slave sites in the region for artifact and feature paterns that signal black culture. I queried the collection for artifacts such as beads or colonoware, as wel as caches and concentrations of artifacts suggestive of work areas. I also evaluated objects purchased by the Carolls, such as tableware, for connections betwen enslaved persons? tasks and elite status markers. Furthermore, the absence of artifacts or depositions of artifacts across the landscape proved to be important. Comparative material from the Chesapeake region and beyond helped to explain my findings at Mount Clare or fil gaps. I drew on first-person acounts, place-specific studies, and historical overviews. Few place-specific studies in Maryland focus on black history. Historians at Hampton (now Hampton National Historic Site) in Towson, for example, have re-evaluated slaveholders? family papers and government documents. They focus on the ninetenth-century, when the evidence is strongest. 57 Such studies helped me to identify elements that might characterize Mount Clare as similar or diferent from other plantations. Primary and secondary sources described the ways that contemporary groups interpret and manage Caroll Park today. I conducted research into the twentieth- century history of Mount Clare, particularly that of the Maryland Society. Manuscript collections yielded leters, newsleters, docent training packets, and other sources. Newspapers indicated current and past events at Caroll Park, such as public programs or exhibits. Tax records, advertisements, membership directories, meting notices, death announcements, pres releases, and special event announcements al 57 Lancaster, ?Chatel Slavery at Hampton/Northhampton, Baltimore County.? 34 provided useful information. Histories commisioned by the Maryland Society about its history and that of Mount Clare provided information about the evolution of the site. As explained earlier, the Maryland Society does not of this writing permit researchers to aces their archive due to privacy concerns. A request for interviews with current members went unanswered by members. Websites by the Maryland Society and Caroll Park Foundation ofered additional insights. Chapter Outline The narative follows a roughly chronological order. Chapter 1 has introduced the theoretical and methodological approaches of the project. Chapter 2 outlines the centrality of slavery and blacks to Dr. Charles Caroll?s plans to create an interlocking plantation system of fields, mils, and ironworks. Chapter 3 addreses the transformation of Georgia to Mount Clare, a showpiece country plantation owned by Charles Caroll the Barister and his wife Margaret, as a result of slave labor. Chapter 4 confronts the contradiction of the Carolls as American patriots and slaveholders during the Revolutionary era. Chapter 5 discusses black life at Mount Clare within the context of white widowhood and the growth of opportunities for blacks in Baltimore. Chapter 6 addreses the circumstances faced by enslaved persons who were manumited, fred, or sold after Margaret?s death. Chapter 7 investigates the legacy of racism at historic house museums. The Conclusion sums up the narative and offers recommendations for future interpretation of black history. I contribute several new interpretations of the Carolls and of Mount Clare based on the inclusion of blacks. First and foremost, I focus on the enslaved blacks 35 who lived and labored on the Caroll properties. No other study has compiled, evaluated, and synthesized the archival and artifactual evidence of their lives. The result is a broader, more inclusive, and more diverse picture of the racialized practices at the Carolls? plantations. Second are the historical roles of blacks as the significance of Mount Clare changed in the Carolls? minds. Blacks as slaves maintained the symbolic evidence of the Carolls? social diference as elites. Without them, the Carolls could not have undertaken the complex gardens, entertainments, or housekeeping activities necesary at Mount Clare for their public image. Third is the developmental sequence of the plantation. Earlier studies did not include evidence from the 1730s and before, or acount for the planned role of Georgia among other enterprises Maryland-wide. Fourth is the relationships among the plantations in Baltimore County ? relationships that are made meaningful as a result of blacks living and working on them. Focus on Georgia or Mount Clare alone obscures the codependence of the plantations and artificialy raises the significance of one place above the others. Blacks? experiences at Mount Clare do not contribute solely to the history of one racial or ethnic group, to one place, or to one point in time. They, instead, speak to the heritage of al Americans and the role of slavery in the nation?s past. This project underscores that looking at American history from the perspective of European-descended elites alone fails to met contemporary ethics for equality and social justice. The history of Georgia is rooted in topics that many people find dificult to talk about, even today. Sites like Caroll Park can facilitate conversation about the historical circumstances of race and race relations in the past and their legacy in the 36 present. A great deal was known about whites at Georgia, a litle about blacks, but overal nothing was understood about their everyday interactions. As such, this project provides a beter historical context for discussion of race at Georgia. Historical contexts fil in gaps in knowledge for museums and parks. They provide new perspectives on old problems. Some contexts open avenues for further research. But historical contexts also have a way of facilitating dificult conversations about race and racism. They offer front-line staf, such as interpreters or docents, a basis from which to fel confident about what they say. Visitors can ask for more information and get it. Administrators can use them to improve old exhibits and fundraise for new ones. Al these reasons connect with a current ethic in museums and at historic sites to represent al people who lived at a place. Such an ethic draws on contemporary beliefs about citizenship and representation, but it also points to the recognition that a preserved cultural landscape is a forum for al voices to be heard. 37 Chapter 2: Slavery and Iron at Georgia Blacks arived at Georgia, later caled Mount Clare, because of Dr. Charles Caroll and his vision for society and entrepreneurship. Dr. Caroll and his asociates relied on the stratification of colonial society through black slavery to maintain status in the first half of the eightenth century. His bringing of slavery into the family home and enterprises betrays both his mindset towards blacks and his plans for them. Today, the human cost and dynamics of enslaving blacks at Dr. Caroll?s home and plantations are obscured at Caroll Park in favor of his succes as a colonial elite. I make two primary arguments about the earliest period of slavery at Georgia in the following chapter. First, blacks on Dr. Caroll?s agricultural and iron plantations grew familiar with the repercussions of race and status in America through their everyday lives and labors. Second, blacks helped to create the American-style labor system by pushing back against their enslavers. Both arguments are new to the interpretation of Mount Clare, but I also contribute detail that is absent in previous analyses of eightenth- century ironworks as it relates to everyday interactions. Dr. Caroll?s interactions with blacks on his agricultural and iron plantations demonstrate a top-down enforcement of societal order. Those enslaved to him, however, developed networks of kin and alies, and methods of resistance and of working their enslavers? expectations to their advantage. I demonstrate in the following chapter that blacks and Dr. Caroll shaped the terms of slavery together, not on equal ground, but through push-and-pull strategies that furthered each group?s interests. This perspective demonstrates that blacks? imprint in the earliest developments at Georgia cannot be ignored in contemporary interpretations of the landscape. 38 Blacks in Early Maryland Decades of work to distinguish blacks from Europeans shaped the form of slavery encountered by Dr. Caroll in early eightenth-century Chesapeake region. Africans in America originated from the Ibo, Ewe, Bakongo, Serer, and many other cultural groups on the African continent. Europeans began to asociate blacks with American slavery in the sevententh century. In 1664, the Maryland Asembly declared ?negroes? imported into the colony to be slaves for life. The Asembly took measures to separate Europeans from blacks and mulatoes in the 1670s and 1680s. The measures forbid blacks or mulatoes to mary interacialy, asemble without whites present, participate in the militia, or cary weapons. Ralph Casimere explains that an important distinction emerged betwen labor and the enslaved body by the late sevententh century. An individual?s labor was of limited value, but the body offered significant potential wealth at resale. A slave became a valuable part of an estate because he was more than the means of acquiring wealth, but wealth itself. As a result, blacks asumed sub-human status in the eyes of enslavers. 58 The distinction became particularly important in the construction of the gentry clas. Alan Kulikof?s examination of labor within racialized clas formation in the Chesapeake region shows that slavery helped to distinguish the gentry during clas struggles among whites. 59 Blacks were not complacent. They negotiated with slaveholders for 58 Ralph Casimere Jr., Origins and Early Development of Slavery in Maryland, 1633-1715 (Ph.D isertation, Louisiana State University in New Orleans, 1971) 3-7, 10-11, 27, 29, 101-103, 133, 143-144. 39 advantages and improved circumstances for themselves and their families, escaped, and practiced culture. Kulikoff demonstrates that Chesapeake culture became defined by struggles within and betwen African and European groups. 60 Fre blacks in Virginia, as shown by T.H. Bren and Stephen Innes, extricated themselves from bondage, became landowners and parents with fre children, and enjoyed societal rights akin to whites of similar stature. Their abilities became sharply curtailed by 1700. 61 In these ways, experiences of struggle, domination, and adaptation characterized fre and enslaved blacks? experiences in the Chesapeake region by the time Dr. Caroll emigrated from Ireland to America about 1716. 62 Plantation slavery developed betwen 1650 and 1750 in America. Europeans and blacks could both be considered servants at first. Europeans racialized labor because several factors came together in Maryland: increased reliance on tobaco, a labor gap due to fewer Europeans emigrants in America, and recognition of the connection betwen tobaco and status. Black slavery provided an answer in 59 Alan Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680-1800 (Chapel Hil and London: University of North Carolina Pres, 1986). 60 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 11-12. 61 T.H. Bren, and Stephen Innes, ?Myne Owne Ground? Race and Fredom on Virginia?s Eastern Shore, 1640-1676 (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1980) 3-6, 10, 18. 62 The circumstances of Dr. Caroll?s emigration are not known. He was distantly related to other Carolls who already lived in Maryland; one of them ay have funded his venture and helped him upon arival. Noel Ignatiev traces the identification of the Irish as white in beginning in the mid-ninetenth century. Ignatiev?s analysis suggests that Dr. Caroll, as a wealthy man who was wiling to convert to Protestantism from Catholicism, did not have the dificulties of later Irish imigrants in establishing themselves in America. Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (Routledge, 1996). 40 Europeans? minds to these isues. 63 Importation of human chatel increased. Darold Wax estimates that least 1,800 Africans were taken to Maryland betwen 1700 and 1708, and another 1,330 betwen 1720 and 1749. 64 By 1750, America-born blacks were increasingly the majority among enslaved populations in the Chesapeake. Male- to-female ratios evened out and women began bearing children at younger ages than their imigrant mothers. Setled family life gave rise to a more autonomous culture. 65 Lorena Walsh points out that relatively few models of creolization have been developed for the 1740-1775 period in comparison to the ninetenth century. Later models inadequately explain circumstances of the second quarter of the eightenth century, when Africans met African Americans. 6 Sevententh- and eightenth- century uses for race to distinguish among people in society set the groundwork for events at Georgia. Dr. Charles Caroll and Slavery Dr. Carol lived in Annapolis while amasing property in the Baltimore and western Maryland regions. 67 Over the coming decades, black slavery enabled Dr. Caroll to 63 Casimere, Origins and Early Development of Slavery in Maryland. 64 The fragmentary nature of existing records, however, implies much larger numbers. Darold D. Wax, "Black Imigrants: The Slave Trade in Colonial Maryland." Maryland Historical Magazine 73, no. 1(1978): 32-33, 35-36, 38. 65 Walsh, From Calabar to Carter?s Grove, 136, 145. 6 Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter's Grove: The History of a Virginia Slave Community (Charlottesvile: University Pres of Virginia, 1997) 134-135. 41 gain his footing as a doctor, tobaco planter, land speculator, industrialist, merchant, and ship builder. 68 Dr. Caroll?s records indicate the details and breadth of slavery in his everyday life. He hired out a woman for thre months to another Annapolitan in 1716. He also treated blacks and slaveholders in his medical practice. 69 After obtaining permision in 1727 to build a shipyard and wharf in Annapolis, Dr. Caroll commisioned ships that transported flour and iron to Barbados and Great Britain. Enslaved persons probably built the ships and loaded the cargo. Nothing in Dr. Caroll?s records shows that the ships caried slaves, he acquired slaves directly from Barbados as opposed to within the colony, or that he had a plantation in the islands. 70 Annapolis became Dr. Caroll?s base of operations as an important disembarkation point while he looked beyond the city for other opportunities to expand wealth and standing. 67 Land Ofice (Certificates, Patented, BA) Blacks, Patented Certificate 1425, 3 October 1729, MSA S1190-19, MdHR 40,004-1351/1425. CB began an index to the Baltimore County lands, starting with Mount Clare. Se: A List of Patents and Deds Relating to My Land at Mount Clare, Folder ?1759, Financial Records: [Baltimore Company?],? Box 8, S 219, MdHS; R. Bruce Harley, ?Dr. Charles Caroll ? Land Speculator, 1730-1755,? MH 56: 93-107. 68 W. Stull Holt, ?Charles Caroll, Barister: The Man.? MHM 31: 112-126. 69 The unnamed woman was hired out to Edward Smith of Annapolis. ?Extracts from Acount and Leter Books of Dr. C,? 18: 201; Wiliam Fitz Redmond was charged L6 for his ?Negro womans Board, & Chyrurgical Aplycations? and Robert Myre Sr. L8 for medicines used to treat servants. ?Extracts from Acount and Leter Books of Dr. Charles Caroll,? 18: 204. 70 Maryland State Asembly, Procedings and Acts of the General Asembly 1727- 1729, vol. 36, pp. 20 and 71; Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database, Emory University, 1999. Acesed 16 February 2009. Online: http:/ww.slavevoyages.org/tast/index.faces; Ralph Clayton, Cash for Blood: The Baltimore to New Orleans Domestic Slave Trade (Baltimore: Heritage Books, 2002). 42 Dr. Carol patented Georgia in 1729. The property encompased over two thousand acres of gentle hils covered in black and white oaks. Its marshy coastlines skimed the Middle Branch of the Patapsco and Gwynns Fals. Georgia was rich in timber and iron ore; the Patapsco was deep enough for shipping; and Gwynns Fals offered plenty of waterpower for miling. 71 Dr. Caroll purchased additional properties to create a strategic system of exploitable resources and transportation networks for himself and his two sons, Charles and John Henry. Dr. Caroll patented The Caves in 1738 (surveyed 1734) in the Gren Spring Valey and Carolls Island on the Gunpowder River in 1746 (surveyed 1744). 72 By the 1740s, blacks were explicitly a form of curency in Dr. Caroll?s busines transactions. Dr. Caroll sold slaves 73 and collected them when mortgagers defaulted on their loans. 74 For these and other reasons, blacks were integral to Dr. Caroll?s plans. 71 Land Ofice (Certificates, Patented, BA) Blacks, Patented Certificate 1886, 11 July 1732, MSA S1190-26, MdHR 40,004-1876/1950. Georgia consisted of: a resurvey of eight tracts of land in Baltimore, including Black Walnut Neck (1664, Hugh Hensey), Howard?s Chance (1668, John Howard), Milhaven (1695 to John Mercer), James?s Park (1700, James Caroll), Monmouth Gren (1702, John Bale), Gil?s Outlet (1717, John Gil), Barley Hils (1728, Charles Caroll), Discovery (1729, Charles Caroll and Co.) (Land Certificates 1658-1766, p. 23, MS 210, MdHS.) 72 Thomas Claget to Blacks, 26 September 1730, Provincial Court Land Records 1724-1731, vol. 697, p. 461, Archives of Maryland Online; Baltimore County Circuit Court (Patent Record), Charles Caroll, Caves, 1770 acres, 1738, Patent Record EI 5, p. 359, MSA 1582; Baltimore County Circuit Court (Patented Certificates) Doctor Charles Caroll, Carolls Island, 334 acres, 1746, Patented Certificate 942, MSA S1190-13, MdHR 40,004-901/975. 73 The advertisement by the new enslaver of John Stokes or John Collins indicates that Dr. Caroll formerly owned him. John was a 28-year-old mulato fiddler. Run Away, Maryland Gazete [Annapolis], 6 September 1745. 43 Blacks? skils and cultural knowledge from their homelands dovetailed with labor and life in Maryland. They arived in Maryland with experience as farmers, ironsmiths, catle herders, weavers, boatmakers, healers, architects, cooks, and more. Such knowledge and skils were useful in America, but blacks practiced them under the techniques devised by Europeans to enforce work discipline. Men at Georgia planted crops, busted rock, feled tres, and built structures in groups oversen by white men. Enslaved blacks in America tended to work in gangs instead of individualy in a mixture of ?New Negros? and more experienced slaves. Oversers watched and goaded them to work; sometimes an enslaved person was made foreman and received special privileges. Enslaved persons might also be encouraged to have families in order to tie them to a place. 75 Common ground on material goods as code for status also helped blacks to aclimate to Chesapeake culture. Elites in West Africa and America both had chairs, tables, raised bedsteads, and fine textiles. Ordinary West African and Chesapeake households had similar contents in the early eightenth century: one or two pots for cooking, wooden bowls or trays for eating, mortars to grind corn and grain, simple bedding on the floor, stools for seats, and storage such as 74 In 1747, Dr. Caroll claimed ?some Negros and household goods? due to him by Stephen Higgins. Dr. C to Thomas Caton, 5 April 1747, Leterbook 1742-1752, p. 161, MS 208, MdHS. Dr. Caroll already confiscated an unspecified number of people when he caled in Mary Wolsen?s debt. Although Dr. Caroll left to Wolsen which slaves to use as payment, he specificaly mentioned ?Mulato Nel and Negro Girle Moll? as stil being in her possesion. Wolsen?s debt, minus the enslaved persons already captured by Dr. Caroll, was L180. Dr. C to Mary Wolsen, 18 th 9or 1749, Leterbook 1742-1752, p. 237, MS 208, MdHS; Dr. C to ary olsen, 18 th 9or 1749, Leterbook 1742-1752, p. 237, MS 208, MdHS. 75 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 324-325; Walsh, From Calabar to Carter?s Grove, 83-85. 44 chests or baskets. 76 Africans in America observed the ways that material culture conveyed status, not the least of which their subordinate one. Familiar tasks and material codes thus helped to aclimate blacks to life in the Chesapeake, but slavery created conditions that were entirely new to them. Figure 4: Relative location of the Baltimore Iron Works (identified by a black square towards the botom of the image) to Mount Clare. Plan of Baltimore by Fielding Lucas, Jr., 1836. Library of Congres. The Baltimore Iron Works 76 Walsh, From Calabar to Carter?s Grove, 102 45 Dr. Carol had planned for an ironworks since at least 1730, including lobbying in England to open iron trade with Maryland. 7 Dr. Caroll with other Maryland gentrymen named Daniel Dulany, Benjamin Tasker, Charles Caroll of Annapolis, and Daniel Caroll formed the Baltimore Company in October 1731 to create the Baltimore Iron Works. 78 Al the partners had extensive land holdings and relied on plantation slavery to build wealth. Dr. Caroll conveyed 1,600 acres of Georgia to the west of Gwynns Fals to the Baltimore Company in 1731 for L540. He released the tenements for L125 plus five years? rent at L26 per annum. The eastern section of Georgia remained in Dr. Caroll?s ownership. 79 The first Baltimore Iron Works furnace was on Charles Run, today south of Washington Boulevard on the west side of Gwynns Fals (Figure 4). 80 Urban development built over the historic ironworks site in the twentieth century. Stonemasons from Virginia built two furnaces and thre forges, possibly with slave labor supplied by the partners. Each partner, including Dr. Caroll and later his son Charles Caroll the Barister, owned a fifth share of the company?s property ? 7 Johnson, ?The Baltimore Iron Company Seks English Markets: A Study of the Anglo-American Iron Trade, 1731-1755.? The Wiliam and Mary Quarterly 16, no. 1 (1959) 29, 41-42 and ?The Genesis of the Baltimore Ironworks.? Journal of Southern History 19, no. 2 (1953) 157-158. 78 Baltimore Company, Agrement of Copartnership, 1 October 1731, MS 2018, MdHS. 79 Msrs Charles and Daniel Caroll, et. al, 1731, vol 1716-1731 of Charles Caroll. Leterbook and Busines Acount 1716-1769, 3 vols, MS 208, p. 14, 80 John McGrain, From Pig Iron to Cotton Duck: A History of Manufacturing Vilages in Baltimore County. Vol. 1 (Towson, MD: Baltimore County Heritage Publication, 1985) 11. 46 including slaves ? and received a fifth of the product to turn into profit. Each provided a fifth supply of food, cooking implements, clothes, and necesities. Dr. Caroll?s eastern portion of Georgia existed separately from the Baltimore Iron Works, but supported Dr. Caroll?s share of supplies to the iron plantation. The integral roles of Dr. Caroll, and later, his son Charles Caroll the Barister, in the iron industry conveyed their sanction of slavery. The Baltimore Iron Works was, indeed, unusual among Chesapeake-region iron companies for the size and scale of its slave population. 81 Indentured or convict servants were European- born, but enslaved persons were homeland-born, black born in America, and mulato. The enslavement of blacks and servitude of indentured Europeans made the operation possible, while the succes of the enterprise helped to enmesh Maryland industry in slavery. Histories of iron industry in the Chesapeake tend to ignore the significance of blacks. 82 Keach Johnson focuses tightly on Dr. Caroll and his Baltimore Company 81 The Principio Iron Works was the first furnace constructed in Maryland, but its owners did not live in the area. Ronald L. Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves (Westport: Grenwood Pres, 1979), 23 and ?Slavery on Chesapeake Iron Plantations Before the American Revolution.? The Journal of Negro History 59, no. 3 (1974), 243. 82 Michael Robbins focuses on the historical development of Principio and economic significance to the Maryland iron industry. Michael W. Robbins, Maryland?s Iron Industry During the Revolutionary War Era: A Report Prepared for the Maryland Bicentennial Commision (Annapolis: The Commision. 1973). General works likewise concentrate on the owners of the ironworks, who were invariably white and of means. Such studies addres the locations of ironworks in colonial America, the techniques of iron making, and the efects of each on the development of skiled labor forces. Robert B. Gordon, American Iron, 1607-1900 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Pres, 2001) and Arthur C. Bining, Pennsylvania Iron Manufacture in the Eightenth Century (Harisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commision, 1973). 47 partners. Johnson argues that the partners became increasingly powerful as the vanguard of colonial enterprise partly due to their diversified and innovative approaches to investment. 83 He, however, avoids the partners? systemic dependence on slavery and the significance of blacks at a cornerstone in American industrial history. Ronald Lewis?s examinations of slavery in Chesapeake region extractive and ironmaking industries pay particular atention to the mechanisms of everyday life. He argues that enslaved persons exerted more influence over their conditions and lives than historians previously asumed. 84 Lewis, in contrast to Johnson, demonstrates that blacks mater to the history of iron plantations. Other scholars focus on the impact of African culture on European ironworks in America. Jean Libby argues that enslaved persons transfered traditional African ironworking technologies into western Maryland ironworks. 85 Another perspective comes from James Pennington (1807- 1870), a first-rate blacksmith on a ninetenth-century agricultural plantation in western Maryland. Pennington?s autobiography details his sense of power over his enslaver due to his skils. He does not, however, connect his personal training with 83 Johnson, ?Genesis of the Baltimore Ironworks,? 162; Johnson, ?Baltimore Company Seks English Markets,? 40-41, 162. 84 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 8-9; Lewis, ?Slavery on Chesapeake Iron Plantations,? 249. Kamoie?s study of the Tayloe family ironworks in Virginia or Dew?s analysis of Buffalo Forge in Virginia sek balance betwen enslaver and enslaved to make the point that Africans were integral to ironworks operations. Laura C. Kamoie, Irons in the Fire: The Busines History of the Tayloe Family and Virginia?s Gentry, 1700-1860 (Charlottesvile: University of Virginia Pres, 2007) and Charles B. Dew, Bond of Iron: Master and Slave at Buffalo Forge (New York: W. . Norton, 1994). 85 Jean Libby, African Ironmaking Culture Among African American Ironworkers in Western Maryland, 1760-1850 (M.A. Thesis, San Francisco State University, 1991). 48 ironmaking in Africa. 86 Although first- or second-generation blacks in America were enslaved at the Baltimore Iron Works, a connection to specific African traditions cannot be identified. Ironmaking was backbreaking work, and blacks were involved at every laborious stage from construction of the industrial complex to moving the product to ships for transport. Enslaved blacks worked alongside convicts, indentured servants, and hired black and white hands. They held positions as smiths, carpenters, founders, finers, filers, miners, and cooks. 87 Al these positions required skil to be productive, eficient and, perhaps most of al, safe. Furnaces and forges were constructed on hilsides. They were in blast for a few months at a time. A ramp or bridge went up the hil from a wagon road to the top of the furnace, where filers filed ? or charged ? the furnace from the top with alternating layers of charcoal, ore, and limestone. Before the furnace could go into blast, colliers made hardwood chips of charcoal to fuel the furnaces and forges. The master miner ?raised the mine.? He driled a hole into the iron ore bed, packed the hole with black powder, and set it alight to explode the ore loose. Miners loaded the ore into carts; they could raise a half-ton of ore per day. Waggoners moved the ore in carts to stockpiles near the furnace. Men moved betwen work as woodcutters or colliers and miners depending on the needs at the time. Air or blast furnaces had high chimneys of about thirty fet tal for draft. 86 James W. C. Pennington, A Text Book of the Origin and History, &c. &c. of the Colored People (Second ed. Original edition Hartford: L. Skinner, Printer, 1841. Detroit: Negro History Pres, 1969) and The Fugitive Blacksmith; Or, Events in the History of James W. C. Pennington, Pastor of a Presbyterian Church, New York, Formerly a Slave in the State of Maryland, United States (3rd ed. Reprinted from 1850 edition. Westport: Negro Universities Pres, 1971). 87 Johnson, ?Slavery on Chesapeake Iron Plantations,? 244. 49 Belows operated by furnace keepers and powered by a water wheel pushed ?blasts? of air into the furnace to maintain a high temperature. The same proces took place at the forge, where reheated pig iron was shaped into bars. Founders regulated the furnace. They made sand molds and cast molten iron in the casting house at the base of the furnace stack. Molten iron was tapped twice a day from the furnace to the casting house. The iron pased into a long sand trench, caled a sow, and its side trenches, caled pigs. Finers and hamermen pounded the reheated pig iron into bar iron using a 500-pound forge hamer operated by a waterwheel. The furnace lining would eventualy burn out. Operations shut down while a new interior was built. 8 The furnace at the Baltimore Iron Works was in blast only half of each year because the woodcutters, colliers, and miners did not, could not, or would not supply enough charcoal and iron to run the furnace more. Self-pacing may explain the diference betwen Dr. Caroll?s estimates for the necesary number of slaves and the increasing number of workers held by the Baltimore Company. Laborers acumulated charcoal and iron ore in summer and fal until the reserve was sizable enough to run the furnace. The furnace required about five hundred fifty loads of charcoal and nine hundred tons of iron ore to run for five months. The result was an average of fiften 8 Keach Johnson, The Establishment of the Baltimore Company: A Case-Study of the American Iron Industry in the Eightenth Century (Ph.D is. State University of Iowa. 1949), 89-90; Lewis, ?Slavery on Chesapeake Iron Plantations,? note 10; Susan E. Winter, ?Antietam Furnace: A Frontier Ironworks in the Great Valey of Maryland.? In Historical Archaeology of the Chesapeake, ed. P.A. Shackel and B.J. Litle, pp. 205-218 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Pres, 1994), 210. Antietam Furnace did use slave labor, which makes the remains of the furnace an African-American archaeological site. The size of the furnace and its production of ironware, however, distinguishes the operation from the Baltimore Iron Works. 50 tons of pig iron per wek. 89 Enslaved female cooks worked with rations of corn, salted pork, beef, and molases. 90 Such work transformed blacks with no experience in large-scale industrial work into laborers with the considerable knowledge and skil necesary both to participate in the program desired by the Baltimore Company and to resist it. The Baltimore Iron Works was organized at a time of expansion of the American colonial iron industry. A shift from wage European to enslaved black labor fueled the trend. Dr. Caroll became ironworks manager in January of 1731. 91 His planning responsibilities included a calculation of hands, including slaves. The Baltimore Company, like the owners of the Principio Iron Works, saw slavery as the answer to a shortage of fre and indentured laborers and the cost of wages. 92 European convict and redemptioner laborers were considered unruly and unreliable. 93 Dr. Carol drew on the experiences of ironmasters at the Principio Iron Works near modern Havre-de-Grace, Maryland and others in Pennsylvania and Virginia. 94 His 89 Johnson, Establishment of the Baltimore Company, 110. 90 Charles Caroll of Carollton to the Baltimore Company, with replies, 28 October 1767, MSA M 4214-4715; Richard Croxal to Charles Caroll and Company, 27 April 27 1768, SA M 4214-4723; Acount and receipt, December 1735 to 7 April 1736, MSA 4215-4885. 91 ?Things to be performed by Dr. Caroll if agred with as manager,? c. 1730s, Folder ?[1730s] Baltimore Company,? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. 92 Robbins, Principio Company, 127; Johnson, ?Baltimore Company Seks English Subsidies,? 32; Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 227. 93 Robbins, Principio Company, 129. 51 first prospectus calculated the contracting of six slaves for six months for L20 per month and the purchase of twenty-six slaves at L30 apiece. He calculated that ten would work as cutters, four as mine diggers, four as colliers, two in the ?flats? (flatboats, used to bring ore to the furnace by water), two at the furnace, and two at the sloop; and that two would be women (likely cooks). 95 Another list calculated the charges on one thousand tons of metal. It included fifty-five slaves at a cost of L30 per head and ?3 years wages? at L15 per head, by which he meant food and supplies. He also calculated L15 per each of the estimated ten white hands. 96 Dr. Caroll asked friends where he could find slaves at low cost. In 1732, one respondent indicated that men and women cost L20 in Wiliamsburg, Virginia. 97 Lewis notes that insufficient evidence remains to gauge the profitability of slave labor on industrial plantations. What matered, however, was that entrepreneurs like the Baltimore Company partners 94 Dr. Caroll drafted questions that Caroll Esq. included in his leter to Clement Plumsted, an ironmaster in Philadelphia. Charles Caroll [Esq.?] to Clement Plumsted, 18 February 1730, p. 7 and Clement Plumsted to Charles Caroll of Annapolis, 20 April 1731, p. 8 vol. 1, MS 65, MdHS; Johnson, ?Genesis of the Baltimore Ironworks,? 165. 95 Dr. Caroll?s math is incorect. He provides a total of twenty-six, but the itemized lists do not add up to that number. The inconsistency is preserved here. ?Cost of a Furnace 24 by 26 foot square,? Folder ?1730s? Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. 96 ?Estimate of Charges and Profit on the Works,? Folder ?1730s, Financial Records, Baltimore Iron Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. Elements of this and other documents date the discussion to the mid-to-late 1720s. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L30 = $6,262, L15 = $3,131, L20 = $4,175. Eric Nye, Pounds to Dollars Historical Conversion of Currency (University of Wyoming: Department of English), Online: http:/uwacadweb.uwyo.edu/numimage/Currency.htm, acesed 20 December 2009. 97 Patricia Ann Carlson, ?Wiliam Parks, Colonial Printer, to Dr. Charles Caroll.? The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 86, no. 4 (1978): 408-412. 409. 52 believed that slaves were preferable to hired workers. 98 Blacks at Georgia and The Caves provided Dr. Caroll?s share of supplies for blacks and indentured servants at the Baltimore Iron Works. They feled tres and moved timber by water to the landings; harvested hundreds of bushels of corn and wheat each year; and tended pigs and procesed the meat to fed ironworkers. 9 Twelve people lived on Georgia in 1737: eight unnamed slaves plus Moses Macubbins, Alexander Drummer, Jacob Lewis, and Barty Fuller. 10 Their main job was to cut thousands of cords of wood for the Baltimore Iron Works, for which Dr. Caroll was credited in financial acounts. 101 Nine unnamed slaves and Wiliam Lewis lived on The Caves. 102 In the 1740s, slaves and servants worked at the shipyard 98 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 8. 9 Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll, Esq., 16 July 1737. Folder ?1737 June-July, Correspondence: [Baltimore Company?]? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS; Dr. Carolls Acount with the Baltimore Company 1745 to 1747, Folder ?1748, Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS; Dr. Caroll Baltimore Company Acount 1741/42, ?Folder 1742 October-December, ?Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. 10 Baltimore County (Tax Lists) Upper Hundred of Patapsco 1737, MSA CM918-9, M1560-22. 101 Moses Macubbins appears on Baltimore Iron Works registers in the expectation of supplying cords of wood in 1736. Acount, 1736, vol. 3, p. 36 and Copy of List, 1736, p. 54, vol. 3, MS 65, MdHS; Dr. Cha. Caroll Company Acount, 1741, Folder ?1741 January-July, Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. ?Moses Mackubins? was expected to provide 50 cords of wood over the summer. Amount of Cordwood in Stock and Expected, 1737/1738, Folder ?1738, Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. 102 Baltimore County (Tax Lists) Back River Upper Hundred 1737, MSA CM918-2, M1560-16. 53 at Caroll?s Point, where timber from Georgia was taken to build ships. 103 The locations of their quarters are unknown. Peopling the Baltimore Iron Works Blacks who labored at the Baltimore Iron Works came from the partners? plantations, were purchased, or hired from local slaveowners. 104 Each partner contributed ?six able hands,? meaning slaves, at the outset to clear wood. Seven blacks enslaved by Dr. Carol went to the ironworks in 1731/32. Health was imediately an isue: one of Dr. Caroll?s seven slaves replaced a man named Bily who died in August 1731. The partners purchased ?negroes? beginning in May 1732 at a cost of L20 apiece. By December each company owner was supposed to contribute thirten enslaved persons for jobs such as cutting wood or farming corn. 105 If al five partners contributed their quota, the enslaved population would have more than doubled in size from thirty in 103 Michael F. Trostel, Mount Clare: Being an Acount of the Seat Built by Charles Carroll, Barrister, upon his Lands at Patapsco (Baltimore: National Society of Colonial Dames of America, 1981), 6; Dr. C to Wiliam Black, 2 January 1746, Leterbook 1742-1752, p. 141, MS 208, MdHS. Dr. C to CB, 30 August 1754, p. 131-132; Dr. C to CB, 8 ay 1754, pp. 122-124, Leterbook 1752-1755 and 1755- 1769, MS 208, MdHS. 104 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 22-23. 105 Minute Book, Baltimore Company, p. 5, Folder ?1732-75, Minutes: Baltimore Company,? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. When Each of the Co. Sent Their Negroes or Servants to the Workes on Patapscoe, Folder ?1733, Employee Records: Baltimore Company,? MS 219, MdHS. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L20 = $4,175. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 54 1731/32 to sixty-five by the winter of 1732/33. Forty-thre slaves worked at the iron works in 1734, plus thirty-eight white employees and additional seasonal laborers. 106 Blacks purchased by Dr. Caroll in 1730 and 1731 may have worked on his Baltimore properties or the ironworks. In October 1730, Oliver (age 30) and Nann (age 32) were acquired along with a copper stil, a feather bed and furniture, six sters, thre cows and calves, and a bay horse for L81. 107 In March 1731, Dr. Caroll purchased Coffe, Tom, and Jemy for L90 in addition to ropes for traces, grubbing hoes, plows and plow irons, plows for horses, ?2 Collars of Tootte,? a bucket and pail, stock lock, hiling and weding hoes, and a smal hatchet. Whether or not they are the same Coffe, Tom, and Jemy in Baltimore Company records remains unknown. 108 Each partner placed betwen seven and fiften enslaved blacks at the ironworks at the beginning of a year to work for nine years, eleven months. Over the course of a year, the number of new slaves diminished, as did their term. By the end of the year, one new slave would be introduced to work one year, nine days, four 106 Baltimore Iron Works, List of persons employed, 30 April 1734, (MdHS 219, Box 6), MSA M 4215-4825; Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 23. 107 Baltimore County Court (Land Records) John Townsend to Charles Caroll, Chyurgeon, 14 October 1730, Liber IS L, folio 23, MSA CE 66-16. Conversion to 2008 dollars: L81 = $15,727. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 108 Msrs Charles and Daniel Caroll, et. al, 1731, Leter Book of Charles Caroll, 1716-1731, p. 13-14, MS 208, MdHS. Charles Caroll and his son Daniel enslaved a woman named Coffe at the ironworks. List of Taxables Returned Belonging to the Baltimore Company, 1733, Folder ?1733-34, Employee Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. Conversion to 2008 dollars: L81 = $18,921. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 55 months, and twenty-one days. 109 Dr. Caroll placed seven men and one woman into service on March 1, 1731 to work nine years, eleven months. Four more individuals went on June 20, 1732 to work four years, five months, and fourten days. On March 6, 1732, one person was pushed to work one year, five months and the other nine months and four months and twenty-one days. No records after 1733 remain to show if the system was refreshed with new people. 10 The Baltimore Company partners may have cycled enslaved blacks betwen the ironworks and their private property, where the work was not as strenuous. Blacks at the Baltimore Iron Works were inventoried by name in the early years. The enslaved population in 1733 included twenty-six people: (ilegible names indicated by ?or?) Hart, Tom, James Leser or Larson, James, May, Coffe, Peter, Cesar, Johny, Bath or Bash or Bush, Captain, Joe, Mundays Bety, Harys Bety, Hary, Sampson, Tom, Toms Bes, Jemy or Jery, Jack, Frank, Calibay, Toby, Dick, Valentine, and Flora. 11 The 1734 inventory lists thirty-four people, which included 109 1731 Daniel Dulany Esq. to Negros to be put into the work of agrement and their work hereafter stated to 31 st July 1733; 1731 Dr. Charles Caroll to Negros to be put into the work of agrement and their work hereafter stated to 31 st July 1733, Folder ?1733, Employee records: Baltimore Company,? Box 6, MS 219. MdHS. 10 Blacks, Acount of time worked by negroes, 31 July 1733, Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. 11 List of Taxables Returned Belonging to the Baltimore Company, 1733, Folder ?1733-34, Employee Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. Daniel and Charles Caroll of Annapolis?s personal inventory indicates which of the total belonged to them: Bush or Bath or Bash, Long Hary, Caine, Dick, Poplar Jones, Boy Jack, Bety, Coffe, and Hannah. Chas and Danl Negroes at the Iron Works, Folder ?1733, Employee records: Baltimore Company,? Box 6. MS 219. MdHS; Acount of taxables at the works, 1733 (MdHS, MS 219, Box 6), SA M 4215-4819. The 56 almost al the names on the 1733 list plus several new orkers. Jack was a blacksmith. The miners at Gorsuch Bank were Colonel, Bush, Guilamalew (?), Coffe, Cezar, Jack, James, and Nero. Hanna cooked for them. Dick Junior, Dick Senior, and Hannah were at Gorsuch Plantation. Their roles were not specified, but Tom was the carpenter. Nephew, Frank, Quame, Qua, Calebay were miners at one part of Howards Bank and Lucy was the cook. At another part of Howards Bank were the colliers Hart, Coffe, James, Charles, Tom, Man, Poplar Rom, Toby, Philip, and Cezar, plus Bety the cook. The woodcutters at that part of Howards Bank were Hary, Peter, Jo, Sampson, Valentine, and Captaine. Also there were Ross the basketmaker, Bendax, Francie the cook, and Peter (a hired slave). 12 Flora was a cook at the lower house, Bety at the upper house. John was a working boy. 13 An undated inventory of who worked where indicated that Dr. Carol owned four enslaved workers at the complex: Jemy was a smith at the furnace, Tom?s and Tony?s positions are not specified, and Guy was a forge carpenter. 14 Perhaps Guy built the forge for bar iron completed by 1738. 15 Thirty-nine people were enslaved at discrepancy betwen 1733 and 1734 may relate to when the fiscal year fel. A similar list does not remain for Dr. Caroll. 12 Acount of persons employed at the Baltimore Iron Works, 30 April 1734; A List of Taxables, 1733, Folder ?1733-34, Employee records: Baltimore County,? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. 13 Acount of Persons Employed at the Baltimore Iron Works, continued, 1734 (MS 219, Box 6), MSA 4215-4825. 14 At the Furnace, n.d., Folder ?n.d. Employee Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. 15 Johnson, ?Genesis of the Baltimore Ironworks,? 174. 57 the Baltimore Iron Works in 1736. 16 Forty-two slaves over age sixten and forty- thre hired white men worked at the iron works by 1737 as part of a ninety-six-person work force. 17 The Baltimore Company enslaved one hundred fifty people at the height of its operations in 1764 in addition to hiring wage employees and slaves from local whites. By 1785, when the partners began seling off the company, two hundred people were stil enslaved. 18 The enslaved population included males and females of al ages and kin networks. Comparison of the inventories shows that several smal families lived at the Baltimore Iron Works. Many blacks became skiled laborers, and while a few individuals died or escaped each year, the partners? initial calculations for slaves were insufficient. Blacks may have received medical care from Dr. Caroll in the early years of the ironworks. Although health was a primary concern of enslavers, blacks used medicine to asert control over their own bodies even as Europeans applied their medical practices to them. They treated themselves with plants, roots, charms, ceremonies, and other practices caried to the New World. 19 Enslaved persons at the Baltimore Iron Works received medical atention from European doctors for ailments 16 Copy of List, 1736, vol. 3, p. 54, MS 65, MdHS. 17 Baltimore County Court (Tax List) Patapsco Upper Hundred, 1737, M1560-22, MSA CM918-9. The tax list counted al slaves over age 16. 18 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 23. 19 Ywone Edwards-Ingram, ?African American Medicine and the Social Relations of Slavery,? In Race and the Archaeology of Identity, ed. Charles E. Orser, Jr., pp. 34-53 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Pres, 2001) 34-41; Sharla M. Fet, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres. 2002), 4-5 and se Chapter 3. 58 including blisters, dysentery, ilneses of ?New Negroes? during their seasoning in America, digestive problems, skin ulcers, and venereal disease. 120 Such ailments evidenced the extremely hard labor, poor nutrition, lack of warm housing, and meager living conditions to which Dr. Carol and the Baltimore Company subjected them. 121 Skeletal remains of first-to-second generation West Africans at Catoctin Furnace in Frederick County, Maryland showed signs of fracture, stres injury, arthritic breakdown of neck joints, rickets, softened bones, stunted growth, poor teth, and infection due to malnutrition and hard labor. The average age at death was betwen 36.7-41.7 for men and 33.1-35.25 for women. 12 Dr. Caroll himself, however, remained relatively robust until his death at age sixty-four, except for arthritis. 123 A cemetery has not been found for the Baltimore Iron Works. No regular doctor atended to the Baltimore Company slaves and servants. Manager C. Daniel wrote in October 1734 about the ?death of a negro man caled Nero, he was ailing about thre days complaining of a pain in his breast, his wife is 120 Dr. Caroll?s Act as Phisick, 1733, Folder ?1733 January-July, Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. 121 Alexander Lawson to Charles Caroll esq., 21 March 1737, vol. 3, p. 82, MS 65, MdHS. 12 Sharon Ann Burnston, ?The Cemetery at Catoctin Furnace, Md: The Invisible People,? Maryland Archaeology (1981) 17:2, pp. 19-31; Jennifer Olsen Keley and J. Lawrence Angel, ?The Workers of Catoctin Furnace,? Maryland Archaeology (1983) 19:1, pp. 2-17. 123 CB showed evidence of anemia, possibly as a result of malaria, and arthritis. John Henry Caroll?s bones suggested pneumonia and/or pleurisy. Margaret?s bones showed no malady. Al were buried in shrouds. Richard J. Dent, S. Elizabeth Ford, Richard Hughes, Archeological Excavations at the Carroll Family Tomb in Saint Anne?s Church Yard, Annapolis, Maryland, 10 November 1984. 59 very much out of order, Jack the Smith and favor of al other of the negroes also, I hope they wil do wel, a line from you to the doctor to make more frequent visits would be of service.? 124 Several enslaved persons fel il in December 1734 with violent pleurisy. Hazard and Coffe died. Colonel recovered, but his wife Hannah did not. Hary, Man, and Poplar also got beter. One white worker also died. 125 At the same time, Jemy complained of knee pain and took off work due to a cold. The winter of 1737 brought the deaths of Dick, Long Jamy, Short Jamy, Quamey, and Robin as wel as two white servants. 126 A doctor atended to Dick in early August 1737, but he also died. 127 Although feigned ilnes was a common mode of resistance, wintertime at the Baltimore Iron Works demonstrated the very real consequences of sicknes. 128 The power of enslaved persons? deaths lay in the presure it placed on the Baltimore Company to keep the living alive and relatively wel. The Baltimore Iron Works furnaces were in blast by November 1734. The thousands of tons of pig iron sent overseas were a direct result of slave labor; the first shipment included two hundred ninety-two tons. The Baltimore Company shipped 124 C. Daniel to Charles Caroll Esq., 25 October 1734, Vol. 2, p. 15, MS 65. MdHS. 125 Hazard had worked at the ironworks for two years. He was enslaved to Benjamin Tasker. Coffe was a New Negro. Charles Daniel to Charles Caroll Esq., 6 December 1734, p. 26 and Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 16 December 1734, p. 29, vol. 2, MS 65, MdHS. 126 Alexander Lawson to Charles Caroll Esq., 21 March 1737, vol. 3, p. 82, MS 65, MdHS. 127 Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll, Esq., 7 August 1737, Folder ?1737 August Correspondence: [Baltimore Company],? Box 6, MS 219, MdHS. 128 Fet, Working Cures, 169-200. 60 almost two thousand tons of iron to England by 1738. Betwen 1734 and 1737, twenty percent of Maryland?s and Virginia?s output and twenty percent of the total iron went from the colonies to England. 129 Later, British merchants also handled the sale of slaves and the indenture of convicts to the Baltimore Company?s partners. 130 Johnson estimates that the partners shipped five hundred tons of pig iron to England per year by the early 1750s. Dr. Caroll?s exports of iron to England totaled two hundred forty-five tons in 1750-1752. Each partner?s income was about L400 sterling per year, and each fifth share worth L10,000. In 1770, a tenth share was worth L7,000. The operation included a furnace, thre forges, tracts of land, indentured and hired servants, slaves, horses, catle and other flock, as wel as thousands of acres of land rich with ore and timber. 131 Resistance and Fredom Laborers at the Baltimore Iron Works used their understanding of violent punishment, escape, and capture in the American labor system to resist their enslavers and oversers. For instance, Baltimore Company records noted the high demand but short supply of slaves, the risks of working or punishing slaves beyond certain limits, and 129 Johnson, ?Genesis of the Baltimore Ironworks,? 174-177. 130 Johnson, ?Baltimore Company Seks English Markets,? 45. CB to Wiliam Anderson, 24 February 1767, MHM 37: 60; CB to Wiliam Anderson, 10 September 1767, MHM 37: 416. 131 Johnson, ?Genesis of the Baltimore Ironworks,? 157 and n. 2; Advertisement, ?To Be Sold,? Virginia Gazete, Ad Date: 31 May 1770. Conversions to 2008 dollars: (1752) L400 = $77,379, L10,000 = 1,934,476, (1783) L7,000 = $1,139,824. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 61 the centrality of laborers? atendance and skil to productivity. If the managers and owners knew these things, so must have their laborers. Baltimore Iron Works managers expected the laborers to obey thre tenets of the American labor system: follow orders, be productive, and stay in place. Blacks at the Baltimore Iron Works and other plantations resisted by temporary or permanent escape, work pacing, feigning ilnes, and refusal in large numbers to work after a traumatic event. Lewis argues that the daily operation of iron industries constituted a thre-way system ?founded les on brute force than on forced compromise.? Blacks pushed authority enough to receive advantages and gain space within aceptable bounds; employers yielded without losing control altogether; and slaveholders worked to protect and profit from their property. 132 Enslaved laborers worked the system to their advantage for self-preservation, to maintain dignity within themselves and their communities, and to resist the impacts of racism. Existing records suggest that enslaved blacks received harsher punishment and experienced les stability than indentured or convict laborers. Dr. Caroll distrusted the work force and encouraged disciplinary action. He wrote in 1732 that, "We have two negros here perfectly useles and only a [burden], to wit one of those bought by you of Woodward and that boy of Mr Dulanys which was with the Smith, and if Mr Dulany wil not change him he must be sold and so must the other ? I find that in common things none here are to be trusted without a watchfull [sic] Eye & Strict hand.? 13 The clarity of Dr. Caroll?s atitudes suggests that he sanctioned a 132 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 82. 62 ?strict hand? approach on his personal plantations, as wel. Stephen Onion, the ironworks manager during the 1730s, ?corrected? misbehaving workers. After one incident, he ordered the ?Oversers to let none of the Hands under their care go abroad on Sundays.? 134 Al laborers, despite race or status, were subject to similar expectations and punishments, but the status of slaves as property meant that slaveholders could destabilize their lives more easily through sale or removal. The strategy of enslaved black laborers remains unknown. Perhaps laborers who acted useles on purpose took the chance that being sold or removed to a partner?s private plantation would improve their circumstances. Laborers may not be trustworthy in Dr. Carol?s view because they stole to support themselves and their families when their enslavers gave too litle to sustain life with substance or dignity. Physical violence and other forms of punishment were everyday aspects at the Baltimore Iron Works, and they proved the impetus for disobedience to find fredom. ?Correction? was one tipping point for escape, but other reasons included dislike of an overser or to force a laborer?s reasignment. Beatings, shackles, and collars enforced managers? decisions about who should work where, and with whom, if enslaved laborers disagred. 135 Laborers escaped from the brutal conditions at the Baltimore Iron Works. Surviving newspaper advertisements suggest that escaped 13 Dr. C to Charles Caroll, Esq., 9 November 1732, vol. 1, p. 33, MS 65, MdHS. 134 Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll, Esq., 1 July 1734, vol. 1, p. 87, MS 65, MdHS. 135 Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 29 September 1734, Vol. 2, p. 5; Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 24 January 1735, vol. 2, p. 48; Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 30 January 1735, vol. 2, p. 52; Stephen Onion to Sir, 18 June 1738, vol. 2, p. 78; Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 24 January 1735, vol. 2, p. 48, MS 65, MdHS; Johnson, Establishment of the Baltimore Company, 78; Lewis, ?Slavery on Chesapeake Iron Plantations,? 244. 63 persons stayed in the Baltimore area in the 1730s, but by the 1750s also headed to Pennsylvania. Only men were sought; no evidence remains that women escaped. Gerald Mullin has argued that experience in manipulating whites at ironworks gave blacks the confidence to leave. 136 Caesar escaped in 1754, ?a New-Negro man, about 25 years of age, very tal, and can speak but very few ords of English.? 137 A nineten-year-old mulato man named Ben fled with two white convict men in May 1764. 138 The escape of blacks and European laborers together shows that interacial cooperation trumped racial divides when mutualy beneficial opportunities arose. The Baltimore Company advertised for the return of indentured or convict servants and more rarely for slaves. They placed a higher bounty on escaped whites than blacks. 139 Dr. Carol advertised for indentured servants, but paid agents to find black runaways and report their locations. 140 In addition, slaves were tortured for information. Richard 136 Gerard W. Mullin, Flight and Rebelion: Slave Resistance in Eightenth-Century Virginia (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1972). 137 Advertisement, ?Eighten Pistoles Reward,? Pennsylvania Gazete, 12 September 1754. 138 Advertisement, ?Baltimore, February 24, 1764?, Pennsylvania Gazete, 8 March 1764. 139 Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 23 March 1734, vol. 1, p. 75, MS 65, MdHS; Advertisement, Baltimore County (aryland). The Pennsylvania Gazete, 30 November 1752; Advertisement ?Baltimore, February 24, 1764?, Pennsylvania Gazete, 8 March 1764. 140 Se Maryland Gazete: John Plat or Plat (convict, ran from Caroll?s Quarter near Baltimore Iron Works on Patapsco, 16 November 1752, no. 393 and 30 November 1752, no. 395), Edward Le or Edward Mortimer (ran from Baltimore Iron Works station at Gorsuch Point, 19 July 1734, no. 71), Mary Rider (convict, 19 April 1749, no. 208), Samuel Milburn and Wiliam Blayden (convicts, 26 June 1751, no. 322). Abstracted in Karen auer Gren, The Maryland Gazete, 1727-1761: Genealogical 64 Croxal wrote in 1748 that, ?Doc. Caroll?s negro has been wel corrected but confeses no more than before, have set up advertisements about the house were you ordered.? 141 In one case, Stephen Onion sent ?Negro Johny? with Richard Croxal to retrieve a white man. 142 Other forms of working the system were born from necesity, such as overwork or theft. The Baltimore Company supplied cheap cloth, buttons, hats, nails, sugar, molases, rum, and salt from England. 143 Such items mixed with daily food rations and supplies, but they also stocked the company store. Overwork was a common practice at Chesapeake region iron plantations. Laborers who worked additional time earned credit at the company store, where they might buy furniture, clothing and shoes, bedclothes, and other items. Writes Lewis, ?The overwork system was intended to make the industrial slave a disciplined and productive worker by merging his physical and economic interests with those of the ironmaster. In turn, this would reduce the need for physical coercion, which would do more harm than good and Historical Abstracts. Frontier Pres. 1990. Also, Wiliam Jones (servant, 9 July 1743, Pennsylvania Gazete); John Roberts to Blacks, 4 May 1747, Folder ?1747 May-December, Correspondence: [Baltimore Company],? Box 7, MS 219, MdHS; Acounts, Chas Caroll of Carollton and Benjamin Tasker, 1748-1750, Folder ?1750, Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. 141 Richard Croxal to Charles Caroll Esq. 16 May 1748. Folder ?1748 January-May Correspondence: [Baltimore Company],? Box 7, S 219, MdHS. 142 Stephen Onion to Charles Caroll Esq., 1 July 1734, vol. 1, p. 87, MS 65, MdHS. 143 Invoice, 7 November 1737, Folder ?1737 September-December, Correspondence: [Baltimore Company],? Box 6, MS 219; Leterbooks of Doctor Charles Caroll, MS 201, MdHS. 65 to the ironmaster?s aim of producing as much iron as possible.? 14 Hires and slaves may have taken bits of iron to barter in Baltimore for liquor and clothes. 145 Inventories show the items purchased through overwork, such as Scipio?s blanket or the crocus bed, two blankets, and rug shared by Captain and his wife Flora with their two children. Nephew the basketmaker had a tomahawk, a knife, and a wedge. Sampson and Nephew shared a crocus bed and two blankets. 146 No indication remains that overwork led to cash-in-hand for blacks or that it provided opportunities to purchase fredom. Rations and overwork could not, however, supply enough supplies or food. An indentured servant named Thomas Plivy and a slave caled Anthony were jailed in the spring of 1771 for robbing a store. The goods were found in their possesion. Wiliam Hamond was dismayed. Anthony was the smith and, wrote Hamond, ?we shal fel the loss of Anthony?s time very much, I cannot tel how we can cary on the Forge busines without him.? 147 Although overwork aimed to conform laborers more closely to American labor, enslaved persons did not necesarily conform to the Baltimore Company program. Resistance through 14 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 159 and 163; Lewis, ?Slavery on Chesapeake Iron Plantations,? 246. 145 McGrain, From Pig Iron to Cotton Duck, 16. 146 Inventory of Store Goods and Stock, 1736, Folder ?1736 Baltimore Company Inventory of Store Goods,? Box 12, MS 219, MdHS. 147 Wiliam Hamond to Charles Caroll of Carollton, 15 March 1771, MSA M 4218-5008 Item No. [4741]; Replies of Charles Caroll of Carolton, 1771, ar. 17, Charles Caroll, Barister, and Walter Dulany, appended. MdHi, MS 2243. Film No.: MSA M 4214-4742 Item No. [4742] I found no record of a court case to prosecute the men. 66 behavior, escape, or theft undermined the Baltimore Company?s atempts to correct blacks into obedience. Slavery and the Caroll Empire The enslavement of blacks was key to Dr. Caroll?s vision of a network of iron and agricultural plantations to form a diversified investment scheme. He wrote to his son Charles in 1753 that, ?If such a work was to be gone upon by any other Person not possesed as I am of the situations servants slaves and other suitable Necesaries, it is not the sum of thre times seven hundred pounds and for five years that would enable him to purchase land erect and cary on a furnace and forge and bring in the bar iron by land cariage the distance I mention of mine.? 148 Dr. Carol aimed for his ironworks, mils, and fields across Baltimore County and western Maryland to be a self-supporting system with enslaved blacks at the center. Dr. Carol took out writs of condemnation in 1744 for ironworks in eastern Baltimore on a branch off the Back River. The property was in the vicinity of Carolls Island and was acquired at about the same time. Dr. Caroll sold the property to the Principio Company in September 1751 due to the ?stringency of the times.? 149 The colony was experiencing an economic downturn, but the particular circumstances surrounding the furnace complex are unclear. Dr. Caroll submited an order in 148 Dr. C to CB, 2 February 1753, Leterbook1752-1755 and 1755-1769, p. 60-64, MS 208, MdHS. 149 It was near Kingsbury furnace on the west side of a branch of the Back River. Extracts from ?Iron Making in the Colony of Maryland 1720-1782, A Sketch of the Principio Company,? p. 3. In Vertical File, ?Iron Works in Maryland,? MdHS; Johnson, Establishment of the Baltimore Company, 280. 67 September 1746 to his merchant in London for cloth, shoes, hats, construction tools, and other items. He canceled it a few months later. 150 The similarity of the order?s contents to those for the Baltimore Company suggests that Dr. Carol planned to purchase slaves to labor at the Back River ironworks. Perhaps his inability to aford slaves ? the lynchpin of the plan ? scuttled the project altogether. Dr. Carol tried again in 1748. He took out a patent to build a furnace on Gwynns Fals opposite the Baltimore Iron Works furnace. It would be ?a furnace for running pigg iron from the ore with a forge and mil and other conveniences agreable to said art.? 151 Michael Trostel believes that a memorandum in Dr. Caroll?s papers outlines the kinds of buildings he planned for it on Georgia. He expected the complex to include a furnace ?24 by 26 fet Square? and a ?good framed house 50 fet long 20 fet wide, stack of chimneys with 4 fire places,? ?Ware house, Stables &c Kitchen,? and ?Cole houses & Corn Room.? 152 Trostel connects the list with building supplies ordered by Dr. Caroll in November 1749 and his comments on paying for the supplies in July 1751. 153 The lack of archaeological artifacts dating to 150 Dr. C to Wiliam Black, 1 September 1746, Leterbook 1748-1752, pp. 127-132; Dr. C to iliam Black, 4 December 1746, Leterbook 1748-1752, p. 136, MS 208, MdHS. 151 Dr. C to Daniel Dulany and Company, 25 January 1750, Leterbook 1748-1752, p. 293 and Dr. C to Daniel Dulany and Company, 26 January 1750, Leterbook 1748-1752, p. 295, MS 208, MdHS; Indenture, Dr. C to Daniel Dulany and Company, 30 January 1750. Box 3, MS 219, MdHS. 152 ?Cost of a Furnace 24 by 26 foot square,? Folder ?1730s? Financial Records: Baltimore Company,? Box 8, MS 219, MdHS. 153 Trostel uses the dimensions of the basement to support his asertion. My research, however, indicates that it is just as possible that the memo applies to Dr. Caroll?s 68 before the mid-1750s at the Mount Clare mansion, and the refined artifact types found, may suggest that the memorandum reflects Dr. Carol?s plans for western Maryland rather than Georgia. The complex drew on Chesapeake vernacular trends of basements, close placement of domestic buildings to the main house, activity-specific structures, and perhaps separation of Europeans? from blacks? living quarters. 154 Separation of blacks from Europeans through building race-specific structures reflected social atitudes beginning in the late sevententh century. 15 In January 1750, Dr. Carol?s partners in the Baltimore Company demanded that he tear down the furnace. They permited him to run it once to recover some of the construction costs. Dr. Carol then converted the site into a merchant mil. 156 Enslaved laborers own forays into ironworks on Carolls Island (patented 1746) or in Western Maryland. Trostel, Mount Clare, 6-7, 20-22. 154 Del Upton, ?Vernacular Domestic Architecture in Eightenth-Century Virginia.? In Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, ed. Del Upton and John Michael Vlach, 315-335 (Athens and London: University of Georgia Pres. 1986), 320. 15 Terance Epperson, ?A Separate House for the Christian Slaves, One for the Negro Slaves.? In Race and the Archaeology of Identity, edited by Charles E. Orser, Jr., pp. 54-70. 156 Dr. C to Daniel Dulany and Company, 25 January 1750, Leterbook 1748-1752, p. 293 and Dr. C to Daniel Dulany and Company, 26 January 1750, Leterbook 1748-1752, p. 295, MS 208, MdHS; Indenture, Dr. C to Daniel Dulany and Company, 30 January 1750. Box 3, MS 219, MdHS; Johnson, Establishment of the Baltimore Company, 238-241. The mil stood just north of modern Washington Avenue and was later known as the Mount Clare Mil. Another mil stood approximately a quarter mile above where Gwynns Run met Gwynns Fals. It was known as Milington Mil in the ninetenth century. Roads alowed for carts laden with products to cross Georgia to market. A main road began at a ford at the Mount Clare milrace and ran northeasterly through swampy and low ground along Gwynns Fals until leveling out above the future site of the Mount Clare mansion to head east into Baltimore. Marye, ?Old Garison Road,? part 2, p. 222, note 23 and pp. 224-225. The location of the two mils and outbuildings are mapped on a plat dating to 1826, 69 already on Georgia likely worked the furnace. Dr. Caroll gave no indication that he acquired additional persons or that he anticipated financial trouble. Thus thwarted by the Baltimore Company, Dr. Caroll purchased property in Frederick County on the Monocacy River for a furnace, plus property in betwen it and Georgia for a forge and quarters, in the early 1750s. ?[I]t would require my whole plantation at Patapsco,? he wrote, ?as two or thre teams must be kept to bring in the bar iron there to be shipped and would so require other quarters where I have meadows and conveniences to keep teams at the force and the furnace [?].? 157 Slaves were integral to the scheme. Dr. Caroll indicated in a prospectus sent to his son Charles in London to drum up investors there, That the agent here be directed as soon as he can conveniently do it to get young Negro lads to put under the smiths carpenters founders tiners and filers and also to get a certain number of able slaves to fil the furnace hoist the bridge raise ore and cart and burn the same. Wood cutters may for some time be hired there. There should be but two master colliers one at the furnace another at the forge with a suitable number of slaves or servants under each who might coal in the summer and cut wood in the winter. 158 Although Dr. Caroll died in 1755 and Caroll the Barister did not pursue the western ironworks, Dr. Caroll presaged major iron operations in western Maryland and their use of slavery. 159 se: Baltimore County Court (Ejectment) Nicholas Caroll et. al vs. James Caroll, March/September 1826, MSA C2042-165. In 1750, Dr. Carol laid out a higher and drier route. Marye, ?Old Garison Road,? part 2, 241. 157 Dr. C to CB, 2 February 1753, Leterbook 1752-1755 and 1755-1769, p. 60-64, MS 208, MdHS. 158 Proposal to erect a furnace, Dr. C, 14 February 1753, Leterbook 1752-1755 and 1755-1769, pp. 68-74, MS 208, MdHS. 70 Georgia saw some reorganization at this time in anticipation of its role as an endpoint for products from the Frederick County ironworks. Dr. Caroll setled his younger son John Henry in 1753 ?at Patapsco to build a merchant mil there, and make it a center for my Busines, to have Taylor shoemakers and other Supplys for my Quarters there under his Care and Management and alow him one moiety of any Profits.? 160 Within a few months, John Henry was living in a ?batchelor?s house? and Dr. Carol had commisioned the mil and a bakehouse for bread for ships. 161 While this makes it sound like he was seting up John Henry on Georgia, he may have meant another property. In 1753, Dr. Caroll gave him Floyds Adventure on Bodkin Crek at the southwestern coast of the mouth of Patapsco, and al the improvements thereon. 162 No evidence remains about John Henry?s slaveholding. Today, Georgia is the best-preserved Caroll plantation, which obscures its historical significance relative to the others in modern memory. The Caves was the prize among the Caroll properties in Baltimore County for its ore deposits, rich limestone land, location, buildings, and size. Blacks at The Caves grew tobaco; cared for catle, horses, sheep, mares, and colts; and farmed the land for a mil on the 159 Among them were the Antietam Furnace (est. 1761 on the west side of South Mountain), Mt. Aetna Furnace (on Antietam Furnace), Frederick Forge and Kep Trieste Furnace (est. c.1764 at the mouth of the Antietam Crek), Hampton Furnace (est. c. 1765 near Emitsburg), Gren Spring Furnace (c. 1768, near Fort Frederick), and Catoctin Furnace (est. 1744, north of Frederick). Frye, ?Antietam Furnace,? 207- 208. 160 Dr. C to CB, 2 February 1753, Leterbook, v. 2, pp. 60-64, MS 208, MdHS. 161 Dr. C to CB, 15 May 1753, Leterbook, v. 2, pp. 82-83, MS 208, MdHS. 162 Dr. C to John Henry Caroll, 15 September 1753, Provincial Court Records 1749-1756, vol. 701, p. 400. Archives of Maryland Online. 71 property. In 1749, Dr. Caroll gave The Caves to his eldest son, Charles. The transfer of ownership included fiften slaves named Jack, Major, Wil, Jenn, Pompey, Tom, Sam, Hary, Sabina, Pris, Debb, Bet, Mary, Nely and Jacky. 163 Only Sabina, Deb, and Nel may have remained there in 1773, while Tom and Wil may have been sent to Mount Clare. 164 Black farmers at The Caves may have been the only tobaco farmers across the Caroll properties. Dr. Caroll was not a tobaco planter by the 1750s, but he managed shipments from The Caves and commisioned a ship to rent to tobaco shippers. 165 In 1751, Dr. Caroll described Charles?s holdings as ?a seat of very good land here, and two good plantations with a dozen working hands.? 16 Black farmers managed by two oversers grew tobaco that dried in two tobaco houses and a barn constructed in 1752. At the same time, they witnesed the fundamental shifts in plantation management in the 1750s as a result of fluctuating tobaco prices. They were presed to work iron and farm grain as a result. 167 163 Dr. C to CB, 17 April 1749, Provincial Land Records 1744-1749, vol. 700, p. 568. Archives of Maryland Online. 164 The suggestion goes on the 1749 and 1773 lists alone ? the commonnes of the names may be misleading. 165 Dr. C to Msrs Cheston and Sedgley, 30 June 1753, Leterbook, vol. 2, pp. 87- 88; Dr. C to CB, 4 October 1753, pp. 107-108; Dr. C to CB, 9 July 1754, pp. 129-130; Dr. C to Msrs. John Newbury and Co., 29 August 1754, pp. 130-131. Leterbook, vol. 2, S 208, MdHS. 16 Dr. C to Wiliam Black, 18 August 1751, MS 208.1, MdHS. 167 ?Your oversers Richard and Patrick promise to have al your tobaco ready for Judd and to do al they can for you.? Dr. C to CB, 24 July 1752, MS 208.1, MdHS. Four hogsheads of tobaco were shipped to England in 1751 from Charles?s quarter, 7 in 1752, and 14 in 1753. Dr. C to CB, 12 September 1754, Leterbook, 72 Blacks? learning of American labor systems supplied the wealth for the Carolls? elite, European Americans status in the Maryland colony. In 1755, changes in the Caroll family reshaped tasks for blacks at Georgia. John Henry died intestate in 1754. 168 After his son?s death, Dr. Caroll evaluated his own and Charles?s estates and wrote to him in England: ?your own Estate in Lands Slaves & Stock is worth 2000ll Sterl and if exposed to Sale would bring the money if [Tobaco] bore a price and upon Valuation of my own Estate in Lands Slaves Debts by Bond Mortgages & other permanent Estate amounts to 10000l Sterl. & 5000ll Current money wherein is included a List of Debts on Mortgages & Land Security 818ll Sterl & 4000ll Current money.? 169 An itemized list has not been preserved to the present day. Aubrey Land calculates that 3.9 percent of planters betwen 1750-1759 had estates above L1,000. 170 Dr. Carol pased away in 1755, leaving Charles with thousands of acres of land, slaves, and a warehouse and wharf in Annapolis. 171 Charles became one of the wealthiest men in the colony. vol. 2, pp. 134-135, MS 208, MdHS; Dr. C to CB, 2 February 1753, Leterbook 1752-1755 and 1755-1769, pp. 60-64, MS 208, MdHS. 168 Maryland Gazete, 21 February 1754. 169 Dr. C to CB, 8 May 1754. Leterbook 1752-1755, MS 208, MdHS. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L2000 = $378,088, L10,000 = $1,890,439, L5,000 = $945,220, L818 = $ 154,638, L4,000 = $ 756,176. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 170 Aubrey C. Land, ?Economic Base and Social Structure: The Northern Chesapeake in the Eightenth Century,? The Journal of Economic History 25 (1965) no. 4: 653. 171 Prerogative Court (Wils) [Dr.] Charles Caroll of Annapolis, 14 September 1754, Liber WB29, folio 503, SR4423-2, MSA SM-43. Dr. Carol directed his executors not to enter a probate or acount of sale into the public record. No final calculation of slaveholding can be determined. Charles?s sister, Mary (Caroll) Macubbin inherited slaves, livestock and land from her uncle Richard Bennet in 1749. Bennet stipulated 73 Blacks and whites shaped slavery together as a cultural practice at the intersection of race and status. Such work did not take place on equal footing as sen in Dr. Caroll?s early history in Maryland and particularly at the Baltimore Iron Works. It, however, had significant efects. Although Europeans enforced the distinction betwen races that perpetuated slavery, they failed to destroy blacks? determination to shape lives for themselves in America beyond their enslavers? constraints. The story of pushing back against oppresion is an important part of the history of Mount Clare that is not told on-site today. Enslaved persons knew that the Carolls and their elite asociates relied on them for wealth. They recognized the leverage of their atitudes and healthy bodies over enslavers, and used escape, work pacing, family and skil expertise to resist domination. Push-and-pul strategies enabled blacks to influence slavery. But such measures only went so far. Ultimately, blacks were unsuccesful in freing themselves from Dr. Caroll and, as a result, produced a vast family fortune for Dr. Carol that shaped the next stage of Georgia?s history. that they should go to her younger brother, John Henry, if she died. Prerogative Court (Wils), Richard Bennet, 1749, Liber 28, folio 466, SR 4422-2, MSA SM16-41. 74 Chapter 3: The Creation of Mount Clare The Mount Clare mansion is today the only above-ground remnant of the showpiece plantation envisioned by Charles Caroll the Barister and executed by enslaved blacks. Georgia transformed into Mount Clare as a result of the everyday interactions that wove together the lives of blacks and elite whites. In Chapter 3, I argue that enslaved blacks acquired literacy in white elites? cultural expresions while retaining their own. I demonstrate that gardens, clothes, and architecture were the material manifestations of what blacks learned about race and status in America and its efect on their lives. Blacks at Mount Clare ? be they within the mansion, in the fields or mils, or even further away at the Baltimore Iron Works ? made the landscape into a site of black heritage. The mansion today is interpreted in terms of the Carolls, but represents a much broader story of the Carols? relationships with enslaved persons and indentured whites. Blacks? role on Georgia in the supply line for the Baltimore Iron Works probably continued after Dr. Caroll?s death until the completion of a mansion commisioned by his son Charles. Construction of the mansion began in 1756. After its completion in 1760, Charles renamed the property ?Mount Clare? or ?the Mount.? A kitchen stood to the east of the residence. Other landscape features probably included barns, a necesary house, woodshed, slave quarters, kitchen garden, and a smal orchard. Visitors and residents acesed the mansion on a road from the north side of the mansion a quarter-mile northwest to the Frederick Turnpike, an east-west road from Baltimore to Fredericktown. Charles brought servants or slaves from his Annapolis house to Mount Clare by the fal of 1760 to join the laborers already in 75 residence. 172 Charles may have inherited some of them from his father, Dr. Caroll, and they brought their experiences in slavery from Annapolis to Baltimore. Charles?s slaveholding expanded in 1763 after marying Margaret Tilghman. Margaret grew up in Talbot County surrounded by slavery. Her father, Mathew Tilghman, inherited Bay Side (now known as Rich Neck Manor) and approximately one hundred four persons from his cousin and adoptive parent Mathew Tilghman Ward in 1741. Margaret Ward, Mathew Tilghman Ward?s wife, enslaved thirty- seven people at the time of her death in 1746 (Appendix A). She left them and the bulk of her estate to Mathew Tilghman?s two young children, Margaret Tilghman and Mathew Ward Tilghman. Margaret Ward specificaly bequeathed to Margaret a seventen-year-old mulato girl named Eve. 173 Eve may be ?Old Eve? listed on Margaret?s estate inventory in 1817. 174 Margaret asumed the entire inheritance upon her brother?s death in 1753. Ten years later, in 1763, slaves constituted part of Margaret?s dowry acording to Charles?s last wil and testament. No remaining records detail the terms. The increased size of Charles?s larger orders for cloth and nails in 1760 and 1763 reflected the need to house and clothe a population growing by his mariage, procreation, and possibly purchase. Margaret inherited no slaves 172 Trostel, Mount Clare, 13 and 19. 173 Talbot County Register of Wils (Wils, Original) Margaret Ward, 1746, Box 25, Folder 10, MSA C1926-31, MdHR 9053-25-1/36. Talbot County Register of Wils (Inventories) argaret Ward, 1747, Liber JB and JG4, folio 51, CM1029-5, MSA WK594-595-2. [Liber 25, folio 145] 174 Eve does not appear on CB?s 1773 inventory. 76 after her parents? deaths in 1790 and 1794. 175 Slavery and the concept of slaves as property was a mater of fact in Margaret?s upbringing. It aclimated her to the dynamics of slave interactions with elites and to the expectations for a plantation mistres. Cheryl Ann Cody?s refinement of Herbert Gutman?s patern of slave family construction, destruction, and dispersal fits enslavement practices at Mount Clare by the Carolls. In the first stage, Charles constructed a labor force based on slaves collected by his father, through mariage to Margaret, and possibly by purchase. During his middle age, the slave population stabilized, expanded through natural increase, and developed families and kin networks. If the Carolls? twin daughters had survived into adulthood and maried, the slave comunity would likely have experienced instability as its members were distributed as mariage gifts and dowries. The final phase occurred when Charles, then Margaret, died. Blacks were dispersed through gift, sale, or estate division. The proces fractured families and kin networks. Economic and legal forces as set by the Carolls, the colony, and the state prevailed over the maintenance of families during periods of fracture and dispersal, but mothers and children or fred fathers and children were kept together. 176 175 Talbot County Register of Wils (Wils) Mathew Tilghman, 1787, Liber JB4, folio 125, WK 569-570-4, MSA CM1041-4. Ann Tilghman died in 1794. She indicated that her slave at (?son of Francis Jones?) should be fred within six months of her decease. (Talbot County Register of Wils (Wils) Ann Tilghman, 1794, Liber JB4, folio 315, WK 569-570-4, MSA CM1041-4.) 176 Cheryll Ann Cody, ?Sale and Separation: Four Crises for Enslaved Women on the Bal Plantations 1764-1854,? in Working Toward Fredom: Slave Society and Domestic Economy in the American South, ed. Lary E. Hudson, Jr. (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Pres, 1994), 119-121. 77 Blacks at Mount Clare pushed back against the Carolls as interpreted from paterns betwen Charles?s orders and his comments on enslaved persons. Charles specified in a 1760 order to England that the frame of a hand lantern ?made strong and the glas wel fixed in as our Negros se negligent in carying them about of night." 17 He ordered a reinforced saddle for Margaret in 1764 because ?our Servants here are Careles? and ?our workers here are but bunglers at repairing.? 178 He complained in a 1765 order: ?I would have the Kitchen [roasting] Jack made of the Sort Least Liable to be out of order as our Negro Cooks and Servants are but Careles and Rough Handlers of any thing that may be Trusted to their Care.? 179 Beginning in 1766, Charles requested the best of common work tools: ?1 Dozen best Scythes,? ?1 Dozen best Sickles,? ?6 good grind stones,? ?4 Best Curry Combs without Brushes.? 180 Perhaps Charles believed that purchasing the best would remove an excuse from resisting productivity and work. Of course, beter tools are easier and more eficient to use, as laborers must have known, or perhaps they burnished Charles?s image as someone who had so much money that he could aford premium goods even for slaves. The orders show that kitchen cooks, farmers, gardeners, and 17 CB to Wiliam Anderson, [-] September 1760, MHM 32: 367-368 and continued in MHM 33: 187-188. 178 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 4 October 1764, p. 285 and CB to Wiliam Anderson, 10 November 1764, p. 292, Leterbook 1755-69, MS 208, MdHS. 179 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 17 November 1765, Leterbook 1755-69, p. 303, MS 208, MdHS. 180 Se, for example, CB to Wiliam Anderson, 29 October 1766, MHM 36 (1941): 32. 78 grooms enacted crimes on property to undermine both Charles and Margaret. 181 Charles interpreted enslaved persons? damages to property as character traits. Perhaps operating under the guise of clumsines or idiocy enabled blacks to use elite whites? negative atitudes against them. Acts of resistance suggest that enslaved persons appropriated the Carols? things and atitudes to their advantage. The creation of black identities involved learning ? but not necesarily acepting ? that enslaved persons and slaveholders experienced domestic space and social rituals in diferent ways. Housing, food and food preparation, gardens, and religious beliefs mark the diferences betwen the Carolls and the people they enslaved, but also opportunities for cultural education on both sides. Housing and Architecture Housing enacted the formal social convention among elites that architecture should reinforce the distinctions betwen the enslaved and the enslaver. 182 By the mid- eightenth century, slaveholders prefered to house blacks in a racialy segregated area, the slave quarters, away from the main house. The slave quarter became a black place in the minds of enslaved persons and enslavers. 183 Examples of mid-eightenth- 181 The term ?crimes against property? comes from Franklin and Schweninger (John Hope Franklin and Loren Schweninger, Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation. (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1999, p. 2) to discuss acts of resistance by enslaved blacks on their enslaver?s belongings. 182 Del Upton, ?Vernacular Domestic Architecture in Eightenth-Century Virginia.? In Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, ed. Del Upton and John Michael Vlach, 315-335 (Athens and London: University of Georgia Pres. 1986). 79 century slave quarter sites at Northampton and Poplar Grove in Maryland and at Montpelier, Rich Neck, and Monticelo in Virginia exemplify the contrast in housing for slaves and elites. Plantation owners lived in large, multi-roomed, two-story, brick structures. Slave quarters consisted of one-or-two-room, timber structures, sometimes with a brick chimney, in which multiple activities overlapped in interior spaces and spiled into the yards. Enslaved blacks also slept in kitchens, basements, barns, and sheds. The location of slave quarters on Mount Clare is unknown. The 1798 tax asesment lists several old, dilapidated wood frame or log houses that could have housed blacks in the 1760s. They were one-story structures measuring betwen 16- by-11 fet and 32-by-22 fet. Likely locations for the houses included areas downhil to the east of the mansion, by the Mount Clare mil, and/or north of the Frederick- Baltimore road near the fields. The mansion at Mount Clare, in contrast to the frame houses, was brick with plaster inside and large glas windows for ventilation and light. It had separate rooms for diferent purposes, such as a dining room and bedrooms. Renovations to the mansion in the second half of the eightenth century underscored the Carolls? desire to formalize the social distinctions betwen themselves and the people they enslaved. Laborers? production at the Baltimore Iron Works helped to fund architectural changes to the mansion in the 1760s. The Baltimore Company partners aimed to 183 John Michael Vlach, Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery (Chapel Hil and London: The University of North Carolina Pres, 1993) 154- 155 and ?Not Mansions ? But Good Enough: Slave Quarters as Bi-Cultural Expresion,? In Black and White Cultural Interaction in the Antebelum South, ed. Ted Ownby, pp. 89-114 (Jackson: University Pres of Misisippi, 1993), 93-96, 114. 80 sustain their wealth by expanding production and cutting long-term costs through slavery. Iron production peaked in 1764 and the Baltimore Company sought additional workers to enslave in November 1766 and January 1767. The partners sought unskiled laborers to save money. They wanted twenty-four men betwen the ages of fiften and twenty, who were wel-seasoned ?negroes? or American-born. 184 Slaves born in America tended to speak English, had survived exposure to ilneses and diseases, and had been introduced to European work discipline. The partners thus prefered blacks familiar with European American culture and whose hardines as an investment had already been tested. In August 1767, Charles Caroll of Annapolis suggested purchasing slaves in Virginia, where ?young country born negroes? could be purchased ?for cheap? at ?L25 or 30 sterling.? One co-owner cautioned against the plan ?this side of winter? because ?we shal probably have them al to cloath [sic] with goods bought here for it is very uncertain whether our goods wil come in time from England.? Charles agred to the plan if slaves could be bought for the terms quoted. 185 He authorized L200 to purchase slaves from merchants in London on the Baltimore Company acount in September 1767. 186 A Baltimore Company 184 Minute Book, The Baltimore Company, pp. 19-23, MS 219, MdHS. 185 Charles Caroll of Annapolis to Walter Dulany with replies appended, 29 August 1767, MSA 4214-4708. By way of comparison, skiled persons enslaved by Principio were sold at auction in 1785 for betwen L5 shilings for those over age 60, L62 for a forty-year-old collier, and L175 for a fourten-year old with unspecified knowledge. Michael W. Robbins, Maryland?s Iron Industry During the Revolutionary War Era: A Report Prepared for the Maryland Bicentennial Commision (Annapolis: The Commision. 1973), 130. 81 representative traveled to a sale at Rock Crek in March of 1768. Al the persons for sale, however, were very old or very young: two-thirds were age eight or under. 187 The expansion of industrial slavery thus subsidized the material evidence of Charles?s status relative to, and because of, the people whom he enslaved. Charles was evidently confident enough in the future generation of income from the Baltimore Iron Works as wel as from renting property and lending money that he commisioned extensive renovations to the mansion at Mount Clare. Hyphens were built to connect the mansion to Charles?s office in the new est wing and the kitchen in the renovated east wing. The kitchen and office buildings extended northward to frame a courtyard or forecourt. 18 Analysis of the archaeological collections shows an absence of eightenth-century materials at the forecourt, which indicates that it was either not used as a workspace or laborers were careful to leave litle trace of their activities. The architectural changes developed as plans went into motion for elaborate gardens. Mount Clare came to have the six esential parts of a country estate as described in garden books: a pleasure garden, kitchen garden, fruit garden, nursery, flower garden, and grenhouse. Changes to the house and surrounding landscape required black hands, but farmers in the fields also saw major changes. Charles shifted the field laborers from tobaco to grain farming and iron 186 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 24 February 1767, MHM 37: 60; CB to Wiliam Anderson, 10 September 1767, MHM 37: 416. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L20 = $2,934, L200 = $29,433. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 187 Richard Croxal to Charles Caroll and Company, 12 March 1768, with replies, MSA M 4214-4720. 18 Trostel, Mount Clare, 33-35. 82 production by 1766. 189 Wheat and other grains required atention at planting and harvest but in betwen required les maintenance than tobaco. Blacks at Mount Clare, as at other plantations of wealthy gentrymen, thus acquired greater skil diferentiation than required at middling or poor plantations. Areas around the mansion, in particular, took on new meaning as the Carolls forced blacks into a subordinate status in order to maintain their own prefered lifestyle. The 1767 East Wing The east wing at Mount Clare expanded substantialy in the late 1760s as the domestic epicenter where enslaved cooks learned about European American elites? cultures while practicing their own. A two-story, two-room brick kitchen was built by 1767. 190 Similar structures from other Southern plantations had one room for enslaved persons and one for the kitchen on the ground floor. 191 Perhaps kitchen staf lived in one of the rooms or up above. A new pasage into the house kept kitchen and serving staf from going out-of-doors to deliver food and retrieve dishes. It also put slavery 189 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 29 October 1766, Leterbook, vol. 2, p. 315, MS 208, MdHS. 190 Trostel, Mount Clare, 21, 35, 49; George Logan and John L. Seidel, Mount Clare?s Kitchen: 1986 Archaeological Research at Carroll Park (18BC10K) (Baltimore: Caroll Park Restoration Foundation, Inc., April 1995, on file, BC 105, MHT), Figure A-3. 191 Michael W. Robbins, Maryland?s Iron Industry During the Revolutionary War Era: A Report Prepared for the Maryland Bicentennial Commision (Annapolis: The Commision. 1973), John Michael Vlach, Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery (Chapel Hil and London: The University of North Carolina Pres, 1993), 50-62. 83 more out-of-sight. A washhouse also stood in the east wing. 192 The Carolls hired a female European servant from their London merchants to overse ?Cooking Pickling Preserving and the other Requisites for a House keeper? 193 and, presumably, slaves. Margaret supervised her and the kitchen operations in a common role for the plantation mistres. Her familiarity with the proceses of cooking everyday and fancy dishes is shown step-by-step in her recipe book. 194 Blacks in the east wing learned about elites? domestic culture while imposing their own, whether their enslavers knew or not. Sometime after the brick kitchen was completed circa 1767, a clear, colorles quartz crystal about four inches across was buried at the doorway betwen the northern and southern rooms. 195 The crystal had been heavily reworked or reshaped. The burial, or cache, also contained one smal sherd apiece of a Chinese export porcelain tea bowl, a plain buff-glazed refined stoneware tea bowl, and a pres- molded colorles glas vesel, as wel as wrought iron nails. The artifacts date to the timber structure that stood before the brick kitchen, but the burial took place within 192 Trostel, Mount Clare, 38. 193 CB to Wiliam and James Anderson, 21 July 1768, Leterbook, vol. 2, p. 346 and 356, MS 208, MdHS. 194 Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Acount Book, 1815-1821, MS 2751, MdHS. 195 Archaeologists who excavated the kitchen in 1986 saw the crystal as an oddity and cataloged it as a rock. George Logan recognized its significance in 1995. He believed that the crystal was intentionaly buried near a corner of the earlier, timber structure based on his knowledge of caches in Annapolis. Logan and Seidel, Mount Clare?s Kitchen, 25 and 34-35. 84 the 1767 kitchen. 196 Archaeologists did not take a soil sample, so possible inclusions of vegetal mater remain unknown. The inclusion of the pre-1767 artifacts with the crystal may not have been intentional. If not, perhaps the crystal was buried huriedly when no whites were watching. 197 Another cache may have been buried at the south room hearth. The hearth consisted of layers of wine bottle glas and oyster shel. Blue and white ceramics were found among the layers, but their context was not recorded. The crystal suggests that broader spiritual practices took place within the black community at Mount Clare. Mark Leone and Gladys-Marie Fry estimate that eighty- thre percent of charms that can be found archaeologicaly were worn on the body and seventen percent put in the ground. 198 The crystal shows that enslaved persons 196 Comparison of stratigraphy at the buried crystal with filed-in postholes from the timber structure preceding the 1767 kitchen established a chronology. Postholes mark a wal and either the northeast or northwest corner for a timber structure. They were filed when the structure was demolished. Large pieces of the two tea bowls and glasware found with the crystal, plus another Chinese export porcelain tea bowl in a diferent patern, were pushed with fil into the holes. The construction of the new kitchen both sealed evidence of the earlier structure in place and dated the artifacts to before 1767. Flooring was removed, a hole made, and a few scatered artifacts from the earlier period were pushed into the burial. The stratigraphic sequence of the burial is opposite the postholes. The stoneware teacup appears in the top layers of the postholes, but it is found in the bottom of the hole containing the crystal. It suggests that soil asociated with the top layer of the postholes became the bottom layer of the hole for the crystal. 197 The archaeological collections for the teraces contain quartz. Some examples appear to be flakes from cores, while others show no evidence of human manipulation. Additional research might determine compositional similarities or diferences betwen quartz samples found across the landscape. 198 Mark P. Leone, Gladys-Marie Fry, Timothy Ruppel, ?Spirit Management among Americans of African Descent, In Race and the Archaeology of Identity, edited by Charles E. Orser, Jr., pp. 143-157 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Pres, 2001). 85 practiced protective charms at the mansion, but also that the Carolls? Episcopalian afiliation did not displace blacks? spiritual beliefs. Buried caches appear in quarters, work buildings, and living/working structures dating from the sevententh wel into the ninetenth century in the Chesapeake region. Caches have been found throughout the United States beyond the Chesapeake, such as at the Levi-Jordan plantation in east Brazoria, Texas and Andrew Jackson?s ninetenth-century plantation, the Hermitage, in Tennese. 19 They tend to be found in corners, thresholds, and hearths or aranged across a space in a cosmogram. Caches include common objects like buttons, ceramics, pins, wire, and nails appropriated from European American culture. Crystals are more unusual. Organic or degradable items, such as spices, fabric, or urine, are lost archaeologicaly. Such items had multivalent properties in that they meant one thing to Europeans in Americans but at least two to enslaved persons: their value to enslavers and their appropriated significance as spiritual symbols. The caches, however, have been controversial. Some archaeologists interpreted them as gaming pieces, objects collected and buried by children or rodents, or as curios. They believed that the caches were acidental and meaningles, rather than intentional and purposeful. Doubters also felt that too litle evidence remained at each site to explain an African spiritual connection. 20 Scholars tend to 19 A.E. Russel, ?Material Culture and African-American Spirituality at the Hermitage,? Historical Archaeology 31 (1997) (2):63-80; Carol McDavid, "Archaeologies That Hurt; Descendants That Mater: A Pragmatic Approach to Collaboration in the Public Interpretation of African-American Archaeology," World Archaeology 34, no 2 (2002) 303-14. 86 agre on four general points: first, the caches were created intentionaly by blacks; second, they represent homeland traditions practiced in America; third, they consist of available materials appropriated from European American contexts and refashioned for a black spiritual purpose; and fourth, the practices respond to situations taking place in America, like slavery, that also have broad humanistic precedents, such as the need to be protected. 201 The preponderance of evidence today shows that spiritual traditions were perpetuated in black identities in America, and the appropriation of European American material culture marked the resilience of the traditions. Comparison of the Mount Clare crystal with caches from Annapolis and African and West Indian traditions suggests its meaning to the person who buried it. The Annapolis-to-Baltimore connection is important because Charles took enslaved domestic laborers from his Annapolis house to Mount Clare. Caches dating to 1790- 1820 were found in a ground story workspace in the east wing of Charles Carol of Carollton?s house in Annapolis. They were buried betwen two entryways in the northeast corners. 202 Other caches in Annapolis were recovered from the Slayton House, Maynard House, and Brice House. 203 Caches dating to the mid-ninetenth 20 Frank D. Roylance, The Sun [Baltimore, Md.] 19 November 1994: 1B-2B. 201 Christopher Fennel, ?Conjuring Boundaries: Infering Past Identities from Religious Artifacts,? International Journal of Historical Archaeology 4 (2000) no. 4: 281-313. 202 George C. Logan, Archaeology at Charles Carroll?s House and Garden and of His African-American Slaves (Historic Annapolis Foundation, N.d.), 2; Laura J. Galke, ?Did the Gods of Africa Die? A Re-Examination of a Caroll House Crystal Asemblage.? North American Archaeologist 2000 21(1): 19-33. 87 century have been recovered at the James Brice House in the east wing at a doorway betwen a kitchen and laundry. 204 The asemblages are similar to African Bakongo Mnkisi (plural for nkisi). The Bakongo are from western-central Africa, or the Bight of Biafra, which today includes Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Angola, and Zaire. Michael Gomez estimates that half of the African population in Maryland and Virginia originated in the Bight of Biafra, with people also coming from the Gold Coast, Senegambia, and other place. 205 Caches in America demonstrate the use of mkisi by enslaved West Africans in America under the belief that good fortune and misfortune resulted from humans manipulating spirits. Crystals drew on the power of ancestors? spirits to wield control and influence. Burying crystals activated charms or protected them from unauthorized uses. The caches may also point to the Igbo of southeastern Nigeria on the basis of slave trade paterns from Africa to Virginia, ethnographic studies, and material culture analysis. 206 Some Siera Leone tribes place transparent objects above or below 203 Mark P. Leone and Gladys-Marie Fry, ?Conjuring in the Big House Kitchen: An Interpretation of African American Belief Systems Based on the Uses of Archaeology and Folklore Sources,? Journal of American Folklore 112 (445):372-403. 1999. 204 Mathew David Cochran, ?Hoodoo?s Fire: Interpreting Ninetenth Century African-American Material Culture at the Brice House, Annapolis, Maryland,? Maryland Archaeology 35, no 1 (1999): 25-33; James Harmon and Jesica Neuwirth. Archaeological Investigations at the James Brice House (18AP38): A National Historic Landmark Site. Annapolis, Maryland. Report prepared for the Historic Annapolis Foundation, 2000. 205 Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks (Chapel Hil: Unversity of South Carolina Pres, 1998), 150. 206 Patricia M. Samford, Subfloor Pits and the Archaeology of Slavery in Colonial Virginia (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Pres, 2007), 8-9. 8 entryways as a symbol of ancestral protection over those who walked through. 207 Perhaps a cook at Mount Clare buried the crystal to activate its powers of protection over kitchen laborers against Margaret and her hired servants. Not al Africans in America practiced these traditions, and whites? reactions ranged betwen bemusement, fear, and dismisal. Gomez finds, as wel, that Christianized blacks considered conjuration to be a hoax but acepted the validity of asociated practices, such as dreams, visions and medicines. 208 Evidence in the ninetenth century of the involvement of blacks from Mount Clare in Christian churches suggests that religious beliefs drew on multiple influences. A bone bead was also recovered from the mansion kitchen, but its significance, if any, to blacks at Mount Clare remains unclear. Beads in Africa adorned the body and hair as jewelry, as wel as ceremonial and everyday clothing. They conveyed social and symbolic meanings about wealth, marital status, and afiliation; and rites of pasage, myths, and religious groups. Charms and amulets worn on the body included beads to protect and empower the wearer. 209 Did the bead have the same significance for blacks at Mount Clare? Glas beads are often recovered from sites identified with enslaved blacks, as are beads made from bone, ivory, clay, and other materials. No glas beads appear in the Mount Clare artifact asemblage until the mid-ninetenth century. The material and construction of the 207 Logan, Archaeology at Charles Carroll?s House and Garden. 208 Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, 288. 209 Linda France Stine, Melanie A. Cabak, and Mark D. Groover, ?Blue Beads as African-American Cultural Symbols,? Historical Archaeology 30 (1996) 3: 53-54. 89 bone bead suggests that it was made in America from available materials. Why are no glas beads found at Mount Clare? Could the bone bead represent a generation removed from the trans-Atlantic trade or isolated from African American trade channels in the New World. Does it suggest the inability to participate as consumers in the American economy due to geographic location, cultural isolation, or from not being permited to overwork or be hired out? Were black cooks after the 1760s practicing homeland traditions, or are no other beads in the archaeological record simply because none were lost? If the bone bead at the mansion kitchen does represent homeland culture in America, it suggests two things: first, that the origin or material of a bead was les important than the cultural practices that beads supported and second, that the role of beads was too significant to abandon. The person who buried the crystal may have also witnesed the merging of blacks? and European Americans? foodways at Mount Clare. Maria Franklin argues that enslaved blacks aserted a collective racial and cultural identity by using available ingredients to reproduce traditional practices. 210 Michael Twity suggests that, rather than view food as a way Africans were aculturated to America, Africans made foods the way they thought they should taste. 21 The gentry?s integration of African ingredients into their meals marked one merging of two cultures in 210 Maria Franklin, ?The Archaeological Dimensions of Soul Food: Interpreting Race, Culture, and Afro-Virginian Identity,? In Race and the Archaeology of Identity, edited by Charles E. Orser, Jr., pp. 88-107 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Pres, 2001), 89, 97-99. 21 Michael Twity, Fighting Old Nep: The Foodways of Enslaved Afro-Marylanders 1634-1864 (2006), 13 and 20. 90 America. 212 Many Europeans who spent time in Barbados, Jamaica, and Antigua acquired a taste for the spicy, African-based food of the Caribbean. Black cooks learned to cook European American dishes that adopted African or Caribbean ingredients. 213 Charles began ordering mace, cinnamon, nutmeg, and cloves only after he and Margaret maried. 214 One of Margaret?s favorite recipes was a turtle of calf?s head: a concoction of tripe, head, fet, tongue, and heart heavily spiced with mace, cayenne, pepper, and onions. Where Margaret acquired a taste for the dish is unknown. The recipe and its ingredients were popular in the eightenth century and may reflect the influence of African-inspired cooking on her table. Milet and buckwheat found archaeologicaly in the kitchen may have been ground into flour and made into bread, or used as-is in dishes. Perhaps the absence of peanuts, okra, cowpeas (or black-eyed peas), and sesame seds around the mansion kitchen suggests that the Carolls were not open to African foods unles they controlled their introduction to the table. Margaret?s recipe book demonstrates the kinds of European and European American dishes that black cooks learned to make. Peaches from the orchard were made into peach cordial and currents into wine. Baked goods included muffin bread, lemon cheesecake using lemons from the grenhouse, puddings and wafles made with rice; cheesecakes and puddings made with almonds, butter, eggs, bread, and 212 Mary Tolford Wilson, ?Peaceful Integration: The Owner?s Adoption of His Slaves? Food,? The Journal of Negro History 49 (1964), no. 2: 116. 213 Twity, Fighting Old Nep, 13 and 20. 214 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 2 September 1763, MHM 33, 378-380. The same four spices were ordered at least once every year in the years thereafter. 91 wheat flour; and macaroons. 215 Maryland, unlike the Carolinas and Georgia, did not depend on rice as a kitchen staple. Margaret?s recipes reflected creolized French/American cooking with rice in deserts, rather than the appearance of African dishes on an American table. 216 Rice was fed to invalids, such as Abraham in 1809 at The Caves, and baked into treats like pudding and wafles. Rice and coconut are other African or Caribbean foods that mark the broad influence of trans-Atlantic slavery on American kitchens. Copious amounts and varieties of food surrounded blacks at Mount Clare betwen the Carolls? everyday meals and lavish dinners, fruit orchards, hothouse citrus, vegetable gardens, and foods stored in the pres house, barns, and icehouse. The ornamental gardens and fields grew several diferent kinds of gras, as wel as rye, scotch barley, and lucerne (alfalfa) for animals. 217 Orchards of plum, pear, peach, and chery tres as wel as grape vines were established. 218 The Carolls obtained apple seds or sedlings within the colony. 219 Perhaps blacks, like slaves at other 215 Margaret Tilghman Caroll, 1742-1817, Acount book, 1815-1821, MS 2751, MdHS. 216 Se Karen Hes, The Carolina Rice Kitchen: The African Connection (Columbia: University of South Carolina Pres, 1992) for discussion of the African influence and the ways rice was integrated into American recipes. Hes follows rice to aces culture and history in order to show the ways that foodways amalgamated from a source material. 217 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 17 November 1765, 70-71 and CB to Wiliam Anderson, 29 October 1766: 338-341 in MHM 36 (1941); CB to Wiliam Anderson, 3 November 1766, MHM 36 (1941), 333-334. 218 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 27 July 1767, MHM 37 (1942): 65-68. 219 Acount Book (1767-1786), MCMH. 92 plantations, did not wait for permision to avail themselves of the orchard fruits, flours, and table leftovers. Frederick Douglas wrote that the fruits at Wye plantation were a constant temptation to the young and old alike. Colonel Edward Lloyd finaly coated the fence around the garden with tar and ordered the chief gardener to whip anyone caught wearing it. 20 Cooks, chambermaids, and waiters may have had more plentiful and nutritious meals than field workers. 21 Smal children who stayed with their mothers at the kitchen might also have had improved health. 22 It is tempting to believe that the Carolls? wealth and the size and diversity of the Mount Clare plantation sustained the enslaved population during tough economic times, and that a trickle-down efect meant that slaves always had enough food. Wilma A. Dunaway posits that blacks on large plantations fared beter during times of economic hardship than their counterparts on middling or poor plantations due to the greater variety, availability, and nutrition of food. Dunaway?s hypothesis is based on her finding that middling and poor planters in Western Maryland and Appalachia squeezed food rations for slaves during lean times. 23 Although the economy fluctuated during this 20 Frederick Douglas, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave. Writen by Himself (Boston: Anti-Slavery Ofice, 1845), 15-16. 21 Charles Bal, Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Ball, a Black Man, Who Lived Forty Years in Maryland, South Carolina and Georgia, as a Slave Under Various Masters, and was One Year in the Navy with Commodore Barney, During the Late War (New York: Published by John S. Taylor, 1837), 279; Theodore Weld, American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witneses (New York: American Anti-Slavery Society, 1839), 31. 22 George P. Rawick, The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Co., 1972), 57; Frederick Douglas, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Writen by Himself (Boston: De Wolfe & Fiske Co., 1892), 21. 93 period, 24 the Carolls did not sem to run into financial dificulties or deep debt. Food rationing, however, may have buffered the Carolls at the expense of the black community. Blacks? labor in the mansion gardens was only part of their food-growing work. ?Peoples gardens? ? as a traveler to The Caves caled them in 1809 ? were common on Southern plantations. The people enslaved at Mount Clare probably had their own. 25 Farming produce supplemented enslaver?s rations. Part of the yield might be sold at market or to enslavers. Gardens also fulfiled emotional needs for independence and a sense of ownership, as Eugene Genovese argues based on slave testimonies and slaveholders? acounts. 26 Blacks required both the time to tend to their own areas, and seds or sedlings to plant. No record remains of which crops enslaved persons grew on the Carolls? properties. Charles Bal, who lived on several Maryland plantations, remembered that common crops were pumpkins, potatoes, melons, onions, cabbages, and cucumbers. 27 Perhaps blacks acquired seds or cuttings from the Carolls? kitchen garden. It contained beds of broccoli, asparagus, 23 Wilma Dunaway, The African-American Family in Slavery and Emancipation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 2003), 102. 24 Alan Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680-1800 (Chapel Hil and London: University of North Carolina Pres, 1986), 87-89 and 128-130. 25 Douglas Caroll, Families of Dr. Charles Carroll (1691-1755) and Cornet Thomas Dewey (160?-1648) (Brooklandvile, Md., Copy on file, Maryland Historical Society), 30. 26 Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Rol: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972 [1974]), 535-540. 27 Bal, Slavery in the United States, 138-139, 142, 167-168; Vlach, Back of the Big House, 64-65. 94 celery, turnips, early white cabbage, purple or red cabbage, sorrel, parsley, borage (for cool tankards of wine or cider), cauliflower, six-wek and split peas, and beets. Kale or collards, thyme, mustard, and other grens were also grown. 28 Blacks also used wild plants to diversify their diets and avoid dependence on one particular crop, such as maize. 29 Blacks? gardens may have had ornamental or artistic properties, as wel. 230 Thus, not only did blacks at Mount Clare labor to fil the Carolls? table, but worked off hours to fil their own. Slaveowners and oversers decred food rations for the enslaved. Franklin has defined the foodways of slavery as a place-, time-, and resource-specific entity that responds to the common need to eat and the ?conditions and constrictions? of poverty, rationing, and surveilance. 231 Wekly rations might be distributed at overser?s houses, smoke houses, or corn houses. 232 A wekly ration for a Southern 28 Charles Caroll the Barister to Wiliam Anderson, 2 April 1765, MHM 34, 202; Cheryl Holt, Mount Clare Kitchen Floral and Faunal Analysis. 29 Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 141-142, 186-187. Morgan emphasizes, however, that slaves? gardens in the Lowcountry and Chesapeake were diferent. Lowcountry gardens, for example, tended to cultivate a wider range of plants, and a broader range of African varieties, than Chesapeake gardens. 230 African-American yards as investigated in the twentieth-century may be evidence for traditions. Se Ywone C. Edwards, ??Trash? Revisited: A Comparative Approach to Historical Descriptions and Archaeological Analysis of Slave Houses and Yards,? In Kep Your Head to the Sky: Interpreting African American Home Ground, edited by Grey Gundaker, 245-271 (Charlottesvile: University Pres of Virginia, 2008). 231 Maria Franklin, ?The Archaeological Dimensions of Soul Food: Interpreting Race, Culture, and Afro-Virginian Identity,? In Race and the Archaeology of Identity, edited by Charles E. Orser, Jr., pp. 88-107 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Pres, 2001), 89, 97-99. 95 working slave typicaly included a peck of corn, thre-to-five pounds of bacon, and a half-pint to a quart of molases. 23 Bread, peas, potatoes, and milk might replace or supplement part of the total. 234 Meat constituted a treat or a reward. It was also offered at Christmastime. 235 The quantity of food depended upon the distributor, but it was never sufficient to fuel hard labor and could not be relied upon from wek-to- wek. The recollections of blacks enslaved at other Southern plantations provide insight on the posible composition of rations at Mount Clare. Josiah Henson ate corn meal, salt herings, a litle buttermilk in summer, and vegetables raised in gardens. 236 One of John Thompson?s masters alowed each person a peck of corn, two dozen herings, and about four pounds of meat. Slaves under eight years of age received nothing. Another master gave meat once per month. One overser provided one meal per day, consisting of corn bread and two salted hering, while the master was away. 237 Charles Bal received one salt hering per day and a peck of corn per wek to grind with a hand mil. Meat was regularly available when the pigs were kiled in 232 Bal notes in his description of the layout of one southern plantation that the corn crib and potato house was located near the overser?s house. Bal, Slavery in the United States, 119-120, 139-140. 23 Theodore Weld, American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witneses (New York: American Anti-Slavery Society, 1839), 32. 234 Frederick Law Olmstead, A Journey into the Seaboard Slave States (London: Mason Brothers, 1861), 693-694. 235 Dunaway, The African-American Family in Slavery and Emancipation, 104; Weld, American Slavery as It Is, 98. 236 quoted in Twity, Fighting Old Nep, 21. 237 John Thompson, Life of John Thompson (Worcester: John Thompson, 1856), 17, 44, and 75. 96 December. After then, only bacon was provided unles it, too, was scarce. Fish supplemented his springtime rations. 238 A ninetenth-century study by abolitionists showed that slave rations tended to be les in quantity than provided (at least, on paper) to soldiers and convicts. 239 Blacks at Mount Clare faced similar circumstances. Charles Wilson Peale?s landscape painting shows what may be an overser?s house south east of the mansion. The placement of the overser?s house and smoke house close to the mansion suggests that safeguards were in place to prevent theft. 240 A cornhouse sat away from the mansion in 1798, possibly near a mil. The ?peoples gardens? at The Caves suggest that the Carolls expected enslaved persons to provide in part for themselves. Hunting likely supplemented rations and garden produce. Gwynns Fals and the Patapsco River provided fish, while the land around them held animals to hunt or trap. Evidence of the area?s bounty comes from Charles?s purchase of gunflints and fishing gear from London. The equipment may have been for his use, hunting parties, or enslaved persons. 241 Pigs were raised for bacon and pork. Fowl, such as chickens or turkeys, were probably also grown. The extent of grain farming at Mount Clare suggests that oats, rye, and wheat in addition to corn played an important dietary role. Handmils were included in Margaret?s estate inventory, but blacks may also have 238 Bal, Slavery in the United States, 26. 239 Weld, American Slavery as It Is, 31. 240 The overser?s house is shown in Peale?s 1775 painting. The smoke house and cornhouse are listed on the 1798 asesment. 241 Charles Caroll the Barister to Wiliam and James Anderson, MHM 37 (1942): 65-68. 97 received flours or ground grain from the Carols? mils. 242 The lean realities of plantation rations meant carbohydrate-heavy diets lacking in protein, minerals, and vitamins, particularly for those working away from the mansion and its kitchen and gardens. Today, the east wing built in 1908 and outlines of the 1767 kitchen present places to integrate enslaved cooks and their children into the interpretation of the kitchen. The 1908 wing is furnished in an eightenth-century style with ceramic tableware, cooking implements, spinning wheel, and wooden furniture. Docents should talk about the buried crystal and its context in colonial history or the preparation of foods and spices with African and Barbadian precedents in Margaret?s recipe repertoire. Such topics highlight the everyday interactions at Mount Clare and emphasize that the Carolls depended on enslaved blacks to maintain their plantation and status. They also emphasize the meting of cultural knowledge from African and Barbadian homelands with European ones. The 1767 West Wing 242 My conclusion is found thus: Margaret calculated that the total of corn, rye, wheat, and oats would support the Caves for the period betwen May 9 and August 1, 1809. A total of 110.5 bushels of corn was at the farm, mil, or owed to the Carolls. Margaret calculated that 45 bushels of corn would be left on August 1, which brings the total down to 65.5 bushels, or about 262.4 pecks. Slaves and enslavers at other plantations reported a peck of corn per working hand, per wek as a standard ration. Presuming that in 1809 there were roughly the same number of working hands at The Caves as in 1812 as per Nicholas Caroll?s inventory (27 people over age 8), who would al work the 12 weks betwen May and August 1, equals a need for about 324 pecks. Inclusion of the mil in Margaret?s discussion suggests that at least part of the corn was intended for human consumption. The substantial gap in calculation betwen available and needed corn suggests that other grains supplemented the enslaver-supplied corn. 98 Renovations in the late 1760s included the construction of a west wing off the mansion. Whereas the east wing focused on domestic tasks, the west wing underscored the Carolls? busines and political activity and wealth. It included an office for Charles next to the main house, a shed, and a grenhouse or orangerie. A pinery ? a specialized hothouse for pineapples ? was under development in 1770. The west wing supported garden activities to the west of the mansion. Gardening at Mount Clare intensified in the spring and summer beginning about 1765. A ninetenth-century writer calculated the western garden alone as thre hundred fet square. 243 Blacks worked in the ornamental gardens to the south of the mansion. Charles Wilson Peale?s painting of Mount Clare circa 1775 ilustrates the extensivenes of the gardens. They also mowed the bowling gren and may have stood by while the Carolls and their guests played games. Like the forecourt, the bowling gren was kept clear of debris and showed litle sign of being a workspace. 24 Over the course of each year, blacks planted, weded rows, pruned, repotted plants, transplanted, divided, and weatherized the plants and tres. Margaret oversaw the gardens surrounding the mansion as sen in her orders through Charles to 243 Wiliam Henry Darlington (Brandywine Guards, Co. A, 1st Pa. Reserves). 24 July 1861 [West Chester Vilage Record: 7-30-1861]. Pennsylvania Reserve Volunter Corps. Online. Acesed 14 February 2008. 24 J. Gary Norman, ?An Example of Inference in Historical Archaeology: Reviewing the Options at Mount Clare,? (Presented at the 53 rd Annual Meting of the Eastern States Archaeological Federation, 2 November 1986) discusses the dimensions of the bowling gren. Enslaved Africans maintained the bowling gren and atended to players. Charles ordered bowls and tacks in 1760; perhaps the scythes or sickles cut the bowling gren gras. The bowling gren measured about 43 fet wide by 106 fet long and extended across the south side of Mount Clare. Charles Caroll the Barister to Wiliam Anderson, - September 1760, HM 32: 367-368 and continued in MHM 33: 187-188. 99 England for seds and cuttings. She received asistance from a series of hired or indentured Europeans betwen 1767 and 1783. Former slave Charles Bal noted that the plantation gardener received help from up to a dozen enslaved men and boys in the summer. 245 At Mount Clare, the enslaved gardeners received no salary, but a European gardener hired in 1774 made L25 per year. 246 Despite similar expertise, the payment of salary to whites quantified their racial and status diferences from enslaved blacks. Study of Chesapeake gardens has focused on the symbolic roles of ornamental gardens in elites? location in the social order. Visitors to the Mount Clare grounds placed their admiration with the Carolls, who aforded the gardens, rather than those who actualy created and tended them. 247 Their statements reflected a value of elites to erase laborers from the production of status. Enslaved blacks, however, were integral to the maintenance of gardens that spoke to both their own and their enslavers? status. Elizabeth Kryder-Reid writes that gardens were more than displays of wealth or mastery over nature, but ?inherently political statements because of an integral link betwen power and nature in the Lockean theory of society, a theory that 245 Charles Bal, Fifty Years in Chains, or, The Life of an American Slave (New York: H. Dayton; Indianapolis, Ind.: Asher & Co., 1859), 138-139 246 Entry for 25 July 1774, Acount Book (1767-1786), MCMH. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L25 = $3,367. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 247 Se, for example, Mary Ambler, ?Diary of M. Ambler, 1770,? Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 45 (1937); Barbara Wels Sarudy, Gardens and Gardening in the Chesapeake (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Pres, 1998), 49; George Washington to Margaret Caroll, 16 September 1789, Image 39; George Washington to Margaret Caroll, 22 November 1789, Image 63; and George Washington to Margaret Caroll, 14 October 1789, Image 53, Leterbook 17, Series 2, George Washington Papers 1741-1799, Library of Congres. 100 was acepted as a basic principle of Enlightenment rationalism in the colonies.? 248 Charles Caroll of Carollton?s garden removed evidence of the production of the garden in order to further a myth of his identity. Evidence of the slaves and workmen who created the garden were erased so that only Caroll would remain on the landscape as the provider of a bounty with no origin. 249 Wiliam Paca?s rationalization of nature to create a garden naturalized his role in the existing social order. Mark Leone has argued that elites used ostentatious gardens to reinforce their claims on leadership and right to govern when chalenged in the years leading to the American Revolution. 250 Wiliam Beiswanger has shown that Thomas Jeferson used his gardens as an outlet for imagination. 251 The danger in focusing on whites? motivations, however, is that it removes enslaved persons? agency: the possibility that they imprinted gardens with their own mastery, pride, responsibility, or decision- 248 Kryder-Reid, ?Landscape as Myth,? 136. 249 Kryder-Reid, ?Landscape as Myth,? 140. 250 Mark P. Leone, ?Rule by Ostentation: The Relationship Betwen Space and Sight in Eightenth-Century Landscape Architecture in the Chesapeake Region of Maryland,? In Method and Theory for Activity Area Research: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach, edited by Susan Kent, pp. 604-633 (New York: Columbia University Pres, 1987) and ?Interpreting Ideology in Historical Archaeology: Using the Rules of Perspective in the Wiliam Paca Garden in Annapolis, Maryland,? In Ideology, Power, and Prehistory, edited by Daniel Miler and Christopher Tiley, pp. 25-35 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1984). 251 Wiliam L. Beiswanger, ?The Temple in the Garden: Thomas Jeferson?s Vision of the Monticelo Landscape,? In British and American Gardens in the Eightenth- Century, edited by Robert P. Macubbin and Peter Martin, pp. 170-202 (Wiliamsburg: Thomas Jeferson Memorial Foundation, 1983). 101 making. The gardens at Mount Clare did prove the Carolls? status, but they were stil as much black spaces as they were white. 252 Orangeries held symbolic value for the gentry as a display of control over nature and of cultural mastery. 253 They provided an outlet for elites to explore science and invention and expand their worldview. But, moreover, they demonstrated the ability of gentry to afford such control as wel as the number of laborers necesary to design, implement, and manage them. Anne Yentsch explains that elites developed gardens and asociated structures to demonstrate that they could do things that few others could. Orangeries became increasingly grand, glas-filed structures that fel into the gentry?s niche market. The Calverts built a 10-by-10-foot orangerie in Annapolis circa 1730; it was built over in the 1770s. 254 Margaret?s relatives, the Lloyds, built an imense glas-waled orangerie at Wye House on Wye Island near Easton in Talbot County in the early 1770s amid upgrades to the gardens. It was completely rebuilt betwen 1784-86. 25 Enslaved blacks lived in quarters on the north 252 An object, possibly a bead, recovered from the teraces may have belonged to an enslaved black. It was a fired, red clay, octagonaly-shaped bead with burnished sides. The bead requires additional investigation in other collections to cal it a bead. 253 For an analysis of the orangerie at Mount Clare se Dennis J. Pogue, Esther C. White, and Christy E. Leson, Archaeological Investigations at the Mount Clare Orangery, (18 BC 10B) (Baltimore City, Maryland: Prepared for the Caroll Park Foundation, Inc., 2000). Pogue et. al focus on archaeological findings and provide background history on the Carolls, but do not addres the relationships to blacks. 254 Anne Elizabeth Yentsch, A Chesapeake Family and Their Slaves (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Pres, 1994), 113-130. 25 John E. Blair, Mathew D. Cochran, and Stephanie N. Duensing. Draft: Phase I Archaeological Testing on Wye Grenhouse (18TA314), Talbot County, Maryland, 102 side of the Wye gren house from the 1790s until the 1820s or 1830s. Asemblage of ceramics, faunal remains, personal items asociated with clothing present are archaeologicaly similar to finds at the Long Gren slave quarter. 256 Information does not remain on if or how frequently Margaret visited Wye. Margaret?s own orangerie influenced George Washington: he sought her advice in preparation to construct one at Mount Vernon and later acepted fruit tres from her. 257 Enslaved persons may have tended the firebox to heat the orangerie at Mount Clare during cooler months, but where they lived or slept inside the structure is unknown. Washington, however, atached a slave quarter to his orangerie. Perhaps his refinement of Margaret?s orangerie reflects his criticism of her operation. It might also indicate that the shed in- betwen the office and the orangerie at Mount Clare?s west wing housed caretakers of the orangerie and its plants. Studies of plantation gardens and orangeries tend to focus on the plantation mistres and her psychology rather than the role of slavery. Carmen Weber, for example, argues that Margaret?s orangerie was a place for her to control nature and, by extension, her own life. 258 Susan Buonocore argues that gardening served a therapeutic function for Rosalie Stier Calvert, mistres of Riversdale Mansion in Archaeology in Annapolis, report on file at the University of Maryland, College Park. 2008, p. 48-49, 137, 150. Used with permision. 256 Blair, et. al, Draft: Phase I Archaeological Testing, 157. 257 Trostel, Mount Clare, 78-79. 258 Carmen A. Weber, ?The Grenhouse Efect: Gender-Related Traditions in Eightenth-Century Gardening,? In Landscape Archaeology: Reading and Interpreting the American Historical Landscape, eds. Rebeca Yamin and Karen Bescherer Methany, 32-51 (Knoxvile: University of Tennese Pres, 1996). 103 modern Riversdale, Maryland, who gardened to escape depresion, anxiety, and physical ailments. Enslaved persons and a hired gardener asisted with heavy labor in her garden. 259 Charles mentioned his wife?s favor for gardening, but no information has been recovered about the efects of managing slaves in the garden and orangerie on Margaret. Flowerpot sherds along the east side and the northwest corner of the orangerie and at the garden teraces and orchard speak to enslaved black gardeners who moved the pots and tended the plants within them. Similar pots date to the eightenth century at Monticelo. 260 Potters coil-built and wheel-turned the flowerpots from red or buff clays. It is more likely that the Carolls purchased the flowerpots from local potters than a pottery manned by enslaved blacks existed on-site. The suitability of clay deposits at Mount Clare to bricks suggests that vesels were not made on-site. Clay vesels require diferent kilns, composition of clays, and skils than bricks. 261 The 259 Susan C. Buonocore, ?Within Her Garden Wall?: The Meaning of Gardening for the Republican Woman, Rosalie Stier Calvert and the Gardens of Riversdale (1803- 1821). Volumes in Historical Archaeology 35, edited by Stanley South (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1996), i-i, 109. 260 The gardening pots were coil-built, thick-waled, red- or buff-colored earthenware clay vesels with a rolled rim and smooth body. They might also have a double roll or bump beneath the rim. In the late eightenth and early ninetenth century, ceramic pots made on engine-turned lathes became popular. They featured shalow, thin, paralel lines on the body near the rim ade by holding a comb to the clay as the wheel turned. Other pots had a inverted bead design made by presing a roulete wheel over one or both of the rolls at the rim. (James Goodwin, ?Flowerpots of Mount Vernon?s Upper Garden 44FX762/43,? Mount Vernon Archaeology Department, September 2005). 261 John Kile, personal communication, 2009. 104 flowerpots at Mount Clare provide a way for contemporary interpreters to discuss what constitutes elite white or enslaved black material culture. Even though enslaved blacks may not have manned a pottery at Mount Clare, the flowerpots may constitute a ceramic marker of black life at elites? plantations, just as colonoware does. Colonoware is a ceramic type commonly asociated with blacks at Southern plantations. 262 No African American colonoware has been recovered in Maryland. 263 Within the context of places such as Mount Clare, flowerpots may also be a marker of black enslavement when found in relationship to factors such as the enslavers? elite status and ornamental gardens on plantations. Flowerpot sherds from the eightenth and ninetenth centuries exist copiously in the Mount Clare archaeological asemblage, but colonoware is not represented at al. Why is there no colonoware in the asemblage? Perhaps blacks at Mount Clare did not cary such 262 Leland Ferguson?s studies of colonoware typify it as an unglazed, low-fired, thick waled, hand built, red earthenware type. Colonoware vesels are globular and may have thick handles, foot rings, or foot stands. Some vesels show evidence of makers marks or cosmographic symbols, such as an X etched into the base. Leland Ferguson, Uncommon Ground (Smithsonian Institution Pres, 1992), xxxv, 27-28, 44-46. Colonoware is a ceramic asociated with Native American and African American sites dating from the sevententh to the mid-ninetenth centuries. It was first archaeologicaly identified in the Chesapeake region and then the southeastern coast, but examples are also found in the Caribbean and throughout America. Colonoware has been at the center of debates about the influence of Africans and Indians on each other; who produced the vesels, and where; the continuance of African craft and food traditions in slavery; and the value of ceramic typologies in archaeologies of ethnicity (Singleton and Bograd, ?Looking for the Colono in Colonoware,? 4-6, 8-9). 263 Pieces of Native American colonoware, however, have been identified (Rebeca Morehouse, personal communication, 2009). Note, however, that colonoware identification is subject to interpretation by the artifact cataloger. Artifacts within the Mount Clare collection have been cataloged as colonoware. Based on my asesment, however, they are not. Some are glazed, while others are clearly flowerpots when compared with other artifacts in the collection. 105 cultural knowledge with them, or were disabled from ceramics by a lack of appropriate clay and equipment. Or perhaps it existed in the slave quarter, but the Carolls did not welcome or require cooking wares other than those they purchased for their house. Where did the flowerpots come from? How do they relate to the interactions betwen al gardeners at Mount Clare? If enslaved persons built flowerpots at elites? plantation gardens and orangeries, they may demonstrate a meting point of blacks? gardening knowledge with elite whites? cultural expresions. An unmodified cowrie shel was archaeologicaly recovered from the orangerie area. Unfortunately, it comes from a very disturbed context. The shel, however, can be interpreted within a global context as a single object that represents the mechanisms that brought blacks to America. Cowries figured in economics and trade as currency during the African slave trade and balast in ships moving betwen Africa, the Caribbean, and America. Africans in Africa and America used cowrie shels ceremonialy in weddings and buried them in caches. Cowrie shels appear archaeologicaly at slave quarters, such as in the late eightenth century at Mulbery Row at Monticelo as protective charms. Games also used cowrie shels. 264 Although the precise meaning of the cowrie shel cannot be determined, it holds symbolic 264 Jan S. Hogendorn, The Shel Money of the Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1986), 1-4. The shel may also been part of a natural history collection at Mount Clare. Calcified bones and fossils were recovered from the ofice archaeological sites. African Americans were not the only ones on plantations to inscribe cowrie shels with cultural significance. Bernard Herman notes that elites collected exotic items, such as cowrie shels, as social capital in their presentations of self (Bernard Herman, Town House: Architecture and Material Life in the Early American City (North Carolina Pres, 2005). 106 significance as an interpretive object for the global significance of the slave trade as it came to Mount Clare. Slavery and gardens were co-dependent signals of the Carolls? view of their role in Chesapeake society. The relative disaray of the gardens in the mid-ninetenth century reflected a shift in priorities for the significance of Mount Clare and slavery in managing the family?s status. Artifactual debris acumulated everywhere on the landscape beginning in the 1830s, when the Carols? heirs abandoned the mansion to renters who did not enslave blacks. The debris suggests that the connection betwen status maintenance, gardening, and slavery was broken. Nails, buttons, and minie bals evidence encampments of Civil War soldiers at Camp Caroll. Ceramics, alcohol bottles, pig bones, and bullet casings indicate recreational activity by the Baltimore Scheutzen Asociation until about 1890. Blacks? presence during the Carolls? tenure is marked in the execution of the landscape design: in the sculpted teraces, planting holes, and lawn maintenance. It reflects adjustment, but not necesarily aceptance, to European Americans? dictation of appropriate uses for spaces, labor regimen, and knowledge of ornamental garden practices. Cloth and Clothing Cloth industry and the wearing of clothes were two additional ways that enslaved blacks adjusted to status and race in America. England placed severe restrictions on the manufacture of hats, cloth, and shoes in America during the colonial period. Both Dr. Carol and Charles reluctantly purchased their ?peoples Cloths in the Country? 107 when shipments failed to arive ahead of winter. 265 Charles placed one order per year in the 1760s to London that included cloth, sewing notions, acesories, and other supplies for enslaved blacks. Slaveholders prefered to purchase cloth from abroad because it was les expensive than in the country, then rationed it. During the Revolution, making cloth became fashionable on plantations as a form of independence from Britain. 26 Limitations by England on colonial cloth and hat production before the war placed blacks at a prescient disadvantage when the war began. Blacks could adapt to cloth shortages in the 1770s by intensifying their practice of skils acquired wel before then. The black horseman with Charles in Charles Wilson Peale?s 1775 painting wears a white shirt and vest. Eddenborough and Jack Lynch both wore clothing made from country-made cloth when they escaped in 1777 and 1780. 267 Their garb may suggest that a clothmaking industry had developed on the Carolls? plantations that replaced or supplemented clothing purchased from abroad. Blacks acquired and mastered spinning and weaving as a result of the development of Mount Clare. Slaveholders rationed blacks? atire or used it to reward and encourage good behavior, to celebrate events, and as uniforms for house wear. 265 Dr. Charles Caroll to Samuel Hyde, 9 September 1734, MHM 24: 63. 26 Shane White and Graham White. ?Slave Clothing and African-American Culture in the Eightenth and Ninetenth Centuries.? Past and Present 148: 149-186, 166; Gloria Seaman Alen, Threads of Bondage: Chesapeake Slave Women and Plantation Cloth Production, 1750-1850 (Thesis (Ph. D.) George Washington University, 2000), 143-144, 154-55, 167-170. 267 Runaway Advertisement, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Pres date: 19 August 1777, Ad Date: 15 August 1777; Runaway Advertisement, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Pres date: 11 July 1780, Ad date: 10 July 1780. 108 Enslaved blacks might also receive hand-me-downs. 268 Charles?s orders tended to include a piece of grey fearnaught for waistcoats and coats; two pieces of blue half thick for waistcoats, jackets, or peticoats; a piece of matchcoat or striped dufel for blankets or heavy coats; two dozen blue and white check handkerchiefs or bandanas; various types of linen; several pieces of white or brown oznabrigg; and one dozen each of men?s best felt hats, ordinary hats, and double worsted hats. 269 Oznabrigg was typicaly used for field hands? clothing, while fearnaught and other fabrics uniformed butlers and liverymen. In contrast, Charles special ordered outfits for himself and Margaret made in Europe from fine materials. He may have purchased needles, thread, flat bras buttons, hats, bandanas, and pins as gifts as wel as for everyday use. Charles?s father?s asociates James Caroll and Charles Caroll of Carollton gave similar items to the people they enslaved to reward good behavior. 270 Unlike their records, nothing in Charles?s records specifies who received the items, when, or why. No information remains on which plantation received each part of the order to understand if preferential treatment was extended to any group. Blacks filed in the gaps left by their enslavers? rations by fashioning straw hats, dreses and skirts, aprons, women?s cloth hats, infant slings, children?s clothes, and other items. Blacks became beter able to clothe themselves as they made Mount Clare more self-sustaining in the mid-1760s. Colonial cloth production catered to ?down 268 Alen, Threads of Bondage, 96-97. 269 Invoice, 6 August 1767, Leterbook, vol. 2, p. 534, MS 208, MdHS; CB to Wiliam Anderson, Summer 1768, transcribed in Trostel, Mount Clare, 43-46. 270 Charles M. Flanagan, The Swets of Independence: A Reading of the ?James Carroll Daybook, 1714-21,? (Thesis, Ph.D, University of Maryland: 2005), 50. 109 market? demand, meaning that it supplied slaves and servants whose clothing was of lower quality than planters. 271 Flax crops and sheep at Mount Clare and The Caves yielded linen and wool beginning in the mid-1760s. Wool was used for winter clothes. 272 Four pairs of wool cards, plus stock locks and padlocks for sheep pens to secure the animals, were ordered in 1764. Sheep and wool operations expanded two years later after Charles ordered twelve more pairs of wool cards plus six sheep shears and additional padlocks. The wool cards were probably distributed across the Baltimore County plantations. 273 In 1768, Charles ordered an indentured European servant from merchants in London to tan and cury leather: ?Moderately wel it wil do for me as I shal only want him to Dres my Leather for Negro ware [?].? 274 The English servant and possibly others may have trained enslaved blacks in leatherwork. By 1817, an enslaved black man was identified as a shoemaker acording to Margaret?s estate inventory. Enslaved blacks learned European-American elites? logic concerning clothing. Uniforms of the butler, maid, and personal valet reflected the wealth of the person served, rather than the slave. They might also receive hand-me-downs from 271 White and Graham, ?Slave Clothing and African-American Culture,? 166; Alen, Threads of Bondage, 143-144, 154-55, 167-170. 272 Bal, Slavery in the United States, 60. 273 CB to Wiliam Anderson, 6 October 1764, MHM 34 (1939): 187; CB to Wiliam Anderson, 29 October 1766, MHM 36 (1941): 338-341. 274 CB to Sedgley Hilhouse and Randolph, 28 January 1768, MHM 38: 182. Se Acount Book (1767-1786) at the MCMH for transactions of hides sent for tanning and payments for common and fancy shoes. 110 mistreses. 275 Frederick Douglas observed that blacks who worked in the house ?constituted a sort of black aristocracy? in their health, dres, and manner. 276 Blacks who worked inside Mount Clare or appeared alongside the Carolls in public received uniforms of beter quality and more colorful cloth than those who worked other places across Georgia. Livery uniforms were made of ticking or coarse fustian (both sturdy cotton or cotton/linen fabrics) lined in scarlet shaloon (a type of twil), with scarlet twist trim. Livery and butler coats might have come from ?colored kersey with trimings.? 27 Charles?s order for six pairs of men?s strong thread stockings, thre pairs of boys? thread stockings, and one dozen pairs of women?s blue yarn hose may have clad butlers, housekeepers, liverymen, cooks, and jockeys. 278 Archaeology at Caroll Park recovered the flat bras buttons ordered from London only in the area imediately surrounding the mansion. 279 They may suggest that blacks working as 275 Linda Baumgarten, What Clothes Reveal: The Language of Clothing in Colonial and Federal America (iliamsburg and New Haven: Colonial Wiliamsburg Foundation and Yale University Pres, 2002), 132; White and hite, ?Slave Clothing and African-American Culture?; Jack Schwartz, ?Men?s Clothing and the Negro.? Phylon 24(3): 221-231; Alen, Threads of Bondage, 86-89. 276 Douglas, Life and Times, 67. 27 CB to Wiliam Anderson, [-] September 1760, MHM 32: 367-368 and continued in MHM 33: 187-188; CB to Wiliam Anderson, 2 September 1763, MHM 33, 378-380; CB to Wiliam Anderson, 29 October 1766, MHM 36 (1941): 338-341. 278 Invoice, 6 August 1767, Leterbook, vol. 2, p. 534, MS 208, MdHS; CB to Wiliam Anderson, Summer 1768, transcribed in Trostel, Mount Clare, 43-46. 279 A shovel test pit survey throughout the historic easement area recovered no flat bras buttons. 111 liverymen or butlers wore more formal clothes than gardeners, but also that they only wore these costumes in the mansion vicinity. Blacks also maintained the Carolls? gentel image of social superiority through laundering clothes. Women executed and oversaw ashing of linens and underclothes, a laborious and never-ending sequence of soaking, scrubbing, bucking (a bleaching proces using lye from ashes), stain removal, beating, drying, and ironing. Outer clothes, such as gowns, were spot-cleaned or profesionaly laundered on a more infrequent basis. 280 Washing, sewing, buttonmaking, and clothing repair may have taken place betwen the orangerie and the office until the west wing was demolished in 1870. Although a wash house was in the east wing, the water pump stood at the west wing near archaeological concentrations of buttons, pins, and sewing notions in betwen the orangerie and a shed that may have housed its caretakers. The buttons range from center-hole bone discs, to four- or five-hole bone buttons, to flat metal, to glas and porcelain. Launderers may also have made buttons as shown by holes punched in an oyster shel and a rib bone found in the orangerie vicinity. Blacks dyed cloth in the Mount Clare kitchen in aray of colors, most notably blue. Dyers woad and fig blue dye was used at Mount Clare to color cloth beginning in the mid-to-late 1760s into the ninetenth century. 281 Gloria Alen has found that blue was a common color worn by enslaved persons starting in the mid-sevententh 280 Donahue, Eightenth Century Chesapeake Clothing, 51-54. 281 George Logan and John L. Seidel. Mount Clare?s Kitchen: 1986 Archaeological Research at Carroll Park (18BC10K) (Baltimore: Caroll Park Restoration Foundation, Inc. April 1995), 21. 112 century on Chesapeake plantations to diferentiate the status of servants and slaves. Home production of woad and indigo supported the color scheme. People who worked in the fields were more likely to wear colorles or undyed clothing. Alen believes that the color blue evoked two meanings. In African heritage, blue refered to the color of the sky or nobility. In the colony, however, it evoked bondage. 282 Charles?s orders to London underscore Alen?s interpretation. He typicaly ordered clothing colored blue such as stockings, coat cloth, and bandanas. Dyers in the Mount Clare kitchen also used pokebery and sorrel to make red or purple dye as wel as yarow, St. Johnswort, pear, and lamb?s quarters for yelow. 283 Who received these clothes and cloth, and for what purpose, remains unknown. Blacks made Mount Clare into the showpiece plantation that emphasized the Carolls? status in colonial America. Today, the obfuscation of blacks in the interpretation of Mount Clare perpetuates elite values of the past into the present. The reality, however, is that blacks left impacts throughout the mansion and the landscape imediately surrounding it. Those impacts are important to talk about today because they are integral to the story of Mount Clare. Even though the Carolls dictated the relationship of status to race, they relied on enslaved blacks to maintain their elite image by acquiring knowledge and skils in household and landscape maintenance. The Carolls may have restricted food, clothing, and the movements of slaves, but blacks pushed back through the practice of homeland traditions and crimes against property. As a result, the transformation of Georgia into Mount Clare is as much 282 Alen, Threads of Bondage, 115-116, 118. 283 Holt, Mount Clare Kitchen Floral and Faunal Analysis, Table 3. 113 about the development of enslaved blacks? cultural knowledge at the intersection of race and status as it is about the Carolls? world as elites. 114 Chapter 4: Slavery and Revolution During the Revolutionary era, the thirten colonies overthrew the power of Great Britain to become a self-governing republic. Armed conflict began in 1775 and ended in 1781, with the Declaration of Independence in 1776 stating the sovereignty of the new nation that Great Britain recognized in 1783. American life became characterized by broad intelectual and social shifts that spoke to debates about the traditional social hierarchy. One debate concerned the role of black enslavement in the new republic. Individual liberty and chatel slavery constituted a paradox during the Revolutionary era debate about the future of the Maryland colony. Men such as Charles Caroll the Barister used slavery rhetoric to characterize their status under English rule while keeping slaves to support their own status in the colony. In the following chapter, I argue that race and status during the Revolutionary era played out at Mount Clare in a growing awarenes of human rights among blacks. Furthermore, I confront the memory of Charles Caroll the Barister as a patriot of the American Revolution in terms of his slaveholding, a topic that is not addresed in the current interpretation of Mount Clare. It addreses the significance of slaveholding to his status in the government during an uptick in the number of recorded escapes from his Baltimore County plantations. Enslaved blacks and elite whites experienced the Revolutionary era in ways that reflected the diferences among their lives. Slavery qualified European American colonists? rhetoric on liberty and equality. Black slavery expanded in Maryland until the mid-eightenth century, when the number of owners and slaves continued to increase but the percentage of persons owning slaves dipped. Slaves constituted a smaler proportion of a wealthy planter?s 115 personal property than persons who held smaler estates; the value of slaves increased substantialy during the eightenth century because slaves became harder to obtain as a result of war and monopoly control, while laws codified the value of slaves. 284 Blacks, however, saw fredom as their right and sought to eliminate slavery in their own lives and as an institution. The enslavement of blacks constituted one marker of status that signaled, acording to European elites, their ability and right to lead the colony during the Revolutionary era. In addition to slaves and land as property, the gardens, orangerie, multiple and grand houses, foodways, clothing, and decorative artifacts among which the Carolls lived signaled their status. In October 1768, Lord Baltimore offered positions on His Lordship?s Council to Charles and to Margaret?s father Mathew Tilghman in an efort to gain their loyalty to the colonial government. Both men refused, but the offer suggests that they, like other conservatives, were torn betwen competing personal and busines interests. 285 The Carolls? ongoing consumption practices and busines relationships with Britain further betrayed their position betwen competing personal and political alegiances. In May 1769, Charles and others signed a leter announcing the formation of a non-importation asociation that advocated colonial self-taxation. 286 He, however, continued to import wine, cheese, fine clothing, and jewelry from Britain through the American merchants Walace, 284 Sharer, Slaveholding in Maryland. 285 Sharpe to Lord Baltimore, 31 October and 28 November 1768, Archives, XIV, 550-51, 557. 286 Scott McDermott, Charles Carroll of Carrollton: Faithful Revolutionary (New York: Scepter Publishers, 2002), 94. 116 Davidson, and Johnson in Annapolis and Joshua Johnson in England until the war began. 287 Charles and Margaret traveled to London in the summer of 1771. The purpose of their visit was to se friends and family ? and to shop. 28 Charles placed orders with Joshua Johnson, an American merchant in London and the ?Johnson? of the Walace, Davidson, and Johnson mercantile company. With Charles and Margaret were two enslaved men named Adam and Frank, who escaped shortly before the Carolls left for Maryland in May 1772. 289 Adam and Frank fel on hard times within a few months. Adam began to cal on Johnson, who agred to facilitate Adam?s return to Maryland. Adam and Frank likely knew Johnson?s name, where to find him, and 287 Maryland State Papers (Scharf Collection) Charles Walace to Charles Caroll (Barister), 29 November 1770, MSA S1005-134-17528 MdHR 19,999-120-024. Maryland State Papers (Scharf Collection) John Morton Jordan to Charles Caroll (Barister), 10 February 1771, MSA S1005-134-17506 MdHR 19,999-120-003. Maryland State Papers (Scharf Collection) Charles Walace to Charles Caroll (Barister), 24 November 1771, MSA S1005-134-17505 MdHR 19,999-120-002. The acount included the order on 26 September 1769 for four bunches of garnets, one set silk mits, and one backgamon table; on 30 September, four sets of gauze thread stockings; on 19 October, six tablecloths and one necklace; on 23 October, thre dozen porter; on 8 November, two sets Norway doe gloves; on 22 November, two hair pins and one Marquiset; on 11 December, one black satin bonnet; on 12 December, one cap 39/6 and dito 17; on 1770 March 10, four fig blue and one hank silk, six dozen shirt buttons. The total due was L22.0.1. Also: Chancery Court (Chancery Papers, Exhibits) Walace, Davidson & Johnson, Order Book 21November 1773-16 November 1775, April 1774, no page, MdHR 1520, MSA S528-28. 28 Joshua Johnson to the firm, 4 June 1771, p. 1. ?Joshua Johnson's Leterbook: 1771?, Joshua Johnson's Leterbook 1771-1774: Leters from a merchant in London to his partners in Maryland (1979), pp. 1-23. Online: http:/ww.british- history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=38787. Date acesed: 07 July 2008. 289 Maryland Gazete, 17 September 1772. 117 that he and Charles were in regular contact by acompanying Charles to their metings. Johnson wrote to Charles in August 1772, Sir, This I expect wil be delivered you by your Man Adam who comes out in Capt Bishoprick at the request of Mr. Anderson and self, he cal?d on me several times while I was out of town, on my return he cal?d when I saw him, he look?d very thin and simple. I asked him the reason of his leaveing [sic] you he ans.?d me in general that he was very sorry for what he had done, that it was not an act of his own but rather the preswaitions [sic] of bad people whom he has since found only ment [sic] to mislead him and that he would most wiling by return to your sirvice [sic] if I would procure him a pasage and promise you would forgive him, I told him I thought you would but that I would consult Mr. Anderson whom I expected had some instructions from you respecting him and appointed the next morning for him to met Mr. Anderson at my house. Mr. Anderson told him you would forgive and restore him to favour again on which he agred to return to you and we got every necesary done which Mr. Anderson wil fully inform you of, he was not in the best condition either in Pocket or Health which compel?d us to get asistance for him. The part I have acted I hope wil met with your approbation and that you wil fulfil [sic] my promise. If I can be of any asistance in forwarding the other [Frank] to you, you may rely on it, from what I can collect from this he is on the shift and as the winter approaches its more than probable I shal have a visit from him. I congratulate you and Mrs. Caroll on your return to Maryland and am with my respectfull compls. To your lady, Joshua Johnson. 290 290 Chancery Court (Chancery Papers, Exhibits), Joshua Johnson to Charles Caroll, Esq. Barister, Walace, Davidson, and Johnson Leterbook 1, 19 August 1772, p. 96, MSA SM 79-37. Also se Joshua Johnson to Lloyd Tilghman, 19 August 1772, p. 96- 97. 118 The kind tone runs throughout Johnson?s leters about Adam as it does in al his correspondence. Perhaps Adam went to Johnson because he thought he might act as his advocate on the basis of their interactions in the company of the Carolls. Adam feared to face Charles, so Johnson asked Charles Walace to go with him. He took a leter to Walace that read, The bearer of this [the leter transcribed above] is Mr [Charles] Caroll's Adam who, by il advisers, left his master here. He has since commenced a penitent and put himself under Mr Anderson's and my direction in procuring his return. He has signified to me that he is ashamed to face his master on which I promised you would go with him and which promise I beg you wil fulfil. I have done this with an intent to serve Mr Caroll [barister] and the poor devil and shal be happy to hear that it mets with his approbation. I know your compasion for the unhappy and wilingnes to relieve which makes it needles to apologise for this trouble. 291 Frank, however, did not contact Johnson. Johnson updated Charles in April 1773: ?I could have wished to been able to give you some agreable news about Frank at this time but have not collected more than that he is in Service at the West end of the Town should I be able to do anything for you with him you may depend on it.? 292 Adam does not appear on 1773 inventories of Charles?s properties, unles he is identified as ?Abram.? Perhaps Charles sold Adam, sent him to the Baltimore Iron 291 Charles Walace per Capt. Walace, 19 August 1772, p. 46. Joshua Johnson's Leterbook: 1772 (July - Dec), Joshua Johnson's Leterbook 1771-1774: Leters from a merchant in London to his partners in Maryland (1979), pp. 40-56. Online: http:/ww.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=38789. Date acesed: 20 June 2008. 292 Chancery Court (Chancery Papers, Exhibits), Joshua Johnson to Charles Caroll, Esq. Barister, Walace, Davidson, and Johnson Leterbook 1, 10 April 1773, p. 155, MSA SM79-37. 119 Works, or to another plantation as punishment. Or maybe Charles reinstaled him as a personal manservant. Who persuaded Adam to fle? Why? What persuaded him to return? Why escape in Europe, rather than America? No information remains among Charles?s papers to explain what happened upon Adam?s arival in Maryland. Adam and Frank are the first recorded escapes from the Carolls, but they were not the last. Economic depresions occurred on a frequent basis into the 1770s as a result of fluctuating tobaco prices and in response to credit availability. Planters purchased blacks in the hopes of improving their status; instead, many caught themselves in a credit bind. 293 A lack of details on the Carols? finances in the early 1770s makes dificult an asesment of whether or not the trend applied to them. Charles did not write of financial worries in his personal papers, and merchant companies did not complain about unpaid bils like they did those of his friends. Just before Charles?s death in 1783, he intimated to a friend that thre-fourths of debts owed to him were repaid under the Debt Act. 294 His finances may thus have been more solvent than his contemporaries. Charles purchased and hired blacks during the pre-war years. Thomas Hamond sold him a boy for L10 in December 1770. He bought a woman for L13 from Thomas Rossiter via Captain Wiliam Macgachen in September 1774. 295 No 293 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 87-89 and 128-130. 294 John Ridout indicated in a leter that the estate was financialy secure: ?He had told me when I was last at his House been paid off under the Debt Act thre fourths of the Debts due him but he left a very fine Estate.? Quoted in Trostel, Mount Clare, p. 67. 120 record indicates whether they were new arivals to America or came from inside the country. The slave trade at that time took Africans from the Gold Coast and Siera Leone to the West Indies, then to America. 296 Charles also hired blacks for short-term work. His acounts are unclear on which individuals were fre or hired from other enslavers, or where they were put to work. Two men hired in the summer of 1774, however, demonstrate his propensity to pay blacks and whites on diferent scales. Charles agred to pay ?molato Joe? L0.35.0 per month for two months. On the other hand, he agred to pay L25 per year to the gardener Thomas Young. He also hired men from other slaveholders, such as Jack from Wiliam Ridgeley in 1774. In 1777, he hired two enslaved persons from another slaveholder for L20 for a year. He also hired ?Negro Joe? and ?Negro Sam? in February 1782 for a period of eight months. They may have been fre blacks. Two laborers at Charles?s house in Annapolis may have been fre or had an arangement to overwork. Charles purchased Hager for L100 and Beck for L75 as part of an exchange in 1781. In November 1780, however, he had agred to pay Hager L 0.20.0 and Beck L 0.15.0 per month to work at the house. Hager and Beck worked for Charles until his death in 1783. Charles?s executors paid Hager for two years and six months of wages for the period betwen 28 October 1780 and 18 April 1784. Beck left to find work in Annapolis after putting the kitchen in order. 297 295 Acount Book (1767-1786), MCMH. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L10 = $1,628, L13 = $2,117. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 296 The Transatlantic Slave Database. 121 The Carolls made Mount Clare their nearly year-round residence in the early 1770s as the tenor of Annapolis changed ahead of the war. The move brought them into more regular interaction with blacks who lived and worked in the Baltimore region. An asesment in 1773 acounts for people over age sixten at Mount Clare and The Caves. Living at Mount Clare were eighten blacks named Abram, Dick, David, Charles, Nick, Guy, Timbole, Jingo, Hary, James, Christmas, Ned, Wil, George, Charles, Pugg, Lucy, and Tom. Thre white males also lived there, possibly Charles, an overser, and a gardener. 298 The predominance of male names at Mount Clare suggests that hard labor in timbering and farming there continued to supply the Baltimore Iron Works and regional miling enterprises. Lucy worked inside the mansion as shown in correspondence at Charles?s death in 1783. Twenty blacks were at The Caves: Sandigo, Milegro, Nedilent, Lesle or Lele, Deb, Easter, Sue, Nel, Sabinah, Toby, Monster, Nat, Isac, Mil, Moll, Peg, Cate, Dina, and one more person whose name is ilegible. Four white men also lived on the property. 29 Several names from Dr. Caroll?s gifting of The Caves to Charles in 1749 appear on the 1773 asesment. Wil and Tom were recorded in 1773 at Mount Clare, while Sabinah, Debb, and Nely remained at The Caves. They were at least twenty-seven years old in 1773. Records have survived neither for Charles?s house in Annapolis Hundred nor 297 Acount Book (1767-1786), MCMH. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L0.35.0 = $47, L25 = $3,368, L20 = $2.694, L100 = $15,298, L75 = $11,473, L0.20.0 = $32, L0.15.0 = $24. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 298 Baltimore County Court (Tax List), Charles Carol (Barister), Middlesex Hundred, 1773, M1560-9, MSA CM918-21. 29 Baltimore County Court (Tax List), Charles Carol (Barister), Back River Upper Hundred, 1773, M1560-2, MSA CM918-14. 122 Carolls Island in Gunpowder River Lower Hundred. An asesment in 1783 offers a rough estimate of enslaved persons at those places: ten at Carolls Island and thre in Annapolis. The combination of records indicates the Charles enslaved around fifty people over age sixten in 1773; it is likely that children and elderly persons lived with them, as wel. Figure 5: Charles Wilson Peale's painting of Mount Clare circa 1775. Reproduced in Trostel 1981. 123 Figure 6: Detail of Mount Clare and surounding gardens. Figure 7: Detail showing a black groomsman and Charles Carroll the Barrister. Both face the viewer. An unidentified house stands left of the groomsman?s head. 124 Charles Wilson Peale?s landscape painting of Mount Clare captures part of what enslaved persons saw circa 1775 (Figures 5 and 6). Orchards grew to the west of Mount Clare and teraced gardens stepped south towards the Middle River. Horses grazed meadows on the flat land betwen the teraced gardens and the river. Enslaved persons tended them; indeed, a black groomsman acompanies Charles and his riding partner (Figure 7). The inhabitants of the house in the distance beyond the groomsman are not known. From west to east at the mansion complex stood a shed, then the orangerie, office, main house, kitchen, wash house, and a smal shed (possibly a necesary house). Structures identified as ?old? or ?fit for fuel? in 1798 may have stood in the 1770s in the fields and at the mils. They included a frame cowhouse (21 by 16, one story), stone blacksmith shop (53 by 24, one story), log house (30 by 24, one story), stone house (16 by 14, one story), frame structure (47 by 20, one story), frame barn (38 by 22, one story), stone stable (45 by 24, one story), log house (32 by 22, one story), frame stable (24 by16, two story), stone potato house (15 by 12, one-half story), log house (28 by 16, one story), a brick cooper shop (16 by 13, one story), and a log house (18 by 16, one story). 30 Old ?negro houses? on Nicholas Caroll?s 1798 asesment for The Caves included two log structures 30 Maryland State Papers (Federal Direct Tax) Baltimore County, Middlesex Hundred, Nos. 2833-3147: Particular List of Dweling Houses, Particular List of Lands, Lots, Buildings, and Wharves, M3469-7, MSA SM56-29. George Washington?s records include blacksmithing of horseshoes, plows, axes, keys, hamers, loom irons, and mil work (S. Fiona Besey and Dennis J. Pogue, ?Blacksmithing at George Washington?s Mount Vernon,? Mount Vernon). 125 measuring 16 by 20 and one of 20 by 36. 301 The combination of the 1773 asesment with Peale?s painting sets the scene for the Revolutionary era at Mount Clare. Revolution, Liberty, and Slavery Adam?s and Frank?s example of a bold escape in Europe was followed by other blacks in America. Escape was not an easy decision or an easy undertaking. Violence to personal liberty ? be it physical, emotional, and ideological ? was the overarching motivation. Escape constituted a means of protest as a condemnation of slavery and the abuse of blacks for the benefit of enslavers. Abolitionist Wiliam Stil?s records of runaway slave testimony indicate that some individuals escaped after prolonged physical and mental abuse by slaveowners. Others absented themselves after disagrements with their enslavers over the ability to visit family and threats of being sold or sent away. In other cases, families escaped in order to preserve the unit. Many people expresed their conviction that enslavement was simply wrong. 302 Gerard Mullin aserts that reactions to abuse represented resistance to slavery, not simply token acts. 303 Today, runaway advertisements are displayed in the orientation room at the Mount Clare Museum House. Visitors learn that blacks did, indeed, escape and 301 Maryland State Papers (Federal Direct Tax) Baltimore County, Back River and Middle River Upper Hundreds, Nos. 999-1499: Particular List of Dweling Houses; Particular List of Lands, Lots Buildings, and Wharves; Particular List of Slaves, M 3469-2, MSA SM56-2. 302 Stil, Underground Railroad, 99-100, 136-137, 160-161, 172, 413; John W. Blasingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebelum South (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1972), 104-131. 303 Gerard W. Mullin, Flight and Rebelion: Slave Resistance in Eightenth-Century Virginia (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1972), 135. 126 that Mount Clare is on the National Park Service?s Network to Fredom Register. 304 The advertisements reflect broader anti-slavery sentiments and contradictions during the Revolutionary era. Individual liberty and chatel slavery formed a central paradox in Maryland during the Revolutionary Era. Struggles in Maryland included a radical social revolution by non-landowners, fre blacks, and others to overturn the narow control of the legislature by white, wealthy landowners. Although elites ultimately remained in control, agitators threatened the preservation of social order in a way that resonated for decades after the war. 305 Colonial American political theory held that a few held the power over the many and that the basis of a government?s power was the populace?s voluntary surrender of the individual?s rights to the leaders of society. 306 From the perspective of colonial elites, the theory included slaves as among those subservient to leaders. Charles aligned himself with other wealthy gentlemen in the conservative faction of the Country party. The conservatives advocated for peaceful protest against British economic policy. They employed tactics such as voluntary compliance with 304 National Underground Railroad: Network to Fredom, Online: http:/ww.nps.gov/history/ugr/list.htm (acesed 12 December 2007). The Mount Clare Museum House website includes a section on fredom sekers, but does not place the advertisements in context. Mount Clare Museum House, Fredom Sekers, Online: http:/ww.mountclare.org/history/slave_fredom.html and also Runaway Ads Posted by Charles Caroll, Online: http:/ww.mountclare.org/history/slave_runaway.html (acesed 18 October 2009). 305 David Curtis Skaggs, ?Maryland?s Impulse Toward Social Revolution.? The Journal of American History 45 (1968) no. 4: 785-786. 306 Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967), 59. 127 trade boycotts, petitions, and diplomacy. Charles served on the Senate from 1775 to 1783. He was among the few men in Maryland who qualified for the Senate on the basis of property. The property requirements were twice for senators as they were for members of the House of Delegates. 307 Of course, Charles aimed to protect his own interests since he and the Baltimore Iron Works had traded in Britain for decades. The other faction of the Country party consisted of landowners who were not as wealthy as the gentry. They believed in direct action, even violence, through public protest by crowds. Radicals? actions garnered more atention and response from Britain ? for good or for il ? than the conservatives? tactics. Everyday people found themselves gaining political power. In June 1774, Charles was among other representatives of Maryland counties at the first Provincial Convention. He served until 1776, and resigned when the radical inclinations of his constituents proved incompatible with his own belief in a peaceful approach to good government. 308 In addition to the conservative and radical factions were colonists who remained loyal to the proprietor and supported British rule. The tensions betwen first, the proprietor and colonists and second, the gentry and les wealthy (but also European and European-descended) Americans characterized the political struggles within Maryland. No evidence remains on the way blacks at Mount Clare sided. David Brion Davis notes that Western society never became entirely comfortable with slavery. The slave as both human and object always created tension that, in turn, became fodder 307 The Senate was more conservative than the House (L. Marx Renzulli, Maryland: The Federalist Years (Fairleigh Dickinson University Pres, 1973), 23-24. 308 Trostel, Mount Clare, 70-71. 128 for an intelectual debate over slavery and antislavery. Winthrop Jordan finds that the Revolution brought about awarenes for the first time of American prejudice, its foundation in physical diferences betwen whites and blacks, and its significance as an obstacle to emancipation. 309 Duncan MacLeod ses that the Revolution ?was a crucial stage in the development of the debate over slavery and race; that it promoted a real concern over the nature and significance of slavery; and that out of that concern grew a consciously racist society.? 310 Jesica Milward shows that the Revolutionary era was a formative period for family life and domestic institutions among blacks in Maryland. Increasing numbers of documented escapes from slavery and manumisions suggest a nexus point betwen family, fredom, and power. The American Revolution, Milward writes, ?contributed to a liberation consciousnes among enslaved blacks and was a catalyst for political protest.? 31 Benjamin Quarles argues that the American Revolution constituted the first, large-scale slave rebelion. 312 John Hope Franklin and Loren Schweninger demonstrate that escapes constituted open defiance of enslaved blacks to slavery. It forced white society to 309 Winthrop Jordan, White Over Black: American Atitudes Towards the Negro (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 1968). 310 Duncan J. MacLeod, Slavery, Race, and the American Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1974), 8. 31 Jesica Milward, ?A Choice Parcel of Country Born? : African Americans and the Transition to Fredom in Maryland, 1770-1840 (Thesis (Ph. D.) University of California, Los Angeles, 2003). 312 Benjamin Quarles, ?The Revolutionary War as a Black Declaration of Independence,? In Ira Berlin and Ronal Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Fredom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesvile: University Pres of Virginia, 1986); and The Negro in the American Revolution (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 1961. 129 recognize and atempt to contain black agency through the development of laws, punishments, and violence. 313 No leters or correspondence reveals Charles?s atitudes towards black slavery during the Revolutionary era. They may instead be gleaned from asociations with people and commites in Maryland during the war; indeed, perhaps Charles?s lack of individual specificity signaled his support for slavery as a natural condition of Chesapeake life. A Commite of Correspondence in Maryland consisted of Charles Caroll the Barister and Mathew Tilghman, John Hal, Samuel Chase, Thomas Johnson, Jr., Charles Caroll of Carollton, and Wiliam Paca. They or any thre of them were empowered to represent Maryland at the Continental Congres in December 1774. Al the men were slaveholders who semed not to recognize the irony of slavery rhetoric in their public statements. They published in newspapers that, As our opposition to the setled plan of the British administration to enslave America, wil be strengthened by an union of al ranks of men in this province, we do most earnestly recommend, that al former diferences about religion or politics, and al private animosities and quarels of every kind, from henceforth cease and be for ever buried in oblivion; and we intreat [sic], we conjure every man, by his duty to God, his country, and his posterity, cordialy to unite in defense of our common rights and liberties. 314 313 John Hope Franklin and Loren Schweninger, Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1999). 314 Annapolis, 15 December 15, The Pennsylvania Gazete, 21 December 1774. 130 Charles is credited with framing Maryland?s declaration of rights and constitution, which was signed on July 3, 1776. 315 The document focused on the creation of a state government and emphasizes the rights of fre men within the state, particularly the qualifications to hold office or to vote. From the position of historical retrospect, several points within the document demonstrate that independence was narowly conceived. Points included: ?[A]l government of right originates from the people ? instituted for the good of the whole?; the ?people of this state ought to have the sole and exclusive right of regulating the internal government and police thereof?; and ?the inhabitants of Maryland are entitled to the comon law of England.? 316 Enslaved blacks did not count as ?people? or ?inhabitants.? Interestingly, neither Charles?s remaining leterbooks and correspondence, nor Maryland papers contain his thoughts on the conflict or reflections on slavery and independence. Furthermore, to prepare for war and wean Maryland?s reliance on England, the Convention agred to increase flocks of sheep and promote the manufacture of woolens in the proces; to raise as much flax, hemp, and cotton as each planter and farmer could to increase the manufacture of linen and cotton. 317 Citizens were required to contribute grain to fed the soldiers. The degre to which Charles contributed supplies from his personal plantations to the war efort remains unclear. 318 315 Edward Papenfuse, Alan F. Day, David W. Jordan, and Gregory A. Stiverson, A Biographical Dictionary of the Maryland Legislature, 1635-1789, Vol. 1:A-H (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Pres, 1979), 195-197. 316 Maryland?s Declaration of Independence, 3 July 1776, MSA SC 4560-1. 317 Annapolis, December 15, The Pennsylvania Gazete, 21 December 1774. 131 Charles?s political involvement in the American Revolution intersected with the threat of blacks to the institution of slavery and to his side. He served on the Council of Safety in 1775 and 1776. The Council was one body concerned with the problem of fugitive slaves joining the British against Americans. They expresed fears of slave uprisings. 319 Such fear was based on precedent in Virginia. The governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, offered blacks their fredom if they voluntered for his militia. The Council feared that Eden would make a similar offer. 320 Perhaps blacks at Mount Clare and at the Caroll?s Annapolis house gained insider knowledge by serving Charles and his asociates as they discused current events. 321 Enslaved and fre blacks throughout the colonies faced tough choices betwen joining the Continental army, the British army, or staying in their communities. Blacks in the North had more social leway than their Chesapeake counterparts, and they agitated en mase for rights and abolition for decades prior to the war. 32 White 318 It remains unclear because the state records do not always specify which Charles Caroll. 319 Maryland State Papers (Maryland State Papers, Index) Benjamin Rumsey to Governor, 25 August 1777. SA S 989-327, MdHR 4561-69; Wiliam Paca to Governor, 26 September 1777, MSA S 989-354, MdHR 4562-01; Thomas Stone to Governor, 9 December 1777, SA S 989-339, dHR 4561-81; George Cook, November 1783, Deposition, MSA 0990-6-127 MdHR 4644-02. 320 Blacks who were caught were severely punished by white Americans or by the British Dunmore proved that the promise of fredom was a ruse upon seling blacks into West Indian slavery. McDermott, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, 116-117. 321 State papers indicate that Charles held metings at Mount Clare. Samuel Godman to CB, 6 May 1776, MSA S 1004-1-578 MdHR 6636-1-61A. 32 James O. Horton, and Lois E. Horton, In Hope of Liberty: Culture, Community, and Protest Among Northern Fre Blacks, 1700-1860 (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1997), 55. 132 Americans, particularly in the South, were uncomfortable with blacks joining the Continental army and being armed to defend the fredom of slaveholders. Rumors circulated that the British were encouraging blacks to rebel. In July of 1775, General George Washington ordered no blacks to be enlisted in the Continental Army. By November, Lord Dunmore declared fredom for al slaves who took up arms for the British. His proclamation responded to a desperate need in the British army for soldiers, not to antislavery sentiment. Tens of thousands ? up to 100,000 by one estimate ? escaped from slavery to join an army, while others took the moment to fle amid the disruption. 323 During this time, two men escaped from enslavement by the Carolls. The August, 1777 advertisement for Eddenborough read: FIVE POUNDS Reward 324 Ran away from the subscriber, a Negro man, caled EDENBOROUGH, a cooper by trade, about 50 years of age, a litle lively felow, active walk, speaks quick, 323 Horton and Horton, In Hope of Liberty, 55-60; 324 Runaway Advertisement, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Pres date: 19 August 1777, Ad Date: 15 August 1777. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L5 = $732. Nye, Pounds to Dollars.I found another source of information but cannot confirm whether it refers to Caroll the Barister, Charles Caroll of Annapolis, or Charles Caroll of Carollton. It reads: ?In Council Baltimore 24th Septr 1777/ Sir, We have isued the Commisions to the Oficers of Captain Grahame's Company, as you requested. If, as we imagine, the Flet is gone quite clear of you, so that Negroes &ca may not probably follow it, we would have the Militia discharged. We write to Mr Caroll's Agent in Annapolis about the Mulato an & Boat; if they belong to r Caroll, you'll be pleased to deliver them, if they do not belong to him, we request you'll have them secured and advertized; The Musquets &ca we estem the Property of the Persons who took them and would either have them divided, or sold and the Money divided amongst them, as they may agre. Benja Mackal Esqr Lt of We are &ca Calvert County.? (Council of Safety to Benjamin ackal, Journal and Correspondence of the Maryland Council of Safety, January 1-March 20, 1777, Vol. 16, p. 384). 133 and with a litle of the Negro acent, bald upon the upper part of his head; Had on a country linen shirt, tow linen trousers, country cloth waistcoat, old shoes, an old straw hat; It is suspected that he is harboured about Baltimore Town, or in the neighborhood. Whoever brings him to the subscriber, shal have Forty Shilings, if taken in this or in Anne Arundel county, and if in any other county the above reward, and reasonable charges. CHARLES CAROL Mount Clare, Aug 15, 1777 An advertisement in 1780 for Jack Lynch read: FOUR HUNDRED OLARS REWARD 325 Mount Clare July 10, 1780 RAN away, from the subscribers island plantation, at the Mouth of Gunpowder, about the beginning of this month, a mulato slave, caled JACK LYNCH, down look, is an artful rogue, speaks slow, and appears to be very mild. Had on and took with him, a blue broadcloth coat, country cloth jacket, one Irish linen shift, two country linen dito, one pair of country linen trousers, a pair of half-worn shoes, with buckles, an old country made hat, and has lately had a breaking out on his head. Whoever brings him to the subscriber, or secures him, so that he may get him again, shal have the above reward, and reasonable charges. CHARLES CAROL The two advertisements raise a number of questions. Did only two people ever escape from the Carolls? Baltimore plantations during Charles?s lifetime? If so, why? Why did Charles place the advertisements? Did they have anything to do with blacks joining the war? Charles?s papers do not discuss any escapes or reveal his tipping point for placing advertisements. Slaveholders did not always pursue runaways or 325 Runaway Ad, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Pres date: 11 July 1780, Ad date: 10 July 1780. Conversions to 2008 dollars: $400 = $6,480. Six Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a U.S. Dollar Amount, 1774 to Present. Online: http:/ww.measuringworth.com/uscompare/, acesed 20 December 2009. 134 advertise an escape. Dr. Caroll, for example, tended to hire bounty hunters. Placement of an advertisement was influenced by the ability to aford it, the proximity of the plantation to a town with a newspaper, and the value of the enslaved person to the owner. Enslavers also strategicaly placed advertisements as a scare tactic to disuade additional escapes. 326 Charles?s residences in Baltimore and Annapolis were within close proximity to several diferent newspapers. He had the wealth to aford advertisements. Did Charles, like his father, hire bounty hunters? Did he rely on Baltimore?s eyes and ears to produce tips? Did blacks tend to return on their own acord? Even as they raise questions, Eddenborough?s and Jack Lynch?s advertisements may provide some clues. Both advertisements suggest some flexibility in enslaved blacks? movements. Former slaves John Thompson and James Pennington have explained that an absence of a few days was not unusual. Men were commonly permited to leave on Saturday evening to visit their families on other plantations until Monday morning. 327 They might use ilnes as an excuse not to return until Tuesday. As a result, alarm did not rise for an absence until Wednesday. 328 Margaret?s estate inventory shows that Jack had relatives at Mount Clare in 1817. Perhaps Charles was acustomed to Jack being absent as a result of visiting relatives. Eddenborough may have had friends or family 326 Lathan A. Windley, Runaway Slave Advertisements: A documentary history from the 1730s to 1790. Vol. 2: Maryland (Westport: Grenwood Pres, 1983), xiv; Patricia Bradley, Slavery, Propaganda, and the American Revolution (University Pres of Misisippi, 1999), 25-44. 327 Pennington, Fugitive Blacksmith, 5. 328 Thompson, Life of John Thompson, 76. 135 wiling to hide him in Baltimore, which was why Charles noted the city as a place to look. Enslaved persons moving around Baltimore is further supported by an advertisement for a carpenter named Aaron Pulley. One of Margaret?s oversers placed the advertisement in June 1799. Aaron, too, had been gone several days: ?He left home on Thursday last, and was sen at the races; he often frequented Fel?s- Point.? The overser warned masters of ships not to take him on. 329 Both Eddenborough?s and Jack?s outfits were similar to others who escaped slavery to join the Continental army, but the commonnes of the clothes provides no definitive answer. 30 Impacts on the Baltimore Iron Works During the Revolution, labor became scarcer as fre laborers joined the Continental Army. Iron laborers were exempt from enrollment in southeastern Pennsylvania, but the practice was only discouraged in Maryland and Virginia. 31 Charles Caroll of Carollton argued to his partners in 1773 that they should purchase forty or fifty more slaves rather than hire workers. 32 The company agred to purchase ten convicts and 329 Federal Gazete [Baltimore, Md., published as Federal Gazete & Baltimore Daily Advertiser], 15 June 1799, vol. X, is. 1744, p. 4. 30 Se, for example: Advertisement, 2 July 1781, Maryland Gazete [Annapolis, Md]; Advertisement, 14 November 1782, Maryland Gazete [Annapolis, Md]; Advertisement, 17 March 1778, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser [Baltimore, Md]. 31 Robbins, Principio Company, 113. 32 Charles Caroll of Carollton to Gentleman. 8 December 1773. Folder ?1773 Correspondence: Baltimore Company.? Box 6. MS 219. MdHS. 136 twenty negroes, five of each group at a time. Perhaps based on past experience, they emphasized the need for healthy, country-born negroes betwen 15 to 22 years old. On 11 July 1774, the partners agred at a meting at Mount Clare to purchase ten slaves betwen 16 and 25 years old. On 30 March 1775 they agred that each partner holding a fifth share should contribute one young, country born ?negro wench? not exceding 24 years old. 33 Clement Brooke complained to the partners when no slaves were acquired by April. Charles retorted, ?My two negroes have been some time sent to the works and I have a negro woman ready to send acording to our last agrement. Mr. Brook writes me of the 11 th that he has purchased 500 bushels of corn for the works in my acount to [il.].? 34 Charles?s contributions of slaves did not necesarily work out. Brooke again urged the partners to supply slaves in 1783 because the busines was suffering, in part because several slaves sent in the previous year were unfit. He wrote, ?The lad sent in by Mr. Caroll, Barister in June 1782, very unfit for busines, a negro wench from the same 5 th sent to Mount Royal Forge Mr Franklin complains of as having a bad leg.? Brooke again emphasized the preference for young and able men, as ?bad hands are a burden.? 35 Unlike other ironworks, which strove to be self-sufficient, the owners of the Baltimore Iron Works contributed quotas of provisions. Lewis suggests that the 33 Minute Book, 24 January 1731, Box 6, MS 219, MdHS; Clement Brooke to Gentlemen, 4 February 1774. Folder ?1774 Correspondence: Baltimore Company,? Box 7, MS 219, MdHS. 34 Clement Brooke to Charles Caroll and Company, 10 April 1775, with replies, MSA M 4214-4751. 35 Clement Brooke to The Baltimore Company, 7 August 1783, MS 1228, MdHS. 137 internal bickering of the owners trickled into each of them atempting to undercut their asigned quota. 36 Perhaps the deprivation of laborers? needs at the Baltimore Iron Works helped to sustain the partners? own plantations during the lean war years. The Baltimore Iron Works managers pleaded to the owners for food for the starving workers and animals. Manager Clement Brooke wrote to the owners in 1775 that he could not do his job unles the partners supplied more slaves and more corn. 37 The expansion of the work force enabled the Baltimore Company to sel iron towards the war efort. 38 Charles was paid L4.12 at least twice by the Council of Safety for iron manufactured by enslaved blacks and others. 39 By the late eightenth century, blacks often constituted a larger percentage of the skiled laborers than they did unskiled. 340 The iron industry declined just after the American Revolution, but recovered and expanded until after the Civil War. 341 Large- scale use of slave labor supported the iron industry in the Chesapeake region. The Baltimore Iron Works, however, was not part of this general trend. Several factors 36 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Caves, 150. 37 Clement Brooke to Gentlemen. 10 April 1775, Folder ?1775 Correspondence: Baltimore Company,? Box 7, MS 219, MdHS. 38 Maryland State Papers (Scharf Collection) Charles Caroll Esq. and Company to Robert Alexander, Receipt dated 1 September 1787 for transactions in August 1766 and October 1755, MSA S1005-97-14420 MdHR 19,999-089-089. 39 George Gordon to Council of Safety, 3 July 1776, MSA S 1004-6-662 MdHR 6636-6-18E Location: 1/7/3/27. Conversions to 2008 dollars: L4.12 = $601. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 340 Lewis, ?Slave Labor in the Chesapeake Iron Industry,? 408. 341 Robbins, Maryland?s Iron Industry. 138 likely contributed to its demise. The seizure of shares belonging to Loyalists after the American Revolution and the failure to produce competitively put the Baltimore Iron Works in dire straits by the 1780s. Baltimore Company records decrease, but the end of the Principio Company suggested some possibilities. The Principio Company began to collapse in the mid-eightenth century due to dwindling timber resources for charcoal and the aging of its enslaved workforce. After the American Revolution, the Maryland General Asembly confiscated al British property in the state, including that of the Loyalist partners of the Principio Company. Over one hundred thirty-six enslaved persons were auctioned with the company?s asets. 342 The Baltimore Company faced similar chalenges. Caroll the Barister died in 1783, leaving an entire one-fifth of company ownership to his heirs. Nicholas Caroll, not James Caroll, became part owner and Margaret received a third of his Baltimore Company income for her lifetime. 343 The fracture of shares among heirs became more common over the late eightenth century, which semed to disolve any remaining internal coherence of the company?s management. In 1785, one-fifth share was advertised for sale, meaning a fifth of two hundred slaves along with one furnace, two forges, over twenty-eight thousand acres, and other stock. About 7,000 to 8,000 acres near Baltimore were slated for sale as individual lots. 34 Daniel Dulany?s share was 342 Lewis, Coal, Iron, and Slaves, 22. 343 Nicholas Caroll to Margaret Caroll, Articles of Agrement, 6 July 1792, p. 83, Baltimore County Court Chatel Records 1791-1794, Baltimore County Court, MS 2865.1, MdHS. 34 Advertisement, ?To Be Sold,? The Pennsylvania Gazete, Ad Date: 27 February 1785, Post Date: 9 March 1785. Slaves were also sold with the property as per The 139 confiscated due to his Loyalist ties. Robert Carter sold his share in 1787. The disolution of the company had disastrous efects on the community of enslaved persons. Blacks were sold as partners peeled away from the company or as their holdings were seized. Sales ?shredded families? as men, women, and children were sold. 345 By 1798, the Baltimore Company enslaved no one. Two Ends to Two Eras Charles died at Mount Clare in March 1783, months before the signing of the Treaty of Paris that brought an end to the American Revolution. Charles fred no one in his last wil and testament, nor did he leave blacks any clothing or gifts. 346 His obituary caled him an ?Indulgent Master,? a phrase reflecting elites? beliefs that their treatment of slaves was generous considering slaves? social location. Blacks, however, did not necesarily share Charles?s or his friends? beliefs that they received more than they were due. Although Charles stipulated that his executors not probate his estate, the 1783 tax asesment provides information on his wealth for al Pennsylvania Gazete, 5 July 1770. Vertical files, Mount Clare Museum House. To Be Sold, 26 February 1785. Maryland Gazete [Annapolis, Md.], 10 March 1785. 345 Bezis-Selfa, Forging America, 141-142. 346 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Wils), Charles Caroll, 1783, Liber WB3, folio503. CR72,241-1, MSA CM188-3. He wrote, ?and as my dear wife may probably incline to have in her share of my negroes those or some of them which came to me by Intermariage with her and their increase I direct and order that she may take the whole or so many and such of time as she may chuse [sic] to have in her said moiety or half part of my personal estate and that she shal further have during her natural life the use of al such of my House servants as may happen not to be included therein but it is intended that the increase shal not be considered as part of the use but to be taken and received into the residue of my estate.? 140 properties but Mount Clare (Table 1). 347 Mount Clare likely included a comparable number of blacks to The Caves because the two plantations had held a similar number of slaves in 1737 and 1773. If so, Charles enslaved approximately one hundred fiften people in 1783 on his personal property. He was also acountable for a fifth share of the thirty-one people enslaved at the Baltimore Iron Works. 348 Table 1: Charles Carroll?s Slaveholding in 1783, Mount Clare Excepted Annapolis 349 Value The Caves 350 Value Carolls Island 351 Value Males and females under age 8 5 46 13 130 10 100 Males or females age 8-14 7 (males) 175 2 50 Males age 14-45 7 530 2 140 347 ?An act to raise the supplies for the year seventen hundred and eighty-thre.? Hanson?s Laws of Maryland 1763-1784, November sesion 1782, Ch. VI, vol. 203, p. 329, Archives of aryland Online. The act stipulated a tax of 25 shilings per L100 worth of property, including slaves acording to age, black catle, and crops, to be paid in Maryland paper money. 348 Middlesex Hundred. Baltimore County, Asesment Record, 1783. General Asembly House of Delegates. M 871. SM59. MSA. 349 General Asembly House of Delegates (Asesment Record) Charles Caroll (Barister), 1783, Annapolis Hundred, Anne Arundel County, M871-11, MSA SM59- 1. Conversion to 2008 dollars: L1527 = $204,295. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 350 General Asembly House of Delegates (Asesment Record) Charles Caroll (Barister), 1783, Middle River Upper Hundred and Back River Hundred, Baltimore County, p. 3, M871-17, MSA SM59-22. Conversion to 2008 dollars: L5729 = $766,473. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 351 General Asembly House of Delegates (Asesment Record) Charles Caroll (Barister), 1783, Middle River Lower Hundred, Baltimore County, p. 3, M871-17, MSA SM59-22. Conversion to 2008 dolars: L3007 = $402,301. Nye, Pounds to Dollars. 141 Females age 14- 36 1 60 10 60 3 180 Males over age 45 or females over age 36 1 40 8 120 3 75 Total 7 146 45 1015 20 545 Total asesed 1527 5729 3007 Charles enabled Margaret to choose among two groups of slaves towards her half part of his personal estate. The first included blacks brought by Margaret into the mariage and their children; these individuals likely lived at Mount Clare already. Blacks at The Caves and Carolls Island appear to have been folded into the Macubbin brothers? inheritances. The second group constituted house servants beyond the first group. Their children, however, became part of the residue of Charles?s estate. In addition, Charles left to his clerk Francis Fairbrother of Annapolis ?the negro woman named Sue and al her children or increase that woman I mean who now lives with him.? 352 Charles gave Margaret life tenancy on either his Annapolis or Mount Clare properties. She chose Mount Clare. He left her a third part of the residue of his real estate, a full moiety of lands sold after his death, a half part of his personal estate, and household efects from Annapolis. Slaves helped to bufer widows from poverty, but other forms of pased-down wealth such as land and monetary asets proved to be more reliable supports. 353 Charles left the rest of the 352 Acording to the 1783 asesment, Fairbrother enslaved thre children under eight years old, one male or female eight to fourten, one male age fourten to forty-five, and one female age fourten to thirty-six. By the 1790 census, however, Fairbrother?s household included no slaves or fredpersons. Annapolis Hundred. Asesment Record, 1783. General Asembly House of Delegates. M 871. SM59. MSA. 142 estate to his nephews, Nicholas and James Macubbin, provided that they change their names to Carol. Enslaved women helped to resolve household loose ends. Lucy, who had lived at Mount Clare since at least 1773, boxed Fairbrother?s coffe pot and books to send him in Annapolis. 354 Fairbrother reported on Beck in Annapolis: ?Beck is stil here and has put the Kitchen in good order and otherwise behaves herself wel. She intends to venture out in a few days and thinks she shal be able to get her living. I shal keep my eye on her motions and inform you of them.? 35 Charles therefore opted at death to perpetuate slavery in Maryland and the concept of human chatel. The American Revolution, as Stephen Whitman puts it, ?made slavery into a problem,? by which he means that al Americans found themselves thinking more about the institution and the moralities of slaveholding. 356 The era brought major shifts for blacks in the Chesapeake region. Thousands of blacks from Maryland and Virginia served in armies, were kidnapped as booty, and escaped from masters. Blacks in the 1770s and 1780s engaged with the evangelical movement of the Methodist and Baptist churches and created independent black churches. The movement also persuaded some whites that slavery was un-Christian. That, along 353 Kathlen Fawver, ?Gender and the Structure of Planter Households in the Eightenth-Century Chesapeake,? Early American Studies (Fal 2006): 455. 354 Francis Fairbrother to Margaret Caroll, 3 November 1783: ?I received the box you sent by Lucy in volunts boat containing the coffe pot and my books al safe.? 35 Douglas Caroll, Families of Dr. Charles Caroll (1691-1755) and Cornet Thomas Dewey (160?-1648) (Brooklandvile, Md. (Copy on file, Maryland Historical Society), 26. 356 Whitman, Slavery and the American Revolution, 20. 143 with ideological doubts brought in the contradiction of fighting for white liberty but keeping black slavery, led to increasing numbers of manumisions. Agricultural conditions, such as tobaco-depleted soil, along with post-war economic depresion caused additional disruption in the practicality of slavery. 357 The war spread the intelectual groundwork to end slavery during the Civil War almost a hundred years later. But in the short term, elites such as Margaret Caroll and her relatives felt their positions as elite slaveholders to be safe. At least through the end of the eightenth century, they felt a (perhaps misplaced) sense of political mastery and used their power to entrench slavery more deeply into the Southern half of the republic. Americans qualified for leadership and commite positions in the Maryland government based on wealth and landownership. Gentrymen such as Charles relied upon enslaved blacks to build and maintain the labor-dependent aspects of their wealth. As a result, the enslaved persons? labor enabled Charles to take part in the American Revolution and be remembered in history as an American patriot. No record remains to suggest that he or Margaret felt internal conflict over slavery. And yet his enslavement of dozens of people across personal properties and continued partnership in the Baltimore Iron Works suggests that his conservative political stance related at least in part to his desire to maintain slavery and a divided racial system in America. Blacks and Margaret faced her widowhood in a changed and destabilized America as debates about the future of slavery and fredom swirled about them. 357 Richard S. Dunn, ?Black Society in the Chesapeake 1776-1810.? In Slavery and Fredom in the Age of the American Revolution, edited by Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, 49-82 (Charlottesvile: University Pres of Virginia, 1983), 50-51. 144 Chapter 5: White Widowhood Over the next thirty-four years, Margaret?s elitism and racism structured everyday life at Mount Clare. The fact that Charles left slaves to Margaret suggests confidence in her ability to manage them or to choose individuals who could on her behalf. Margaret and enslaved persons are today presented as people of their time: individuals caught in a societal system over which they had limited control. Margaret was to men of her race and status a shy, inteligent person who became warm and caring as new people became known to her. 358 Her personality, however, may have appeared in another way to enslaved persons or to white hires. 359 Margaret?s particular and status-conscious voice often seped into Charles?s correspondence in the form of requests or complaints. She wanted the best consumables, like tea, and she and her husband articulated the specific qualities and types of persons whom they sought as white servants. Margaret?s practices show that she personaly sought to distance herself from al other walks of life, particularly that of black slaves, by wealth management, consumption, and keeping curent with trends. Today, however, 358 Charles Caroll of Carollton to CB, 3 December 1771, MdHi, MS 203.2, p. 19. Film No.: MSA M 4193-497 Item No. [497]. 359 Margaret left no indication of the atributes she prefered in the people she enslaved. Correspondence in 1802, however, is suggestive. Margaret confided in an acquaintance that ?it is extreme[ly] dificult to met with young women near this town with [il.] and capacity ? if they have lived in town long enough to learn anything their morals are corupted, and they are generaly so fond of gossiping that you can scarce but keep them at home.? Margaret Caroll to Mrs. Elicott, 30 March 1802, Henry Maynadier Fitzhugh Family Collection, 1698-1902. M11760, SA SC 4688-13. 145 visitors to Mount Clare learn only of her identity as an elite woman concerned with the domestic sphere. Blacks are erased from her life, except at the time of her death. None of Margaret?s records and few leters remain from this period, but government documents provide demographic information about who lived at Mount Clare. During Margaret?s widowhood, more information than ever before comes to light about blacks at Mount Clare. Family relationships, life cycles, skil expertise, and other identifying characteristics give shape to enslaved individuals. The following chapter explores the post-Revolutionary era at Mount Clare from betwen 1783 to 1817 within the contexts of white widowhood and Baltimorean trends in African American life. Slavery and White Widowhood Blacks and Margaret lived in the same historical time but experienced it in diferent ways through distinctive outlets. Black feminism and double consciousnes offer a frame for the period on the basis of improved information about individual blacks, families, and their roles at Mount Clare relative to earlier times. Double consciousnes suggests that blacks? knowledge of European American elites? practices bridged black and white life on plantations. W.E.B DuBois observed double consciousnes in two ways. The first, as he wrote, was ?always looking at one?s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one?s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity.? The second involved having two identities - ?Two waring ideals in one dark body? - one American and the other being a person of 146 color. 360 For places like Mount Clare, one way that double consciousnes may have manifested in the internalization of the Carols? expectations for conduct and labor discipline. In a related way to the duality of double consciousnes, black feminists emphasize that black women and white women experience the world in diferent ways as a result of their races. 361 Elizabeth Fox-Genovese emphasizes that women?s 360 W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Dover, [1903] 1994), 2-3. 361 Audrey Lorde argues that white American feminist theory fails to approach diference betwen women and thus fails to acknowledge oppresion (Audre Lorde, An Open Leter to Mary Daly, page 66-71. Crossing Pres: Berkeley, 1984.). Patricia Hil Collins reflects that white feminist movements addres middle clas white dilemas, but fail to engage with the lived experience of black women. Collins insists that black women?s experiences are unique because they are grounded in an Afrocentric approach and in the role of ?outsider within?, for example, as a domestic worker or within white feminism (Patricia Hil Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousnes, and the Politics of Empowerment (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990). bel hooks relates women?s struggles and resistance in the present as grounded in slavery. She argues that the stereotype of black women as sexualy depraved, imoral and loose had its beginnings in the slave system but represented a misinterpretation of black women?s strategies for survival (bel hooks, Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism. Boston: South End Pres, 1991). Ruth Frankenberg appropriates feminisms of women of color to argue that race afects the experiences of white women (Ruth Frankenburg, White Women, Race Matters, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Pres, 1993). Barbara Smith reminds that, even though black feminism can reveal the intensity of al women?s oppresion, white women should not claim black women, their writing, or their vision as their own. Smith reminds white women to maintain vigilance about their ignorance of their own racism (Barbara Smith, "Towards a Black Feminist Criticism" (1977), in Elaine Showalter, ed., The New Feminist Criticism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985), pp. 168-85.). Kimberle Crenshaw uses intersectionality to addres the failure of antiracist and feminist discourses to interact. She ses black feminism as having reshaped the conceptualization of violence against black women, changing it from expresions of private maters or aberations or deviance to forms of dominance (Kimberle Crenshaw, ?Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color? Stanford Law Review (1991) 43 :1241-99.). Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton Dil draw on "multiracial feminism" as a conceptual framework to asert that gender is constructed by interlocking inequalities, or, following Patricia Hil Collins, a "matrix of domination." The matrix idea conveys 147 gendered experiences vary depending on race and clas in the contexts of their societies, communities, and the historical periods in which they lived. 362 The fact that Margaret, but not the women she enslaved, could mary and then live as a widow with substantial property is one ilustration of Fox-Genovese?s point. Deborah Gray White finds that, ?ideas about women went hand in hand with ideas about race? in the antebelum South so that, ?Women and blacks were the foundation on which Southern white males built their patriarchical regime.? 363 Black feminists? analyses of slavery grounds the analysis of blacks? lives within white widowhood as constructed and contrived rather than natural. Historical studies of white widows as slaveholders demonstrate the interactivity betwen white and black women?s histories. Kathlen Fawver indicates that slave management forced white widows to merge their traditional feminine roles and expertise with traditionaly male ones. 364 Inge Dornan concurs, finding that they shed the image of the pitiable widow in order to establish control and discipline. Widows succesfully managed and even expanded upon their deceased husbands? estates. They gained new legal power to enter the busines world while acting on their that people experience multiple systems of race, clas, gender, and sexuality simultaneously, but in diferent ways depending on their social location (Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton Dil, ?Theorizing Diference from Multiracial Feminism.? Feminist Studies (1996) 22:321.). 362 Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 1988), 29. 363 Deborah Gary White, Ar?n?t I a Woman?: Female Slaves in the Plantation South (New York: W. . Norton and Company, 1985/1999), 58. 364 Kathlen Fawver, ?Gender and the Structure of Planter Households in the Eightenth-Century Chesapeake,? Early American Studies (Fal 2006): 442-470. 148 feminine duty to act as truste of property for the next generation. 365 Margaret, for example, demonstrated intelectual and busines acumen to sustain her wealth while keeping Mount Clare in trust for James Macubbin. Kirstin Wood concludes that Southern widows endorsed the social order, even as they worked among social categories as slaveholders. She writes that, ?Widowhood increased slaveholding women?s determination to defend the wealth, connections, social standing, and legal protections that slaveholders enjoyed.? White widows tended to be conservative and endorse gender, race, and clas inequality. They, however, demonstrated that feminine dependence could be a source of power when linked to racial and economic privilege. 36 Combining these arguments and findings supports an image of segregated women at Mount Clare, but the lack of evidence leaves questions about what defined their interactions. Did female field laborers at Mount Clare have a leser status in Margaret?s mind than women who worked in the house? Did women with whom she was more familiar receive benefits that others did not? Margaret employed whites as buffers betwen herself and enslaved blacks. How did oversers, personal servants, and housekeepers fare in the widowhood dynamic? 367 Slavery at Mount Clare 365 Inge Dornan, ?Masterful Women: Colonial Women Slaveholders in the Urban Low County.? Journal of American Studies 39, no. 3 (2005), 387. 36 Kirsten E. Wood, ?Broken Reds and Competent Farmers: Slaveholding Widows in the Southeastern United States, 1783-1861.? Journal of Women?s History 13, no. 2 (2001): 43 and 50. 367 Thomas Wooten may have been an overser at Mount Clare in 1797. Applicants for a 15-acre parcel of pasture were to inquire of him at Mount Clare. Advertisement, 149 signaled Margaret?s desire to justify white elites? societal position at a time when increasing clas stratification in the Chesapeake region felt threatening. Mistreses did not hold power equal to the plantation master during his lifetime, but Margaret may have acted as a ?deputy husband? ? an active partner in plantation management who was confined by her gender to a subordinate role. 368 Wives were frequently promoted from plantation deputy to manager upon their husbands? deaths. Margaret supervised operations at Mount Clare as wel as The Caves in the early ninetenth century. Blacks fred from plantation slavery characterized the role of plantation mistreses as focused on the domestic domain. Contemporary on-site interpretation and guides to Mount Clare discuss Margaret as the interior decorator of Mount Clare, a mother, and a wife rather than a plantation manager or slaveholder of one of the largest enslaved populations in Baltimore County. On-site, a main point of Margaret?s uniquenes derives from her succes as a gardener as measured by the atention her work received from George Washington. 369 Richard, an enslaved black identified as a gardener on Margaret?s estate inventory, receives no similar credit. Federal Gazete & Baltimore Daily Advertiser [Baltimore] 7(1177), 17 August 1797, p. 4. 368 Bal, Slavery in the United States, 57-58. 369 Joanna Tilghman Tamplin, "Chatelaine of Mount Clare." In Behind the Maryland Scene: Women of Influence 1600-1800, ed. Southern Regional Commite National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, and Dame Guests from other Maryland Commites, 95-103 (National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Southern Maryland Regional Commite, 1977), 95-103. 150 Interpretation of Margaret avoids the contradiction and the racialized historical proceses that acompany it. Blacks are erased. In the fal of 1984, museum chairman Eugenia Calvert Holland wrote that, ?Those of us who are members of the House Commite have a charming historic personage to emulate. She was a lady of refinement and gentle manners, a woman of property, informed, direct and gracious. I refer to Margaret Tilghman Caroll: bride, wife and widow of Charles Caroll, Barister ? First Lady of Mount Clare.? 370 Feminist museologists such as Gaby Porter argue that such interpretations serve to perpetuate gender inequality in the present by basing it in the past. 371 Focus on Margaret?s relationship to architecture, furniture, and entertaining also serves to focus white women?s experiences on a selected aspect of the domestic realm without contextualizing those experiences within the atmosphere surrounding slavery. A contextualization of Margaret?s life among other women on the plantation, such as servants and enslaved persons, would promote an understanding of the ways that race, ethnicity, and clas influence women?s experiences in the past and present. Blacks at Mount Clare were in a unique situation for the Baltimore region due to their community?s size in addition to Margaret?s wealth and widowhood. The persistence of slavery semed asured in the years following the American Revolution. The enslaved population of Baltimore County and Baltimore City 370 Newsleter, The Clarion, September 1984. Folder ?Colonial Dames, Clarion Newsleters 1978-1986.? Eliza Coale Funk Papers, circa 1758-2004. Box 4 of 7. Series II: Eliza Coale Funk: Activities and Organizations, MS3065, MdHS. 371 Gaby Porter, "Seing Through Solidarity: A Feminist Perspective on Museums." In Theorizing Museums, edited by Sharon and Gordon Fyfe MacDonald, 105-26 (Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwel Publishers, 1996). 151 increased by sixty percent betwen 1790 and 1810. The number of slaves in Baltimore City nearly quadrupled to 4,672. Over the next two decades, slavery declined slowly but steadily until 1830, when the trend acelerated and the fre population of Baltimore increased. 372 In 1790, Margaret enslaved forty-seven people over age sixten at Mount Clare. She was the seventh largest slaveholder in Baltimore County and Baltimore City. Wiliam Hamond ranked first with one hundred fifty slaves and Nicholas Caroll placed sixth with forty-nine. After Margaret, the next two largest slaveholding women held twenty-five and twenty persons. The great majority of Baltimore County and Baltimore City households contained les than five or no slaves in 1790. The few fre black households headed by women tended to consist of under five persons and no slaves. 373 By 1798, only thre female heads of household ? al white ? were also slaveholders in Baltimore County. Margaret enslaved thirty-six people, twenty-one of whom were betwen twelve and fifty years old. Her total property was asesed at $15,467.52 ? more than the other women?s properties combined. Wealth on the 1798 asesment was calculated from slaves, plate, horses, black catle, sheep, land, houses and other structures (such as mils). Eleanor Croxal enslaved twenty-seven people 372 Stephen Whitman, The Price of Fredom: Slavery and Manumision in Baltimore and Early National Maryland (Lexington: University Pres of Kentucky, 1997), 9-11. 373 The men in betwen Hamond and Caroll were Charles Ridgeley (117), James Franklin (84), Annias Divas (74), and James Gitings and Philip Chamberlain (55 apeice). Nicholas Caroll?s census information for The Caves was listed under Christopher Turnpaugh, the overser. The women were Eleanor Croxal [incorectly listed as Croxtel] and Susannah Buchannan. Department of Commerce, Heads of Families of the First Census, Baltimore City and Baltimore County. 152 betwen 12 and 50. Her property was asesed at $4,977.75. 374 Sarah Smith enslaved forty-five people, seventen betwen twelve and fifty years old. Her thre properties were asesed together at $5,724.79.5. In 1804, slaves constituted forty-seven percent of the total value of Margaret?s personal property but fourten percent of her total holdings. 375 The statistic demonstrates both the centrality of human chatel to Margaret?s clas standing and that she as much depended upon land for wealth. The relative scarcity of white women as heads of households in comparison with black women, combined with the rarity of white women holding over twenty slaves, demonstrates the unique position in which blacks lived at Mount Clare. 376 Blacks witnesed the changing of Margaret?s role in widowhood and recognized the social score she faced; indeed, white widowhood highlighted the dependence of an elite woman?s social standing on her diference from a black slave. Material Goods and Social Ceremonies 374 1798, Baltimore Co: Eleanor Croxal in Soldiers Delight Hundred enslaved 27 people, 12 betwen 12 and 50. Her ?sundry tracts? included one frame dweling house 62 by 18 with piaza 62 by 8, one frame kitchen 54 by 16, one stone milk house 12 by 12, one story, one frame milk house one story 12 by 12, one frame smoke house 16 by 16 one story, one frame negros quarter one story 18 by 18, one log negroe quarter one story 20 by 18. The asesor asesed her house at 500. Also a cariage house, barns, houses, corn houses, etc. al worth 4337.50. Conversions to 2008 currency: $15,467.52 = $279,370. Six Ways to Calculate. 375 Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Asesed Persons List) Margaret Caroll, 1804, CR 39,605-10, MSA CM 1204-1. 376 No 1800 census remains for Baltimore County. It would provide names of black female heads of households with which to compare to the 1798 asesment. If the 1800 census is recovered, the comparison would further iluminate the diferences of experience betwen Margaret and black women. 153 Material goods constituted one way that enslaved blacks were set apart from elite whites, but also the knowledge embodied in their double consciousnes. Barbara Carson, Suzanne Spencer-Wood, and Diana Wal have found correlations betwen the complexity of tableware and social categories as they relate to white women in particular. 37 Their analyses suggest that social teas and entertaining enabled Margaret to consume and to display wealth. Bridget Heneghan argues that the whitewashing of material goods in the early ninetenth century reflected a conscious and deliberate need among whites to push blacknes or darknes away from themselves in order to segregate and expel black slavery. 378 Laurie Wilkie, on the other hand, looks at the significance of large amounts of mismatched teawares at slave and tenant farmer sites. She believes that they do not signal blacks? miicry of elites? social practices; instead, she interprets a preference for bowl shapes as a signal for African-style foods and medicines as continuing into the early twentieth century. 379 Wilkie, however, can base her findings on the analysis of areas where 37 Barbara G. Carson, Ambitious Appetites: Dining, Behavior, and Patterns of Consumption in Federal Washington (Washington, DC: American Institute of Architects Pres, 1990); Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood, ?Diversity and Ninetenth- Century Domestic Reform: Relationships Among Clases and Ethnic Groups,? In Those of Litle Note, ed. Elizabeth M. Scott, 175-208 (Tucson: University of Arizona Pres, 1994); Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood and Scott D. Heberling, ?Consumer Choices in White Ceramics: A Comparison of Eleven Early Ninetenth Century Sites,? In Consumer Choice in Historical Archaeology, edited by Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood, 55-84 (New York: Plenum, 1987); Diana de Zerega Wal, The Archaeology of Gender: Separating the Spheres in Urban America (New York: Plenum, 1994). 378 Bridget T. Heneghan, Whitewashing America: Material Culture and Race in the Antebelum Imagination (Jackson: University Pres of Misisippi, 2003), 4-5. 379 Laurie A. Wilkie, Creating Fredom: Material Culture and African American Identity at Oakley Plantation, Louisiana 1840-1950 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State 154 white enslavers did not live. No such site is known for Mount Clare. Material goods, particularly table setings and clothing, provide a way to consider the intersections of race and status at Mount Clare. Enslaved women who worked in the kitchen and in the main house would have been aware of the complex social rituals expresed through material culture but technicaly ineligible to participate in them. Mount Clare had a dining room, a use- specific space possible in wealthier and larger homes. Elites created elaborate rituals laden with meaning that insiders knew to follow, but would reveal the relative ignorance of outsiders. Complex and labor-intensive meals also became popular among wealthy elites in the mid-eightenth century. Meals came to require special sauces, multiple courses, trimings, and other elaborate expresions of luxurious abundance. 380 The Carolls were also ahead of the curve in terms of table manners. In 1764, Charles ordered table knives and forks, but forks did not catch on in America until the late eightenth century. Charles and Margaret ordered sets of Chinese export porcelain and creamware tableware in graduated sizes; forks and knives; and serving dishes for soup or sides or main dishes from London and in America. The amount of porcelain recovered archaeologicaly from the mansion area in comparison with other ceramic types indicates that the Carolls ate from expensive, fine tableware on a University Pres, 2000), 145-147, 170-171. Another interpretation, however, is that bowl shapes are stronger than flat ones. Plates may appear les frequently not because of Africans? cultural preferences, but because bowls were al that were left to pas. 380 Ann Smart Martin, ??Fashionable Sugar Dishes, Latest Fashion Ware? The Creamware Revolution in the Eightenth-Century Chesapeake.? In Historical Archaeology of the Chesapeake, Shackel and Litle, eds. Pp. 169-187. 155 regular and frequent basis. 381 It also suggests that blacks learned white elites? social ceremonies and values, such as the meaning of formal versus informal place setings, the appropriate use of diferent ceramic paterns, and the service requirements for entertaining or everyday dining. Diners in the early ninetenth century sat down to large serving dishes along the center of a table. Smaler dishes, sauce containers, and pickle dishes sat among them. Water decanters stood at the corners. After the meal, a desert course was set out, then women and men separated into their own after-meal socializing. Blacks were involved in seting up the table, moving furniture in the house to acommodate large parties, and cleaning up afterwards. 382 Margaret?s complaints about the quality of tea signaled her social location and agitation to separate herself from the les wealthy. Tea-drinking became more acesible to al groups in the mid-eightenth century in the colony. Tea ceremonies took place in homes among family and a few others. Etiquete manuals of the post- Revolution era did not advise on tea in reflection of its home-oriented role. Tea in the ninetenth century included more parts: a tea table, tray or waiter or tea board, teapot, cream jug, sugar bowl and tongs, cups, saucers, teaspoons, a tea urn, a stand for the urn or pot, slop bowl, canister, strainer, spoon tray, and plates for snacks. A gentel tea required the right setings and enough for each tea-taker as wel as the knowledge 381 Diagnostic artifacts from the kitchen and orangerie included: Chinese export porcelain dating 1770s to 1805, fragments of English white saltglazed stoneware plates (1740s-1776), creamware plates and punch bowl (1762-1820), English pearlware bowls and shel-edged plates (1783-1830). Norma A. Baumgartner- Wagner, Archaeology at Mount Clare. 1981. 382 Carson, Ambitious Appetites, 40-48, 61, 129. 156 to practice the ceremony. 383 Enslaved blacks acquired knowledge of tea ceremonies and their social meaning in the proces of seting up the tea service, preparing snacks and beverages, or serving Margaret and her guests. Did enslaved persons at Mount Clare adopt aspects of prejudices regarding table ceremonies? Did they choose or prefer particular vesel forms in connection with foodways or other practices? Information for interaction at the mansion provides a way to consider the relationships betwen enslaved workers and white elites. Clothing and clothmaking constituted an experience shared with other plantations. Ninetenth-century slaveholders reported cloth and clothing rations that may apply to Mount Clare. Robert Collins advised two suits of cotton for spring and summer, two suits of woolens for winter, four pairs of shoes, and thre hats per year. Collins observed that neatnes was important to enslaved blacks and brought pride and self-respect. He saw clothing as a way to foster good behavior. 384 One Southern plantation owner alotted each adult field hand seven yards of oznabrig, thre yards of check, thre yards of baize, and a hat each October. Another provided two cotton shirts, two pairs of pants, a pair of shoes, and a woolen jacket each year in the fal. 385 Mistreses worked with enslaved women to spin thread, weave and dye cloth, and sew clothing. Cloth and clothing were made at Mount Clare and The Caves. Margaret?s niece, Eliza Tilghman Goldsborough, more frequently supplied clothing to blacks 383 Carson, Ambitious Appetites, 28-29. 384 Collins, reprinted in Olmstead, A Journey into the Seaboard Slave States, 694. 385 Roi Otley, Black Odysey (New York, 1948), 127 and 266. 157 who worked inside the house than to field laborers during the year. She paid enslaved women smal sums for extra spinning and weaving. 386 It is likely that the women at Mount Clare had a similar arangement. Advertisements for some blacks who escaped from slavery demonstrated that they mixed-and-matched European and African tastes to create a highly-conscious, consumer-aware, hybrid style. Clothing used to expres personal style provided fredom within racism and subordinate status in colonial and antebelum society. 387 Aaron Pulley cut a colorful sartorial picture relative to Eddenborough or Jack Lynch when he escaped from Mount Clare in 1799: ?His clothes were a bottle gren, coarse cloth coat, a nankin coate, a orange colored cotton waistcoat, with purple stripes in it, lead colored casimere breches, nankin waistcoat and breches, cotton stockings, a pair of shoes, a new hat, and white shirts.? 38 At least some of Aaron?s clothes probably came from Mount Clare or The Caves. Flax was grown behind the barn at The Caves in the early ninetenth century, and probably before then. Women gathered it. 389 Moses, the weaver, wove flax at The 386 Eliza was Margaret?s favorite niece, a guest at Mount Clare, and Margaret gave her the notebook. It is tempting to asume that Eliza?s practices were condoned by Margaret and taught to her. Margaret Tilghman Caroll, 1742-1817. Acount book, 1815-1821. MS 2751. MdHS. 387 Shane White and Graham White. ?Slave Clothing and African-American Culture in the Eightenth and Ninetenth Centuries.? Past and Present 148: 149-186; Jack Schwartz, ?Men?s Clothing and the Negro.? Phylon 24(3): 221-231. 38 Federal Gazete & Baltimore Daily Advertiser [Baltimore, Md], 15 June 1799, vol. X, is. 1744, p. 4. 389 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 539, MSA CM 155-30, WK 1068-1069-1. 158 Caves into linen for trousers and other clothes. 390 Eight-to-ten hand spinners had to work to keep a weaver occupied ful-time, 391 which suggests that Moses had help. His equipment included a loom and gears, thre flax spinning wheels, thre yarn wheels, an iron pot, an unfinished loom with two flax hackles, a cut rel, and an old copper boiler. 392 Architecture and Tension Margaret underscored the uniquenes of blacks at Mount Clare by using her wealth to asuage social tension. The revival of busines and trade after the American Revolution precipitated a building boom that intersected with trends towards increased privacy, specialized uses for spaces, and restlesnes betwen clases and races. Elites like Margaret renovated their homes to create distance betwen their families and domestic laborers. Such distance aimed to ameliorate clas and racial friction of the post-Revolutionary era in everyday interactions as it grounded the conceptual social location of slaves in physical places. Margaret commisioned a number of architectural changes in the 1780s and 1790s to structure the interactions betwen herself, family and guests, slaves, and hires at the mansion. Some changes to the mansion were precipitated by Margaret?s desire to ?freshen? it and its appearance. 390 Author unknown, Journal of Trip from Annapolis to The Caves. MS 1873. MdHS. Transcribed in Caroll, Jr., Douglas. Families of Dr. Charles Carroll (1691-1755) and Cornet Thomas Dorsey (165?-1648). Brooklandvile. On file, MdHS. 391 Alen, Threads of Bondage, 118. 392 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 539, MSA CM 155-30, WK 1068-1069-1. 159 Others repaired damage sustained in a fire on May 18, 1790. 393 The alterations efectively made Margaret and her guests, enslaved persons, and hired workers les visible to each other. Margaret commisioned eight-foot-wide service pasages on the far sides of the kitchen and office wings to move service entrances away from the main house. Cal bels in the kitchen wing provided additional privacy and distance from Margaret and her guests from house servants. A larder was built off the hyphen betwen the dining room and kitchen wing. It had a fireplace and could have served as servants? or slaves? quarters. The scullery became known as the pantry. A number of changes were made inside the main house, as wel. Margaret changed her husband?s office into a drawing room to have the thre principle rooms necesary for late eightenth- century, large-scale entertaining: a room for playing cards, a dining room, and a dancing room. 394 Enslaved persons would have adapted to the re-structuring of their movements and, indeed, gained more privacy in the proces. Unfortunately for the interpretation of black history today, the wings were demolished in 1870. The architectural alterations overal demonstrate the ability of conservative, wealthy elites to physicaly delineate their social sentiments. 393 The ?right wing? of Mount Clare ?was entirely consumed, and much valuable furniture considerably damaged; by the exertions of a number of the inhabitants of this town, the left wing and body of the building were preserved. The fire was communicated by a spark faling from the chimney on the roof.? The ?right wing? was Charles?s former office, which stood to the right of the main house as viewed from the Frederick Turnpike Road. Baltimore, May 18. The Pennsylvania Packet, and Daily Advertiser [Philadelphia, Pa], 25 May 1790, Isue 3530, p. 3. 394 Trostel, Mount Clare, 79-80. 160 Changes to the mansion were complete by 1798, but quite a few buildings beyond the mansion were in disrepair. Of the thirty-six enslaved persons, twenty-one of them were betwen 12 and 50 years old. Al were taxable. The 1798 federal asesment provides a detailed list of farm and house structures within two acres of the mansion and beyond the two acres. Unfortunately, no plantation layout map situates them. Comparison of the 1798 asesment with Margaret?s 1817 estate inventory provides a few clues. The mansion complex contained Margaret?s residence and wings. It included from west to east: a brick addition (18 by 12, one story), a brick shed (39 by 24, one story), a brick gren house (the orangerie, 26 by 26, one story), the brick service pasage to the office or drawing room (28 by 8, one story), a brick and stone office or drawing room (51 by 21, one story), Margaret?s residence (46 by 36, two story, with piaza 18 by 8), the brick kitchen (34 by 18, one story), the service pasage to the kitchen (28 by 8, one story), a brick addition (14 by 12, one story), a brick wash house (26 by 26, one story), and a brick shed (39 by 24, one story). A smoke house and a milk house (both 20 by 20, stone, one story) stood near the complex, probably at the east wing to be near the kitchen. Bacon, smoked beef and tongues, and hams were kept in the smokehouse. 395 Hired women likely lived in the atic garet bedchambers or slept in Margaret?s room. Hires and enslaved persons may have lived 395 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Acounts of Sale) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber WB 6, folio 441, MSA CM 125-6, CR 9513-1. The contents of the grenhouse are not listed in Margaret?s estate inventory. They included lemon and orange tres, various plants and flowers, and flowerpots. Poppleton?s map of Baltimore counterpoints my interpretation. Poppleton situates two smal structures near the west wing and one at the east wing. 161 in other spaces with fireplaces, such as the kitchen, pantry, orangerie, and basement. 396 The ?sheds? in the wings of the mansion may also be code for quarters. Other locations for buildings listed on the 1798 asesment are more dificult to place. Plantation support buildings tended to cluster near the mansion and near work areas, such as fields and mils. Some of the structures kept sheep, horses, catle, and pigs or were procesing areas for hides, wool, and meat. Structures in the vicinity of the mansion at Mount Clare may have included a stone ice house (25 by 16), stone stable (25 by 25, one story), stone cornhouse (18 by 16, one-half story), a pres house for juices and wine (45 by 34, one story), a frame house (16 by 11, one story), and an old frame cowhouse (21 by 16) to supply the meat house and milk house. The Mount Clare Mil complex may have consisted of a miler?s house, an old frame (44 by 16, one story) with a brick shed addition (44 by 16). 397 Farm buildings probably stood north of the mansion on the other side of the turnpike amid fields of wheat and rye. The farming complex included barns, stables, and frame structures to protect wood or act as staging areas. They might have included an old stone blacksmith shop (53 by 24, one story), a log house (fit for fuel, 30 by 24, one story), a stone house (16 by 14, fit to fal, one story), a frame structure (15 by 15, one story), an old frame structure (47 by 20, one story), an old frame barn (38 by 22, one story), and an old stone stable (45 by 24, one story). Enslaved persons on Chesapeake plantations often lived near 396 Trostel, Mount Clare, 25 and 80. 397 The pres house may have been a distilery. George Washington?s Mount Vernon had a distilery for wheat and corn near the mil. Perhaps a similar arangement was at Mount Clare. Eleanor E. Bren and Esther C. White, ??A Prety Considerable Distilery?: George Washington?s Whiskey Distilery,? Mount Vernon. 162 where they worked and in farm buildings. ?The Quarter? furnishings were listed in 1817 as a cot and bedstead, table and chairs. Also nearby were a bathing tub, an old table, and a tea ketle and frying pan. Perhaps an old log house (32 by 22, one story), an old frame stable (24 by 16, two story), an old stone potato house (15 by 12, one- half story), an old log house (28 by 16, one story), and an old brick cooper shop (16 by 13, one story) stood by the other mil. A two-story brick mil house (26 by 26, two story) and a stone mil house (50 by 46, thre story) sat west of the mansion. 398 Blacks may have worked betwen Margaret's two mils and the grain fields with white milers and their asistants. 39 One more old log house (18 by 16, one story) may have stood near them, or perhaps it was the house pictured in Charles Wilson Peale?s painting of Mount Clare. Figures 8 and 9 show the layout of the northern mil complex. Although James Caroll may have expanded it after Margaret?s death, the layout provides a sense of the components of a miling complex. 398 Changes to the Mount Clare Mil occurred by 1819: Policy #6033, 1 October 1819. Box 3, Record of Policies E, Baltimore Equitable Society Insurance Records. MS 3020. 39 Advertisement, Federal Inteligencer [Baltimore, Md], vol. II: 433, published 24 March 1795); Advertisement, Federal Gazete & Baltimore Daily Advertiser [Baltimore, Md.], 22 September 1797, vol. 7, is. 1208, p. 4. American agricultural production took on considerable importance in Europe in the 1783-1815 period due to war, famines, and population growth. The Caroll mils were among the fifty merchant mils within eighten miles of Baltimore in 1799. Beginning in 1815, and continuing for the next eleven years, Baltimore surpased al other American markets in its flour inspections. Oliver Evans?s patented automated mil provided technological advantages. Sharer, however, fails to connect Baltimore miling and flour production with Africans living in the region. Sharer, ?The Merchant Milers,? 142-144 and Flour Miling and the Growth of Baltimore. 163 Figure 8: Milington Mils in 1826. Maryland State Archives. Figure 9: Milington Mils in 1856 with identical layout to 1826. J.D. Scott, City of Baltimore. surveyed by Simon J. Martenet, C.E. 1856. Library of Congres. 164 The asesor did not identify which buildings were slave quarters or oversers housing for any property in Middlesex Hundred. Tax records used many diferent terms for slave housing, such as cabin, hut, quarters, house, double house, dweling house, or Negro house. 40 Asesors in other Baltimore region hundreds did identify slave quarters. Quarters at The Caves were clustered within two acres of the main house. They were ?2 old negro houses, log, each 16 by 20 fet ? 1 dito, 20 by 36.? 401 Nicholas Caroll enslaved thirty-seven people at The Caves in 1798, and the thirty-six people enslaved at Georgia may have experienced similar living arangements. The twenty-seven persons enslaved by Croxal lived in ?one frame negros quarter one story 18 by 18? and ?one log negroe quarter one story 20 by 18.? 402 Eightenth- century slave quarters tended to be smal, one-room post-in-ground, wooden structures. The number of people per quarter varied greatly as reported by former slaves, ranging from 260 slaves in 38 cabins to 29 slaves in a long shed to 27 cabins 40 Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eightenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hil and London: University of North Carolina Pres, 1998), 107-110. 401 Maryland State Papers (Federal Direct Tax) Baltimore County, Back River and Middle River Upper Hundreds, Nos. 999-1499: Particular List of Dweling Houses; Particular List of Lands, Lots Buildings, and Wharves; Particular List of Slaves, M 3469-2, MSA SM56-2. 402 Maryland State Papers (Federal Direct Tax) Baltimore County, Middlesex Hundred, Nos. 2833-3147: Particular List of Dweling Houses, Particular List of Lands, Lots, Buildings, and Wharves; Particular List of Slaves. Maryland State Papers. M3469-7. MSA SM56-7. 165 for 100 slaves. 403 One estimate places 5.2 slaves per structure as an average. 404 The sizes also varied, which complicates the overal picture. By the mid-ninetenth century, a building boom in slave quarters throughout the South had resulted in larger, beter-constructed buildings. Slaveholders believed that upgraded housing could coerce slaves into good behavior and disguise the oppresive aspects of slavery. 405 Quarters included a wide variety of architectural configurations, construction materials, and sizes. They might stand near the slaveholder?s house, in clusters, or spread across the landscape. 406 John Vlach argues that shotgun-style houses in the South are a legacy of African and Caribbean cultures in America. He suggests that enslaved persons ?made sense of their new environment by transforming it so that it resembled a familiar patern.? 407 He also believes that slave quarters gave enslaved persons a measure of asurance and control over their 403 John W. Blasingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebelum South (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1972), 159. Blasingame draws from slave autobiographies and biographies for the numbers. 404 Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman. Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (Boston: Litle, Brown, 1974), 115-116. 405 John Michael Vlach, "?Snug Li'l House with Flue and Oven?: Ninetenth-Century Reforms in Plantation Slave Housing.? Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 5, Gender, Clas, and Shelter (1995): 118-129. 406 John Michael Vlach, Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery (Chapel Hil and London: The University of North Carolina Pres, 1993). 407 John Michael Vlach, ?The Shotgun House: An African Architectural Legacy.? In Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, edited by Del Upton and John Michael Vlach, 58-78 (Athens and London: University of Georgia Pres, 1986), 76. 166 lives. 408 The location of slave quarters away from the mansion appeared to be a longstanding practice at Mount Clare to distance blacks from whites. Lifetimes at Mount Clare Thirty-two enslaved blacks lived at Mount Clare in 1804, forty-four in 1813, and forty in 1817. Margaret placed the ten people she enslaved in 1817 at The Caves after Nicholas Caroll?s death in 1812. 409 Comparison of the numbers over time demonstrates the ways that infant mortality, skil acquisition and labor, family life, and fredom took shape at Mount Clare in terms of life stages and gender. Infancy Infant mortality was common among al women in the late eightenth and early ninetenth century. Status may have provided Margaret with advantages such as 408 John Michael Vlach, ?Not Mansions ? But Good Enough: Slave Quarters as Bi- Cultural Expresion,? In Black and White Cultural Interaction in the Antebelum South, edited by Ted Ownby, pp. 89-114 (Jackson: University Pres of Misisippi. 1993), 114. 409 Nicholas Caroll died in 1812, leaving significant debt and a complicated estate. Margaret inherited a share of Nicholas Caroll?s land, but not slaves. Anne Arundel County Register of Wils (Testamentary Papers), Nicholas Caroll, 1812, Ac. 4767- 105-1/55, MSA C149-123. Two people on Nicholas? inventory ? Abraham or Abram and Fanny ? may have been purchased by James Caroll, as they are listed on a tax statement in 1832. The Carolls Island population was probably sold. The enslaved population listed in 1812 and 1817 at The Caves does not appear to overlap. Nicholas C. Caroll, son of Nicholas Caroll, enslaved 45 people at The Caves in 1813. They managed 13 horses, 70 black catle, 48 hogs, and 58 sheep. James Caroll kept enslaved persons near the old forge and grist mil, and on the property caled Mud Bank. Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Asesment Record) Margaret Caroll or James Caroll, District 1, 1813, p. 5. C277-4. MdHR 12,502. Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Asesment Record), Nicholas Caroll, 1813, District 7, p. 163, C277-4. MdHR 12,502. Se Appendix B. 167 prenatal nutrition and no expectation to work up to childbirth, but her twin daughters stil died in infancy. The seven enslaved children asesed in 1804 can al be tracked to 1817. Newborns, however, may not appear on tax asesments. 410 James, son of ?Richard and Dorithea Garit? (later Garet) was born on September 27, 1803 and baptized on July 20, 1804 at Margaret?s church, St. Paul?s Parish. 41 Two aspects suggest that the baptism was a special privilege for the Garits: first, most of the few ?colored? infants baptized at St. Paul?s belonged to frepersons and second, James is the only baptized infant in St. Paul?s records asociated with Mount Clare. James Garet?s case suggests that Margaret?s estate inventory acounts indirectly for infant deaths. Dolly and Henny bore children about every two years, but space exists betwen a few of their children?s births. Just as Dolly?s son, James (b. 1803) might have falen betwen Wiliam (b. 1802) and Thomas (b. 1806), another child might have been born betwen Thomas and Sampson (b. 1811). Henny may have lost children betwen the births of John (b. 1806) and Jim/Sam (b. 1812), or betwen Jim/Sam and Bil (b. 1816). Other explanations, however, exist. Women practiced birth control and commited infanticide; they miscaried or their nutrition was too poor to cary to term. Husbands or partners lived on other plantations, escaped, or were sold away. 412 Considering Margaret?s own losses, how did she treat 410 I charted the names and demographic ages of blacks listed on Margaret?s 1817 estate inventory backwards into tax asesments and census records for 1790, 1800, 1804, and 1813. It presented no gaps betwen people alive in 1817 and demographics for the earlier eras. 41 Bil and Martha Reamy, Records of St. Paul?s Parish (Westminster: Family Line Publications, 1988), vol. 2, p. 29. 168 enslaved infants? births and deaths? How did the mothers react? Or if infant mortality was lower than demographic analysis suggests, why? What conditions at Mount Clare and the Baltimore region were conducive or detrimental to the survival of infants into childhood? Such questions tap into why infants play a significant role in black history at Mount Clare. Any joy asociated with motherhood and the creation of families was tempered with the lack of control over the fates of children. Enslaved mothers at Mount Clare bore children who automaticaly became human chatel ? the fundamental diference betwen their experiences and those of Margaret. Childhood and Prepubescence Blacks during their childhood through prepubescence gained knowledge and skils in power relations and everyday tasks at Mount Clare. Infants who lived became part of the push-pull for power betwen their parents and enslavers. Historical studies of enslaved children focus both on the economic incentives for slaveholders to provide for infants as wel as children?s lives within enslaved families and culture. Marie Jenkins Schwartz ses them as occupying, ?an unusual position in that two sets of adults valued them, laying claim to their economic worth and ataching an emotional significance to their presence.? 413 Mistreses? roles extended throughout the domestic 412 The relationship betwen Henny and her husband John Lynch may be one example of changing relationship statuses betwen men and women. Henny bore her first child, Maria, when John was ten years old. John?s age at the time suggests that he was not aria?s biological father. Henny?s next child was born eight years later to John, and then a child every two years thereafter. The timeline suggests that Maria?s father was not part of Henny?s life, but the reason is unknown. 413 Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Born in Bondage: Growing Up Enslaved in the Antebelum South (Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 2000), 8. 169 life of enslaved persons. White women might babysit enslaved children, advise on health care, and socialize them in European American standards for morality and proper conduct. Their involvement created tension with black mothers. 414 Which, if any, of these relationships are unknown for Mount Clare. Perhaps, however, Dolly Garet named her daughter Margaret after her slaveholder. Margaret was one of the smal children who went to live with fred parents after Margaret Tilghman Caroll?s death. The number of children under age eight at Mount Clare almost doubled in the ninetenth century: seven in 1804, ten in 1813, and thirten in 1817. 415 Smal children often grew up alongside their parents in kitchens or fields. Perhaps the china dolls, marbles, and game pieces dating archaeologicaly to after 1817 around the mansion suggest more ephemeral antecedents made of cloth, straw, stones, or buttons. Some of the toys may have come from Margaret. Gifts, atention, special dispensations, and teaching of social standards exacerbated tensions betwen enslaved parents and their children?s enslavers. 416 Parents, argue Eugene Genovese and Herbert Gutman, took advantage of opportunities that came to their children as a result of slaveholders? 414 Deborah Gray White, Ar?n?t I a Woman?: Female Slaves in the Plantation South (New York: W. . Norton and Company, 1985/1999), 50-51. 415 After Charles?s death in 1783, the enslaved population at The Caves and Carolls Island became property of Nicholas Macubbin Caroll. The number of children declined over time at The Caves: thirten children in 1783, four in 1812, and five children in 1813. A correlation is unclear betwen the two places. Margaret enslaved two children at The Caves in 1817, but the number then enslaved by Nicholas C. Caroll is not known. Ten children lived at Carolls Island in 1783 and none in 1812. 416 Se Wilkie, Creating Fredom, 149-151 for examples from Oakley Plantation. 170 paternalistic or maternalistic atitudes. 417 Margaret?s direction in her wil to place children with their parents whenever possible may reflect such taking of opportunities, but also her felings for the children and belief in the benefit of stability brought by parents. Cared-for and nurtured children were more likely to survive to adulthood and become working hands. Thomas L. Webber finds that mid-ninetenth century Southern enslaved children spent their youngest years with other slaves before working fields beginning around age eight. 418 Wilma King believes that they were ?children without childhoods? as a result of their experiences with separation and despair. 419 James Pennington, for example, described his parents? inability to give enough atention as robbing him of a social circle. 420 The grooming of children began as early as possible. Older children learned to be house servants and were apprenticed to learn trades. 421 Healthy children who became used to laboring contributed to 417 Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Rol: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon, 1974). Genovese argues that slaveholders and the enslaved bonded in familial terms as the basis of his discussion of paternalism. Herbert G. Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Fredom 1750-1925 (New York: Pantheon, 1976). 418 Thomas L. Weber, Dep Like the Rivers: Education in the Slave Quarter Community 1831-1865 (New York: Norton, 1978). 419 Wilma King, Stolen Childhood: Slave Youth in Ninetenth-Century America (Bloomington: Indiana University Pres, 1995). 420 James W. C. Pennington, The Fugitive Blacksmith; Or, Events in the History of James W. C. Pennington, Pastor of a Presbyterian Church, New York, Formerly a Slave in the State of Maryland, United States. 3rd ed. Reprinted from 1850 edition (Westport: Negro Universities Pres, 1971), 2. 421 Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 212. 171 production on plantations and to the enslaver?s wealth. 42 Information from other plantations indicates that boys and girls conducted lightweight tasks, tended farm animals, conducted housework or erands, and babysat. 423 The number of enslaved male and female youngsters aged eight-to-fourten remained stable at Mount Clare with five in 1804 and six in 1813 and 1817. If young boys did tend animals at Mount Clare, they were responsible for twelve horses, forty- two black catle, fifty-one hogs, and twenty-nine sheep in 1804. 424 By 1813, however, youths tended similar numbers of horses (12) and catle (49), but half as many hogs (24) and no sheep. 425 They may also have looked after chickens, turkeys, geese, and other birds and animals. 426 Children and youths absorbed skils and knowledge from their parents and enslavers about everyday plantation maintenance as wel as the power relations that typified relationships betwen elites and slaves. Adulthood 42 Schwartz, Born in Bondage, 3-5. 423 White, Ar?n?t I a Woman?, 92. 424 Bal, Slavery in the United States, 196; Baltimore County Commisioner of the Tax (Asesment Record), Margaret Caroll, Middlesex and Patapsco Lower Hundreds, 1804, CR39,605-2. MSA CM1203-2. 425 Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Asesment Record) Margaret Caroll, 1813, p. 5. MSA C277-4. 426 The faunal record indicates the consumption of beef, fish, turkey, chicken, pork, and possibly goat due to the deposition of sawed bones in the vicinity of Mount Clare. These bones cannot be dated to identify eating trends over time. 172 Blacks? roles became delineated by sex with the onset of puberty and as physical ability merged with expertise in aspects of plantation management. Men age 14-45 and women age 14-36 were the highest valued groups at Mount Clare and other Caroll plantations. The number of women age 14-36 changed significantly from five in 1804 to eight in 1813 and then by half to four in 1817. On the other hand, the male population was larger, more consistent in size, and more valuable. Fourten men were at Mount Clare in 1804, fiften in 1813, and twelve in 1817. They outnumbered women about 3:1. Margaret may have purchased men when natural increase did not produce enough males. Jacob Hal and Wiliam Coney, for example, appear unrelated to the rest of the Mount Clare population. Age at first child, absence or presence of fathers, mariage, and years betwen children demonstrate that black mothers at Mount Clare had a typical experience of enslaved persons and families. Women aged 14-36 tended to work in fields or the mansion, but they caried the additional weight of childbearing. Childbirth decreased the life expectancy of women and their ability to work full-time and, in turn, made purchasing them ore of a gamble for enslavers. A few omen go mising betwen the 1804 and 1813 asesments for Mount Clare; one explanation is that they died in childbirth. Enslavers encouraged women to bear children, sometimes with inducements such as gifts, fre time, lighter workloads, or fredom. Enslaved women in the South typicaly had their first child by age nineten or twenty, waited a few years for another child, and beginning with the second bore children about every two and a half years. 427 The paterns hold for black women at 173 Mount Clare as sen by comparing two generations of mothers in 1817. Of the older generation, Dolly bore her first child at age twenty and her second about thre years later. Henny had her first at age nineten. Dolly?s daughters bore their first children at ages seventen and twenty. Henny?s eldest daughter birthed her first at age seventen. If the younger generation mothers were maried, the fathers and the unions were not recognized in Caroll records. Dolly?s and Henny?s mariages to men at Mount Clare, however, were recognized. The evening-out of the male/female ratio by the late eightenth century improved the regularity of family units; inded, the Garet and Lynch families grew by a child every two-to-four years. The regularity of births suggests that the families had some stability. They may also indicate that Dolly, Richard, John, and Henny held positions specific to or unique for Mount Clare in comparison to The Caves or Carolls Island, such as cooks or gardeners. Mothers such as Mary or Sukey at Mount Clare, like many other enslaved women, raised their children together due to the absence of their children?s fathers on a day-to-day basis. On the other hand, Margaret did asign adult women to work apart from their children. Mary?s young son Jery lived at the Caves while she was at Mount Clare with her other son in 1817. Perhaps Mary moved in-betwen the plantations but not always with her children. Fathers? interaction with their children might be curtailed by their living on another plantation, or they might be sold away, find their visits to other plantations rationed, or escape. Both John Blasingame and Deborah Gray place homeland culture in America by noting that matriarchical 427 White, Ar?n?t I a Woman?, 98, 100-105. 174 childbearing was a cultural tradition in Africa. 428 The cultural tradition may have been familiar, but in America it was dictated by forces beyond black mothers? control. Another characteristic of members of the mid-life demographic was that they encountered the least stability. Mid-life individuals were most likely to escape, be sold or hired out. By 1804, six men age 14-45 and one woman age 14-36 are unacounted for. One boy age 8-14, two women age 14-36, and thre men age 14-45 are mising in 1813. By 1817, no men betwen the age of 32 and 43 lived at Mount Clare (the possible exception is Moses, who was il). What became of them? A few blacks became fre. Aaron Pulley, who escaped in 1799, may acount for one of the men absent in 1804. Another explanation is that fre or self- emancipated blacks joined the British during the War of 1812. In 1813 and 1814, an ?exodus? of blacks shook slavery and caused panic among enslavers even though by war?s end many slaves remained on plantations. 429 Whether or not any enslaved persons escaped from Mount Clare to join the British remains unknown, but no exodus took place. Margaret enslaved fiften males betwen 14 and 45 in 1813. 430 Manumision was another path to fredom. Margaret fred Henry Harden in 1815. 431 Were other men released before Margaret?s death? If so, how did they earn money to 428 Blasingame The Slave Community, 79; White, Ar?n?t I a Woman?, 64-66, 69. 429 Casel, ?Slaves in the Chesapeake Bay Area and the War of 1812,? 152, 155. 430 Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Asesment Record) Margaret Caroll, 1813, p. 5. C277-4. MdHR 12,502. 431 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Henry Harden, 8 April 1818, p. 16, MSA C-290-1. 175 purchase fredom, or what was the inducement to Margaret for their release? Many widows hired out slaves as porters, deliverymen, or in trade labor as a source of income. 432 For example, Margaret hired out Mily, a girl betwen the ages of 14 and 26, acording to the 1800 asesment for Baltimore City. She had seven slaves in the city as per the 1800 census, but no one there by 1810. 43 Were they typical? Or did Margaret?s wealth and a desire to maintain the plantation prevent more people from working off-site? Many blacks from other sites hired themselves out, with or without permision. Black men earned smal amounts of cash by overwork around Mount Clare. 434 Other inducements were more subtle. Unpleasant atitudes, threats, and drunkennes pushed enslavers to decide whether to place advertisements to sel a slave or alow a person to purchase fredom. 435 Males age 32-43 and women before bearing children were most likely to escape slavery or be fred as shown by the records for Mount Clare. One anomaly is Nel Wiliams, who was seventen years old at fredom in 1795. She may also have managed to secure fredom for her children. Henny was two years old at the time, but 432 Dornan, ?Masterful Women,? 389-391. 43 1800 U.S. Federal Census, Baltimore City, Baltimore, Maryland, 1800. Roll 9, p. 161. Mily was hired out to F. Hollingsworth. Baltimore City Asesor (Tax Records) Margaret Caroll, 1800, RG 4, Series 2, p. 76; Baltimore City Asesor (Tax Records) argaret Caroll, First District, 1808-1810, RG 4, Series 2, p. 449; Baltimore City Asesor (Tax Records) Mrs. Caroll (widow), 1813, RG 4, Series 2, p. 73, Baltimore City Archives. 434 24 Jun 1786: Negros Jack, Moses and Bobb to cash in ful for 3 days work ? 0.7.6. Acount Book (1767-1786), CH. 435 Se Robbins, ?Power Among the Powerles? for discussion on the experiences of Margaret McHenry, who was faced with transporting slaves to Philadelphia from Baltimore after her husband James acepted a political appointment. 176 Fanny was not born until 1804. 436 What motivated Margaret to fre Nel? Were Henny and Fanny her daughters? Was Nel?s fredom purchased by a family member? Or did it have to do with the liquidation of the Baltimore Iron Works? The remaining partners of the Baltimore Company manumited several adults and children around the same time as company land was being sold. 437 Escape, joining the military efort, and manumision are thre ways that enslaved blacks at Mount Clare became fre during Margaret?s lifetime. The Elderly Few men remained on the plantation to reach the 45+ age demographic. They and women 36+ lent stability and institutional knowledge for each generation. 438 Grandparents cared for their grandchildren in the absence of parents who had been 436 George H. Sumwalt [?] appeared for Nel and Fanny. Nel was about 53 years old, light complexion, 5 fet 2 ? inches tal, with a smal scar on the back of her left hand near the wrist. Fanny was about 28 years old, dark complexion, 5?1 ?? tal, no notable marks or scars. Baltzer Schafer appeared for Henny, who was described as about 39 years old, light complexion, 5? 2 ?? tal, and having scar on the underlip under the right corner of the mouth. Nel Wiliams, p. 59; Fanny Cooper, p. 215; Henny, p. 235. Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom, 1830-1832), MSA C-290-2. Nel registered with Fanny Cooper and Henny in 1795. Nel was about seventen years old in 1795 and Henny two years old, but Fanny was not born until about 1804. 437 Charles Caroll of Carollton and others to Jacob Giliard, 26 June 1792, p. 78; Charles Caroll and others to Negro Nat Rice and Others, Manumision, 25 March 1794, p. 305; and Charles Caroll and others to Negro Joe Jacobs and Others, Manumision, 25 March 1794, p. 306, Baltimore County Court Chatel Records 1791-1794, Baltimore County Court, MS 2865.1, MdHS. Baltimore Company, Division of Stock [26 March] 1805, Vertical file, dHS; Moreno, Mistres of Mount Clare, 57-58. 438 White, Ar?n?t I a Woman?,114-115. 177 sent away to work, sold, or who had pased away. 439 Elders played important roles in the development of community and the memory of homeland culture. Stacey Close and Leslie Pollard argue that West African cultures provided context for older or elderly persons in the New World as they faced racism and oppresion as slaves. Elderly blacks pased knowledge of African traditions, social practices, and lifeways to younger generations. Stories and folktales ? told in African languages when the storyteler?s knowledge remained ? were infused with references to animals and foodways in Africa and teachings about African culture. The pasing of cultural knowledge came with an ethic for generational respect and community loyalty. 40 Adult mortality at Mount Clare is dificult to gauge. Nicholas Caroll enslaved thirty-one people at The Caves in 1812, ten of whom were about sixty years old or older. 41 Upon James Caroll?s death at Mount Clare in 1832, seven of the nineten people he enslaved were over fifty-five, and thre were seventy-five years old. 42 One estimate of slave mortality calculates that over a third of enslaved persons reached age fifty by 1850. By 1860, the number had increased to half of al enslaved 439 Frederick Douglas lived with his grandmother until caled to work in the fields. He describes his afection for her and the pain of being separated. (Douglas, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, 2.) 40 Stacey K. Close, Elderly Slaves of the Plantation South. New York and London: Garland Publishing. 1997; Leslie J. Pollard, ?Aging and Slavery: A Gerontological Perspective.? The Journal of Negro History 66(3): 228-234. 41 Ann Arundel County Register of Wils (Testamentary Papers), Nicholas Caroll, 1812, Box 105, Folder 36, MSA C149-123, Loc. 1/4/9/41 42 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) James Caroll, 23 March 1832, Liber 45, folio 118, MSA WK 1075-1076-2. (check this citation) 178 persons. 43 Margaret enslaved one ?very old? woman named Eve in 1817, but the population overal appears to be relatively young compared with that enslaved by her nephews. Why? Did Margaret manumit during her lifetime to avoid a large, aging workforce? Or did she send older people to live at The Caves? No explanation remains. Choices and Manumision Margaret faced a number of decisions concerning enslaved blacks and her personal property towards the end of her life. Slavery declined in the Baltimore region as the number of enslaved persons grew beyond the demand for enslaved laborers rather than fred blacks or indentured or working whites. Short-term hiring became more atractive and cost-efective than enslavement. A Maryland law pased in 1817 aimed to restrict slaves ?being permited to act as fre.? It both penalized slaveholders for alowing their slaves to go ?at large? in order to hire themselves out and anyone who hired such slaves. The penalty was up to twenty dolars per month. The law took efect in April 1819. 44 Other factors were more influential for Margaret during her lifetime. Baltimore-region planters were moving away from slavery as a way to build capital as burgeoning industrial development offered a more stable investment. Margaret developed her own wealth through real estate and banking, but not industry. 43 Close, Elderly Slaves of the Plantation South, 45 and 50. 44 A supplement to the act, entitled, an Act to prevent the inconveniencies arising from Slaves being permited to act as fre. Ch. 104, p. 657. Vol. 141, p. 658. Archives of Maryland Online. 179 Slaveholders found the support of slaves increasingly dificult with diminishing return on their investment. They became les financialy able to support their own families as slavery became a burden without significant financial compensation. Enslaved individuals and families at Mount Clare were not a ?burden? to Margaret in this way because she was elderly and had no family of her own to support. Planters ceased to bequeath enslaved persons to their descendants, but instead directed their executors to sel them. Margaret had no children to whom to pas enslaved persons ? her family members already held sizable slave populations. 45 Although Margaret maintained Mount Clare for James Caroll, the next owner, she neither owned the property nor pased on the people she managed upon it during widowhood. Margaret bequeathed household furniture, clothing, and jewelry to her female relatives and ?liquidated? slaves and other property to give them cash. No material goods were left to enslaved persons in Margaret?s wil. A number of legal isues shaped the possibilities for the manumision of Caroll slaves. Chapter 6 establishes that most of the people enslaved by Margaret were not fred imediately, but were offered the promise of fredom in the future. Legislation regulated the terms of manumision to prevent a slaveowner from evading the support of a fredperson during his or her lifetime. Manumision laws protected the public from the responsibility of caring for destitute fredpersons while providing a mechanism to limit manumision. 46 The Maryland Asembly pased an act in 1752 45 Philips, Fredom?s Port, 23 and 27-28. 180 to prevent fred disabled or superannuated slaves from becoming a burden to society after emancipation. It limited manumisions to enslaved persons under fifty years old who could work to support themselves. It prohibited manumision by last wil and testament, requiring instead that manumisions could occur only by deed recorded in the county court. Furthermore, the law required al fre blacks to register with the court. 47 An act pased in 1796 repealed the 1752 act and restored slaveowners? ability to manumit by last wil and testament on the provision that the fredperson be les than forty-five years old and able to maintain a livelihood. It furthermore required that deeds of manumision be recorded at the court in order to prove fredom. 48 Other social presures may have influenced Margaret?s thinking. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese?s and Eugene Genovese?s disection of antebelum Southerners? pro- slavery ideological thought shows that slavery doctrine transcended race. It provided answers to the problem of ordering society in terms of labor and capital. 49 Margaret?s perpetuation of slavery through delayed manumision may suggest her shared belief in the naturalnes of slavery, but also that it was an untenable practice. Slavery 46 Benjamin Joseph Klebaner, ?American Manumision Laws and the Responsibility for Supporting Slaves,? Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 63 (1955) 4: 443-453. 47 An Act to prevent disabled and superannuated Slaves being set fre, or the Manumision of Slaves by any last Wil or Testament. June 1752, Procedings and Acts of the General Asembly, 1752-54. Archives of Maryland Online, vol. 70, p. 56. 48 An act relating to negroes. December 1796. Procedings and Acts of the General Asembly, 1796. Chapter 67. Vol. 105, p. 249. 49 Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese, Slavery in White and Black: Class and Race in the Southern Slaveholders? New World Order (New York: Cambridge University Pres, 2008). 181 became les socialy palatable and manumision became more fashionable. Elite men such as Robert Carter and George Washington ? with whom Margaret had corresponded and admired ? manumited slaves. They inspired other men of les status to manumit, as wel. Philip Morgan explains that spliting families as an efect of manumision gave George Washington pause because of the kin networks that extended across his plantations into neighboring plantations. 450 Considering Margaret?s request that young children go with their parents, she may also have had dificulty with spliting families. Margaret was undoubtedly aware of tensions surrounding slavery within the Episcopal Church. The Church, unlike Quakers or Methodists, supported slavery by not disavowing it outright. Kenneth Caroll has shown that the cal to fre slaves based on religious arguments appeared to atack the morality of large landowners in the church. 451 Margaret was a member of St. Paul?s Parish in Baltimore. Its records do not describe the congregation?s debates on or felings about slavery, but many of its white members were slaveowners. Blacks were aforded limited participation in church activities. Over half of the new owners of former Caroll slaves atended church at St. Paul?s. 452 Members of St. Paul?s were among a group of men who 450 Philip D. Morgan, ??To Get Quit of Negroes?: George Washington and Slavery.? Journal of American Studies 39 (2005) 3, 403-429, p. 427. 451 Kenneth L. Caroll, ?An Eightenth-Century Episcopalian Atack on Quaker and Methodist Manumision of Slaves.? MHM 80 (1985) 2: 139-150. 452 Edward J. Coale, Wiliam Gibson, Wiliam Smith, Nicholas Brice, Eleanor Dal, Ashton Alexander, George Roberts, James Caroll, Henry Brice, and George Lindenberger appear in St. Paul?s records. Although these people are listed in connection with their family members? baptisms, mariages, burials, and church 182 founded the ?Maryland Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Fre Negroes, and Others, Unlawfully Held in Bondage? in 1789. Slaveowners could not be members of the society, and only men are listed as actors. 453 Margaret?s gender and her slaveholding disqualified her no mater what her beliefs on abolition and emancipation. The influence of the Maryland Society or church leaders over St. Paul?s Parish and Margaret?s thinking in 1817 is unknown. Bishop James Kemp was against slavery but recomended delayed manumision to fre slaves. In 1816, he reminded the parishes to include blacks in their religious instruction. 454 Few fred or enslaved blacks were baptized or maried at St. Paul?s in comparison with whites. No blacks were buried in the graveyard. 45 More detailed information about the manumision of slaves at Margaret?s death is discussed in the next chapter. busines, no such ceremonies are noted for the persons they enslaved. Henry Payson, John Short, Alexander Robinson, Frederick Jakes, N.G. Maxwel, do not appear in the St. Paul?s records. Unclear due to handwriting if John cClelan, James L. Hawkins could be James. D. Hawkins appeared in St. Paul?s records. Reamy, Records of St. Paul?s Parish, vol. 1 and 2. 453 Maryland Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Fre Negroes, and Others, Unlawfully Held in Bondage. Constitution of the Maryland Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. Baltimore: Printed by Wiliam Goddard and James Angel, 1789. 454 Mary Klein and Kingsley Smith. ?Racism in the Anglican and Episcopal Church of aryland.? Presented at the Tri-History Conference (National Episcopal Historians and Archivists; the Historical Society of the Episcopal Church; Episcopal Women?s History Project), June 24-27 2007, Wiliamsburg, VA. Online: http:/ww.ang- md.org/history-racism.php. 45 Francis F. Beirne, St. Paul's Parish, Baltimore: A Chronicle of the Mother Church (Baltimore: Horn-Shafer, 1967). 183 Margaret?s atitude toward race and beterment may, on the other hand, be suggested by her support of the St. Paul?s female charity school. Margaret left two lots in Baltimore to St. Paul?s for the school. The school was organized in 1799 to educate young, orphaned or disadvantaged girls in reading, writing, needlework, and other tasks. Girls were then bound out by the school to work. 456 Margaret?s support of uplift for white disadvantaged girls did not cary to enslaved blacks at Mount Clare as suggested by diferences in literacy. The older generation was iliterate, but not their children acording to census records. Dolly Garet?s daughter Margaret was enslaved as a smal child, but she and her children learned to read and write by the mid- ninetenth century. Jacob Hal built his family as an older man. He and his wife were iliterate, yet their children were not. 457 Although former slaves may have concealed their literacy from census enumerators, government documents chart a trend for increasing and more reliable literacy among generations removed from enslavement by the Carolls. Margaret does not appear to have provided material uplift to blacks, either. Margaret gave specific instructions on the distribution of her property to family members, but left nothing to blacks. Margaret bequeathed her common clothing to ?hireling? Mary Browning. She did not specify any items for enslaved persons. Comparison of two ninetenth-century inventories, however, suggests that Margaret gave her everyday ceramic tableware and stoneware mugs to enslaved persons before 456 Beirne, St. Paul's Parish, Baltimore: A Chronicle of the Mother Church, 46-47. 457 United States of America, Bureau of the Census. Seventh Census of the United States, 1850. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1850. M432. 184 her death. An inventory dating to the turn of the century omits the most valuable household goods, such as the china ordered from England and her jewelry. It includes, however, sets of queensware (or creamware) and blue and white plates and dishes, mugs, a redware coffe pot and sugar dish, and water jugs in stoneware, redware, and ?brown? that are not listed in Margaret?s 1817 estate inventory. Items asociated with tea and alcohol, such as tea services or wine glases, are acounted for on the 1817 inventory. Margaret appears to have considered bedclothes, clothing, and furniture to belong to the people she enslaved, as they were not inventoried at her death. White widowhood emphasized the diferences betwen enslaved blacks and white elite females. Margaret sustained her wealth and added to it. She commisioned architectural changes and social ceremonies to support her position while alowing outbuildings and quarters used by blacks to fal into disrepair. The image of Margaret cannot exist without an understanding of her slaveholder status. 185 Chapter 6: Into Fredom Upon Margaret?s death in 1817, the fifty people she enslaved at Mount Clare and The Caves were one step closer to fredom. 458 For most of them, however, fredom did not come for years, if at al. Margaret left al her ?Negroes and Slaves? to the executors of her estate, Henry Brice and Tench Tilghman, Jr., ?in trust that they wil set them al fre at such ages and in such Terms as they deem best under al circumstances having a view to a provision for the Comfortable suport of the aged and infirm with which duty my Executors are charged.? 459 The one exception was ?the Negro boy Tom,? whom Margaret gave to Charles Ross of Annapolis to serve until age thirty-one. 460 Tracing what happened next to blacks from Mount Clare and The 458 Margaret Caroll pased away on March 14, 1817 at age 76. Baltimore Patriot [Baltimore, Md.], 21 March 1817, vol. IX, isue 65, p. 2. Se Appendix C. The Mount Clare useum House website states incorrectly that Margaret?s inventory lists the people she enslaved at the Baltimore Iron Works and their skils. Not only does her inventory say no such thing, but the Baltimore Iron Works did not exist as a slaveholding entity by 1817. Se Mount Clare Museum House, Industrial Slavery: The Baltimore Iron Works, Online: http:/ww.mountclare.org/history/slave_industrialworks.html (Acesed 18 October 2009). 459 Only Henry Brice appears to have acted as executor. Samuel Cole and Richard Lewis inventoried Margaret?s property. Baltimore County Register of Wils (Wils) Margaret Caroll, 20 arch 1817, WB 10, p. 297, CR 72,244-2 MSA. Henry Brice (1777-1842) was one of Charles Carol?s nephews. Brice acted as busines agent for Margaret until her death, but was also active as city commisioner and acted on city commites in various capacities. His papers do not remain. Tench Tilghman?s existing papers do not addres Margaret Caroll or his executorship. 460 Census records for 1820 indicate several white and fre black heads of household under the name Charles Ross. Tom is not in the Anne Arundel County manumision records. Jery M. Hynson, Maryland Fredom Papers, vol. 1, Anne Arundel County, Westminster, D: Family Line Publications, 1996. 186 Caves shows that, contrary to popular belief, manumision did not mean instantaneous or automatic fredom upon Margaret?s death. Manumision, instead, refered to the promise of fredom at some point in the future. Margaret?s executors fred some people at once, but kept the majority in slavery for many more years. Fewer than half registered their fredom in court as per the law, oftentimes years after when Margaret?s executors specified their fredom to begin. Others either lived fre without registering in court or were never fred. Manumision thus was not a benevolent act, as is currently suggested to visitors to Mount Clare today, and Margaret?s last wil and testament did not guarante fredom. Comparison of Margaret?s estate papers with court-registered fredom papers demonstrates the complexity, in practice, of manumiting the people enslaved at Mount Clare and The Caves. The early ninetenth century also yields more information than ever before about the demographics of the enslaved population and their individual identities. Ironicaly, the perspective and motivations of Margaret and her executors are shadowed at a time when the identities of first-generation fredpersons from Mount Clare and The Caves are revealed. Blacks become les erasable in modern interpretations of the site as more personal information becomes available. The names, kin relationships, surnames or new names, ages, and descriptions are preserved in Baltimore County court records, but remain hidden in the interpretation of the site. 461 In the following chapter, I trace what happened after 461 No manumisions by Dr. Caroll, Caroll the Barister, or Margaret were recorded among the land records of Baltimore or Anne Arundel counties. Other kinds of deed books or chatel records are lost for this period. Preserved records are: Chatel Records (Baltimore County Court, C298-2, MSA) 1763-1773; Chatel Records (MS 187 Margaret?s death to the people she enslaved and how her executors caried out manumision. I propose answers to questions about why Margaret manumited, suggest reasons for the registration of blacks to the court records, reconstruct their identities, and outline the circumstances into which they entered after Mount Clare. Betwen 1790 and 1820, the population of Baltimore exploded as the enslaved population grew by almost four times and the white population by thre times. Enslaved persons in Baltimore shifted from half of the black population in 1800 to fiften percent by 1840. 462 Frederick Douglas wrote about his visits to Baltimore from Maryland?s Eastern Shore around this time. He observed, 2865, MdHS) 1773-1788; Chatel Records (MS 2865.1, MdHS) 1791-1794; Chatel Records (Baltimore County Court, C298-3, SA) 1800-1801; Certificates of Fredom (Baltimore Register of Wils, CM280-1, MSA) 1805-1830; Chatel Records (MS 2865, MdHS) 1811-1812; Chatel Records (Baltimore County Court, C298-4, SA) 1813-1814; Certificates of Fredom (Baltimore County Court, CM 821-1 to -7, MSA) 1806-1816, 1830-1832, 1832-1841, 1841-1847, 1841-1848, and 1848-1851 (pp. 1-26 only); Miscelaneous Court Records (Baltimore County Court, CM 1, MSA) 1729-1851. In the miscelaneous court records, only fredpersons linked with the names Margaret Caroll or Henry Brice and Tench Tilghman could conclusively be identified as formerly enslaved at Georgia Plantation. None of the new owners as per Margaret?s estate acount of sale appeared in court to testify. The persons formerly enslaved at Georgia, however, may have been sold again and manumited by those owners without acknowledgment of Margaret Caroll?s wil. The Maryland Colonization Society also recorded manumisions, but no manumisions for former Caroll slaves appear. Jery M. Hynson, Maryland Colonization Society Manumision Book 1832-1860, v. 3, Westminster: Wilow Bend Books. 2001. Runaway dockets for Baltimore remain from 1831 through 1864. None of the individuals documented appear to be from enslavers of individuals formerly at Georgia; then again, these records begin fourten years after the dispersal of the enslaved community. Baltimore County Court (Runaway Docket) 1831-1832, CR 79,169-1, MSA CM1351-1 and Baltimore County (Runaway Docket) 1832-1836, CR 79,169-2, MSA CM1352-2. Se Appendix D. 462 Barbara Elizabeth Walace, "Fair Daughters of Africa": African American Women in Baltimore, 1790?1860 (Ph.D., University of California, Los Angeles, 2001), 88- 90. 188 ? a marked diference in the manner of treating slaves, generaly, from which I had witnesed in that isolated and out-of-the-way part of the country where I began life. A city slave is almost a fre citizen, in Baltimore, compared with a slave on Col. Lloyd's plantation. He is much beter fed and clothed, is les dejected in his appearance, and enjoys privileges altogether unknown to the whip- driven slave on the plantation. Slavery dislikes a dense population, in which there is a majority of non-slaveholders. 463 Slavery peaked in Baltimore in 1810 and declined afterwards. After the War of 1812 and the depresion that followed, the transition from enslaved to fre labor became amplified due to a number of factors. The number of men enslaved in the industrial or craft labor sector tapered of in the 1820s. Fre labor became cheaper and slaves were les able to extract concesions from employers or owners. The expanding Southern cotton market and development of Western teritories refocused the slave trade away from Maryland. Al these factors led to a decrease in enslaved men in Baltimore, but an increase in women in domestic positions. 464 By 1830, acording to Stephen Whitman, ?four-fifths of Baltimore?s blacks were legaly fre, the largest group of fre people of color in any U.S. city.? Their proportions were in stark contrast to rural Maryland, where one-quarter of the black population was fre. 465 Stil further away, enslaved persons constituted 90 percent of the black population of Charleston, 79 percent in Richmond, 55 percent in New Orleans, and 79 percent in Washington, D.C. in 1840. 46 Slavery became a geographicaly southern phenomenon as the northern 463 Frederick Douglas, My Bondage and My Fredom (New York. 1855), 115, 464 Walace, Fair Daughters of Africa, 88-90. 465 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 1. 46 Walace, Fair Daughters of Africa, 87. 189 states began to abolish it. 467 Nonetheles, slavery stil existed at places like Mount Clare, which had an established population tied to the maintenance of elite status. Historians? asesments of frepersons addres their lives and livelihoods in Baltimore City, rather than the hinterland, and their strategies from enslavement to fredom. Stephen Whitman finds that the spread of slavery coexisted with manumision, and they each may have temporarily reinforced the existence of the other. Baltimore, however, had a much higher rate of manumision than rural areas in the state. 468 Christopher Philips examines the ways that social, industrial, and labor forces in Baltimore both shaped the African American community and were met by motivations from within it to succed. 469 Whitman and Philips, however, focus their analyses on surviving archival record groups rather than trace the proces from enslaver?s death to fredom. Manumision, when investigated from site-to-site, may demonstrate the complexity of the proces, as sen at Mount Clare. Mariana Dantas aserts that blacks in the Baltimore region shaped an environment beneficial to themselves through support of demographic and economic growth, renegotiation of urban labor arangements, shaping of urban social structures, and influence over occupation and ownership of urban land. 470 Seth Rockman focuses on labor and employment by fre and enslaved blacks in Baltimore. He argues that the everyday 467 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 2 468 Whitman, The Price of Fredom, 5. 469 Christopher Philips, Fredom?s Port. 470 Mariana L. R. Dantas, Black Townsmen: Urban Slavery and Fredom in the Eightenth-Century Americas (New York: Palgrave Macmilan. 2008), 3. 190 struggles of people like the low-wage black workers of Baltimore became the foundation for the American working clas. 471 Such analyses, however, to build on information available about Baltimore rather than the surrounding county on the basis of existing historical documents, rather than comparison of the documents to site- specific cases. They are not necesarily generalizable to the enslaved population of Mount Clare unles they were hired out or until they moved to the city in fredom. Nonetheles, the movement of Lynch, Garet, and Harden family members into Baltimore in fredom demonstrates the pull of the city to fre blacks or to those permited flexible arangements by their enslavers? estate executors. Historians agre both that the communal efort of blacks as a group and in families pushed them out of slavery and placed them on improved, but not equal, footing with others in America. Mary Beth Norton, Herbert Gutman, and Ira Berlin argue that the development of black families amid a larger struggle for political independence and self-definition during the Revolutionary era enabled African American society and culture to emerge and for the black family to define the extent of black autonomy. Families not only pased names and occupations from generation to generation, but established social stability and family integrity which proved fundamental to black cultural responses to domination. These responses included negotiating with masters for fredom, self-purchase or purchase of family members, and fundamentals of black cultural responses to domination, such as the choice of escape or staying in place. 472 At Mount Clare, the best evidence of family cohesion 471 Seth Rockman, Scraping By, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Pres, 2009. 191 comes betwen 1783 and 1817 as government or court records beter document demographics and individuals. Fredom ?Demed Best? Manumision became more frequent in the late eightenth and early ninetenth century. Planters in the colonial era tended to keep slaves and land in the family for their productive value. 473 Testamentary manumision and delayed manumision ? meaning the promise of fredom at a future date with a last wil and testament as the manumiting document ? was a common practice in Maryland in the early ninetenth century. The situation at Mount Clare, however, demonstrates that manumision did not necesarily ensure fredom or mean that it came soon after a slaveholder?s death. Margaret?s wording in her last wil and testament placed the future of the enslaved community at Mount Clare and The Caves into her executors? hands. But where did her wishes end and her executors? actions begin? Margaret charted no specific course of action in writing for Brice and Tilghman to indicate that she felt strongly enough about freing the slaves to dictate the terms. Brice and Tilghman ultimately determined the terms they ?deemed best? based on legal parameters, age, salability, and kin networks. Brice saw that the terms were caried out for some but not al blacks, usualy belatedly, until his death in 1842. 474 Manumision at Mount Clare and 472 Mary Beth Norton, Herbert G. Gutman, and Ira Berlin. ?The Afro-American Family in the Age of Revolution.? In Slavery and Fredom in the Age of the American Revolution, edited by Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, 175-191 (Charlotesvile: University Pres of Virginia, 1983), 175. 473 Car, ?Inheritance in the Colonial Chesapeake,? 169-170. 192 The Caves was thus not a benevolent act, but a practical way to recoup Margaret?s investment in slavery and leave cash to her relatives, rather than the slaves they could not support. Blacks in the post-Revolutionary era found that enslavers were more wiling to liquidate their asets and emancipate rather than pas slaves to family members. Blacks from Mount Clare and The Caves were atypicaly manumited considering the size of the population to be fred relative to the status of their enslaver. Whitman shows that slaveholders of thre or fewer people in Baltimore City were thre times as likely to manumit than slaveholders who possesed seven or more. 475 John Condon, Jr. demonstrates that the most reliable manumitors in Anne Arundel County were women with fewer than twenty slaves who did not grow tobaco, hired out slaves, fred on a selective basis, and stipulated delayed manumision. 476 Margaret?s manumision choices, however, aligned best with those of other wealthy elites who looked beyond slavery for investments. Philips argues that planters in Baltimore County turned away from slavery as a means to build capital. Planters, instead, directed their inheritors to sel the slaves and invest the profits in more stable 474 The Mount Clare Museum House website includes a section on manumision. It discusses delayed manumision, but inacurately characterizes how Margaret?s wil was caried out. Mount Clare Museum House, Mount Clare Manumisions, Online: http:/ww.mountclare.org/history/slave_manumisions.html (Acesed 18 October 2009). 475 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 105, 109. 476 John Joseph Condon, Manumision, Slavery and Family in the Post-Revolutionary Rural Chesapeake: Anne Arundel County, Maryland, 1781-1831 (Thesis (Ph. D.) University of Minnesota, 2001), 114, 118. 193 outlets. 47 Who was fred and when, or who was sold and under what terms, shows that Margaret?s executors fred individuals who would have been dificult to sel and kept in slavery many who were not. Liquidation of Margaret?s property was one goal, but it was tempered with more humanistic atempts to keep families together under good terms. Delayed manumision protected slaveowners? financial interests while appeasing ideological discomfort with slavery. 478 Enslavers saw it as incentive for enslaved persons to provide reliable service. 479 Kim Moreno explains that Margaret liquidated her land and slaves into cash for her female relatives. 480 From this perspective, Margaret reinforced the status of other elite white women by squeezing as much as possible from her slavery investment. Brice managed the sales of enslaved persons. No advertisements appeared of slave sales from Margaret?s estate. 481 An auctioneer sold Margaret?s jewelry. Perhaps private sales helped enslaved men and women to avoid some of the indignity that occurred at public auctions. Slave sales took place at auction blocks and hotels, inns, and taverns as facilitated by auctioneers, agencies, 47 Philips, Fredom?s Port, 28. 478 Philips, Fredom?s Port, 41-42. 479 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 105, 109. 480 Kimberly Collins Moreno, Mistres of Mount Clare: The Life of Margaret Tilghman Carroll 1742-1817 (aster?s thesis, University of Maryland, Baltimore County, 2004), 60-65. 481 I found no advertisements for sales of Margaret?s property in the year after her death. Not al newspapers have been preserved from the era. Advertisements of slave sales did not always give a name of the deceased, but refered interested readers to the newspaper office for more information. 194 and inteligence offices. Blacks were stripped, groped, and asaulted by potential buyers looking to ases their physical capabilities. 482 Of course, similar acts may have taken place at Brice?s sales. Brice appears to have fred some, or al, of eight adults by 1820 or permited them to live as fre. Manumision law prohibited the release of enslaved persons over age forty-four. 483 Four people were identified as forty-four years old in Margaret?s estate inventory: Jery, Nat, Jacob, and Dolly. It is unknown whether they were actualy forty-four years old, or if the executors asigned their ages in order to fre them. What happened next to Jery, Nat, and Jacob is lost. Dolly and her husband Richard asumed the last name ?Garet.? The 1820 census recorded them as fre, even though Dolly did not register in court until 1840. Others among the eight fred by Brice may have purchased fredom or were of age. Freing slaves at age thirty-one was a holdover from an eightenth-century custom. 484 Margaret?s executors noted John Lynch?s age as thirty-one years old. His wife, Henny, was forty. The 1820 census indicated that they were fre, but John did not record his fredom in court until 1821. Eve may be the elderly, fre woman living with them. Perhaps John had aranged to purchase his and his wife?s fredom from 482 Ralph Clayton, Cash for Blood: The Baltimore to New Orleans Domestic Slave Trade (Baltimore: Heritage Books, 2002). 483 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 102. 484 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 102. Conversions to 2008 currency: $300 = $5,011, $120 = $2,004, $175 = $2,293, $200 = $3,341, $220 = $3,675, $100 = $1,670. Six Ways to Compute the Relative Value. 195 Margaret. The fredom of eight adults thus was based on legal parameters coupled with questions of salability due to age. The rest of the enslaved population at Mount Clare and the Caves was subjected to delayed manumision. Brice sold twenty-nine people with a term remaining in slavery over the course of ten days betwen April 1817 and February 1818. 485 Twenty people from Mount Clare and The Caves were sold in April alone. They brought the consistently highest prices of the entire group. Each man was sold for $300, mothers with children for $120 or $175, and women without children for $200 or $220. The one exception was Jacob Hal. He was sold for $100 to Eleanor Dal, the only woman to purchase slaves from Margaret?s estate. Sales beginning in May 1817 brought betwen twenty and fifty percent les per person than in April 1817 when compared by age and gender. Why the disparity? Perhaps the timing of the sales was wrong for seasonal agricultural, craft, or industrial labor. Or maybe work at The Caves demanded the hardiest laborers, which explains the premium rate. On the other hand, the tasks necesary for Mount Clare were unusual due to Margaret?s elite status and, as a result, the lack of applicability may have reduced the slaves? value at resale. Brice asigned years of fredom to blacks from Mount Clare that were a few years later than for blacks at The Caves. Brice stipulated fredom for most women at age twenty-eight and a few at age twenty-five. The age at fredom for males was more variable, ranging from age 28-36. Females betwen ages 7-20 and males 485 Youths from the Garet and Lynch families were the last to be sold in October 1817 and February 1818. The reason is unknown. 196 betwen 7-22 constituted the highest-valued demographic for sale due to their ability to labor and their time yet in slavery. As a result, they experienced the most destabilization in terms of families being broken apart. For instance, 44-year-old Jery may have been fred, but his 13-year-old and 12-year-old sons were sold to two diferent men. Five members of the Garet family ages 9-23 were sold ? al but two to diferent enslavers. The four Hardens went to four new enslavers spread across the Baltimore region. Blacks often aranged with executors to asume possesion of children until their children?s enslavers caled for them. The arangement meant that fredpersons bore the costs of childraising instead of the children?s enslavers. 486 Richard Garet and John Lynch may have struck a bargain with Brice to keep at least part of their families together. Richard acepted his two children aged six and four. John Lynch took his thre children aged five, two or thre, and two. Brice did not apply a consistent cut-off for children?s ages. Unlike Richard?s six-year-old, John?s daughter of the same age was sold to Nicholas Brice but may have lived with her father as per the 1820 census. More enslaved persons from Mount Clare than The Caves were succesful in keeping their families together and fre. Several smal children were sold with their mothers to a new enslaver. Among them were Mary and her four-year-old and infant; Kity and her two-year-old; and Suckey (at The Caves) and her daughter. In one case, the child may have been fred even though the parent remained in slavery. Sukey was sold, but her four-year-old 486 Whitman, Price of Fredom, 122. 197 daughter was not; instead, she may have been a fred child living with an enslaved parent. Sukey?s six-year-old son, however, was sold to another slaveholder. 487 Neither Margaret nor her executors clearly specified a year of fredom in the estate papers for several smal children in 1817. They also failed to acount for offspring born to women in slavery. Children not asigned an end date were legaly slaves for life. A Maryland law pased in 1810 stipulated that the ofspring of a female slave would remain enslaved after the mother?s manumision, unles the manumitor stipulated a term of service, an age of release, or other contingency for the child. 48 Manumited children often had a long wait for emancipation ? if it came at al. Edward Coale purchased Maria and her thre-year-old son together. Maria?s son was not fred or asigned a year of manumision, but Brice did appear in court in 1841 to rectify the isue and register his fredom. Six-year-old Nelson was to wait twenty-two years ? until 1839 ? to be fre acording to Margaret?s estate inventory. Two-year-old Matilda was to be fre in 1840 after twenty-thre years. Philips has calculated that, of manumisions registered in the Baltimore court betwen 1790 and 1830, fewer than a third of people age eighten and under were imediately fred. 489 487 Census records for the Richard Garet family in 1820 indicate that Sukey and her four-year-old may have lived with her parents. 48 Sesion Laws, 1809. An Act to ascertain and declare the condition of such Isue as may hereafter be born of Negro or Mulato Female Slaves, during their servitude for Years, and for other purposes therein mentioned. Pased 7 January 1810. Took efect on 1 February 1810. Chapter CLXI, November. Laws of Maryland. An act to ascertain and declare the condition of such Isue as may hereafter be born of Negro or Mulato Female Slaves, during their servitude for Years, and for other purposes therein mentioned. Sesion Laws 1809. Ch. CLXVII, vol. 570, p. 118. Archives of Maryland Online. 198 Several children were not asigned a year of manumision and, as a result, were legaly slaves for life even though they lived as fre by 1820. Brice resolved the isue for then- thre-year-old Robert Hal, four (or five)-year-old Margaret Garet, or two (or thre)-year old Wiliam Lynch by testifying for them in court in the early 1840s. Four other children, including family members of Margaret and Wiliam, are unacounted for. Smal children thus were vulnerable to remaining slaves for life due to executor eror, be it acidental or on purpose. Blacks at Mount Clare and The Caves escaped one imediate worst-case scenario: being ripped from their families and familiar Baltimore surroundings to labor in the South. Al their new enslavers lived in the Baltimore region, but could have sold blacks at a later time and ignored their years of manumision. 490 An act entitled ?A Bil for the Abolition of the Slave Trade? became efective on January 1, 1808. It outlawed the foreign import of slaves but permited sales within the United States. The closing of the international slave trade reconfigured the slave trade within America. Supply of enslaved persons now came from within the country in response to demand. Western expansion and Southern cotton agriculture opened new markets for slave labor. The relocation of around one milion enslaved persons betwen 1789 and 1864 codified the domestic slave trade in the antebelum era. Baltimore was one 489 Philips, Fredom?s Port, 44. 490 Slave Manifests of Coastwise Vesels Filed at New Orleans, Louisiana, 1807- 1860, Port of New Orleans, RG 36, United States Custom Service, Collector of Customs at New Orleans, NARA. http:/ww.archives.gov/genealogy/heritage/african-american/slave-ship- manifests.html Cannot be known for sure if slaves from MC were sent south from 1808-1822, but remaining records do not include any of the last names of enslaved persons at MC. This has been partly transcribed here: http:/ww.afrigeneas.com/slavedata/manifests.html 199 of the major ports for coast-wide trade, along with Alexandria, Norfolk, Richmond and Charleston, for cities along the gulf coast. New Orleans, in particular, became a major hub for slave trade activity. 491 Which, of any, enslaved persons from Mount Clare or The Caves relocated as a result of these trends is unknown. Relocation may explain why many men from Mount Clare are not found on Maryland census records or city directories up to Emancipation. The deaths of George Lindenberger and Eleanor Hal provide additional information on the people from The Caves and Mount Clare who were sold under delayed manumision. Lindenberger died in 1820. He advanced the year of fredom for the people he purchased from The Caves betwen two and eight years earlier than proposed by Brice (Table 2). 492 He stipulated for ?Negroes under twenty five years of age to serve til they respectively atain the age of twenty five years, and then to be fre, also al my other Negroes for the term of thre years after my decease, and then to be fre.? 493 No one was auctioned in 1821 with other parts of Lindenberger?s 491 Charles H. Wesley, ?Manifests of Slave Shipments Along the Waterways, 1808- 1864.? The Journal of Negro History 27, no 2 (1942): 155-174, pp. 156, 159-160, 173; Walter Johnson, Soul By Soul: Life Inside the Antebelum Slave Market (Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 1999), 4-7. 492 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) George Lindenberger, 6 December 1820, Liber 32, folio 434, WK 1069-1070-1, MSA CM 155-32. The other persons enslaved on Lindenberger?s estate, however, met diferent fortunes. Thre individuals ? Hety or Kity (age 30), Sambo (age 5), and Abraham (age 4) ? were slaves for life. One person, Levi (no age listed), was to be fre on January 1, 1821, a few days after the inventory of Lindenberger?s estate. Two others also had terms left in slavery: Jane, age 10 for 6 years and Davy, age 3 for 18 years. 493 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Wils) George Lindenberger, October 1820, Liber 11, folio 185, CR 72,245-1, MSA CM 188-11. 200 property, meaning that they al remained enslaved to his wife, Eliza. 494 Only thre individuals registered their fredom in court; those who did appeared from six to sixten years after the year to be fred. Eleanor Dal?s husband left slaves to her upon his death. She petitioned the court in 1814 for permision to sel two of them because they did ?not sem disposed to serve her faithfully.? She felt that seling the two men would be in ?the best interests of the estate.? 495 Perhaps they were the two men that she sold out of the state for $250 two weks before she purchased Jacob Hal. Dal also released an enslaved woman to James W. Mitchel for $80 at about that time. 496 Dal pased away in 1829. 497 Jacob Hal does not appear on her estate inventory. Table 2: Terms of Enslavement, 1817 to 1820 George Lindenberger Name Year to be fred, 1817 terms Age, 1817 inventory Year to be fred, 1820 terms Years to serve Age, 1820 inventory Term diference Year of fredom papers Jery 1825 20 1823 3 25 -2 494 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Acounts of Sale) George Lindenberger, Liber WB 8, folio 217, CR 9513-3, MSA CM 125-8. 495 Eleanor Dal, 8 May 1814, Schweninger Collection, vol. 4239-14, p. 56. M 11025. MSA. 496 Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Transfer Book 1814-1823), Eleanor Dal, p. 58, MSA C 431-1. 497 Death Notice, Eleanor Dal. Baltimore Patriot [Baltimore, Md.] 34, is. 100, 24 October 1829, p. 2. Jacob Hal is not mentioned in a court case brought by the enslaved woman, named Maria. Se Richard W. Gil and John Johnson, Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the Court of Appeals of Maryland. Vol. IX, Baltimore: John D. Toy. 1840, pp. 174-180. Note, however, that an Elinor Dal headed a fre black family in 1820. She was a diferent woman. Baltimore Ward 12, 1820Roll: M33_42; Page: 538; Image: 272. U.S. Census. NARA. 201 Jim [James Harden]] 1833 1828 8 17 -5 1844 Sam 1835 10 1830 10 15 -5 Hary 1825 22 1823 3 25 -2 1829 Frederick 1832 13 1827 7 18 -5 Paul [Polly] [Ireland] 1833 May be ?Aley? 1825/39 5 39 -8 1839 Even though James Caroll, the next resident of Mount Clare, brought in a new group of slaves, the earlier residents may have stayed as tenant farmers or workers. His son James Jr. may have purchased Samuel Harden in order to help his father manage Mount Clare. Samuel purchased a cow from Margaret?s estate for $7, the same rate-per-cow paid by whites. 498 The 30-year-old man on James?s 1818 tax asesment may be Samuel. 49 James Caroll?s 1820 census includes thirty-six slaves as wel as four fre males age 14-26, one fre male age 26-45, two fre males age 45 and above, and thre fre females age 45 and above. 50 Considering that the Garets and Lynches appeared separately on the 1820 census, they may not have been living on Mount Clare as fre. 501 498 Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax (Transfer Book 1814-1823), Margaret Caroll, 1817, pp. 62-64. MSA C431-1. 49 Election District 1 (1818), p. 32. Asesors Field Book. Baltimore County Commisioners of the Tax, MSA CM1289-1. 50 James Caroll, U.S. Census 1820, Ward 12, Baltimore, Series M33, Rel 42, Page. 276. 501 George Logan found thirten correlating first names on the 1817 inventory and James Caroll?s records from 1825-1830 and 1832-1833. He believes that these thirten people were fre and received smal cash payments in exchange for marketing or odd jobs. (George Logan, Interpreting Slave Life at Mount Clare: 202 Families in Fredom Manumision was not clear-cut for the people enslaved at Mount Clare and The Caves. The date of fredom in Margaret?s papers, the year actualy fred, and the year of court registration were thre diferent circumstances for blacks at Mount Clare and The Caves. Local directories and census records suggest that a few Hardens were fred in Baltimore County in the early ninetenth century, but that the people manumited by Margaret in 1817 may have been the first of the Garet and Lynch families to be fre. Questions remain about the choice of last names. No evidence exists that any former slave took the Caroll name. White families named Garet, Lynch, and Harden lived in the Baltimore region, but their connections to blacks at Mount Clare remains unknown. The following sections compile manumision information on the families in fredom. Together, they demonstrate a wide range of futures for the people enslaved by the Carolls, but that family played an important role in the transition whenever it could. The movement of Lynch, Garet, and Harden family members into Baltimore in fredom demonstrates the pull of the city to fre blacks or to those permited flexible arangements by their enslavers? estate executors. Harden Family Searching for a Silent Majority. Paper presented at the Society for Historical Archaeology Conference, Washington, D.C., January 4-8, 1995.) Unfortunately, my comparison of names among documents demonstrates erors in Logan?s preliminary work. Nonetheles, it is worth remembering that the circumstances Logan proposed may have existed to some degre at Mount Clare. 203 Fre blacks with the last name Harden or Hardin lived in Baltimore by the late ninetenth century. They may have been related to Hardens enslaved by the Carolls. Abraham Hardin or Harding (speling intentional) and another fre person lived in Baltimore Town in 1790. By 1810, Belsy (Betsy?) Harden with another fre person resided in Baltimore Ward 1 and a Mrs. (or possibly Wm.) Harden and seven others lived in Baltimore Western Precincts 3. Hardens lived on Mount Clare and the Caves: Henry, Ephraem, Sam, James, and Miley. Henry Harden was manumited on August 18, 1815 and recorded his fredom in the court on April 8, 1818 at age 42. His complexion was light and he stood 5?9 ?? tal. 502 The city directory for 1822-1823 identifies a Henry Harden as a minister of the Gospel who lived on Pearl Stret at the west side south of Lexington. 503 Miley was slated to be fre in 1825, but registered with the court on March 29, 1832. She was about 31 years old, 5 fet 3 ? inches tal, with a light complexion and a large scar on her right arm above the elbow. 504 She is not the Mily sent to work in Baltimore in 1800. James Harden was to be fre in 1833 by Margaret and 1828 by George Lindenberger. In 1835-36, a James Harden worked as a sawyer and lived at 1 State Stret Court acording to the city directory. His fredom papers in 1844 identify him as age 40, with a light complexion, 5? 9? tal, and a scar on his right cheek. 505 No fredom papers remain for other Hardens, if they 502 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Henry Harden, 8 April 1818, p. 16, MSA C-290-1. 503 Kenan, C. Baltimore Directory for 1822 and 1823 (Baltimore: C. Kenan, 1822). 504 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Mily, alias Mily Harden, 29 March 1832, p. 50. MSA C 290-2, MDHR 40,131-2. 204 ever existed. Sam was supposed to be fre in 1823 and Ephraem in 1824. A Samuel Harden was a laborer living on Saratoga Stret on the south side east of Pearl in 1822- 23. 506 The records detail physical characteristics, such as the Hardens being light- skinned and the men were tal in comparison to others enslaved by Margaret, and provide information on their work as frepersons. Garret Family Thirten members of the Garet family lived at Mount Clare in 1817 and at least one transfered his knowledge and skils from slavery into fredom to earn an income. Richard worked as a gardener at Mount Clare. He was about fifty years old in 1817. His wife, Dolly, was about forty-four. Richard?s children Sampson (age six) and Margaret (age four) were released to him. His eldest daughter, Sukey was sold with her four-year-old daughter, but her six-year-old son went to a diferent slaveholder. Hety/Kity (age 20 or 26) and her son (age two) were sold together. Richard?s sons Richard (age nine), Henry (age seventen), and Wiliam (age fiften) were also sold. 507 505 Murphy, Baltimore Directory for 1845. Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) James Harden, 4 June 1844, p. 57, MSA C 290-5. 506 A Samuel Harden helped at the Abolition Society soup house in 1820. Future research is necesary to identify whether he was asociated with the Hardens from Mount Clare and the Caves, or a white Methodist family named Harden. Baltimore Patriot & Mercantile Advertiser; 01-03-1820; XV:1,p.1; Kenan, Baltimore Directory for 1822 and 1823. C. Kenan. 1822. A Samuel Harden was a clas leader for the Methodist Church in Baltimore betwen 1830 and 1833. Note that there were other Hardens ? Mary Ann Harden, etc. Methodist Records of Baltimore City, Maryland By Henry C. Peden, Jr. 205 The family asumed the last name Garet. Richard was a laborer in 1819 and lived on Pennsylvania Avenue, west of Montgomery acording to the city directory. 508 The 1820 census listed his family as fre: Richard (a man age 26-45), Dolly and another woman (two females age 26-45), Margaret and another girl (two females under 14), and Sampson (one male under 14). 509 Richard worked as a gardener and continued to live on Pennsylvania Avenue in 1824. 510 In 1830, Richard (one male age 55 and under 100) lived with Dolly (one female age 55 and under 100) and possibly Sampson (one male of ten and under 24). 51 On April 13, 1830, Wiliam and Henry received their fredom papers. They were supposed to be fred in 1828 and 1830, respectively. Only their heights were noted ? 5?3? and 5?7?. 512 A Wiliam Garet was a sawyer who lived at 8 Salisbury Aley in 1845. 513 Sukey and Hety/Kity both registered in the court on May 29, 1832. Sukey was supposed to be fre in 1822 or 1823 and Hety/Kity in 1825. Sukey was age 39 in 1832 with a dark 507 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 454, MSA CM 155-30, WK 1068-1069-1; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) argaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 539, MSA CM 155- 30, K 1068-1069-1; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Acounts of Sale) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber WB 6, folio 441, MSA CM 125-6, CR 9513-1. 508 Jackson, The Baltimore Directory. 509 Richd Garet, 1820, Baltimore Ward 12, Baltimore, Maryland. 1820 United States Federal Census. Roll M33_42, p. 531. NARA. 510 Baltimore City Directory 1824. 51 Richd Garet, Baltimore Ward 12, Baltimore, Maryland. 1830, Baltimore Ward 12, Baltimore, Md. 1830 United States Federal Census, Roll 54, P. 455. NARA 512 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers), Wiliam Garet and Henry Garet, Case no. 366, 13 April 1830 MSA C 1-70. 513 Murphy, Baltimore Directory for 1845. 206 complexion, 4?10 ?? tal, and had no notable marks or scars. 514 Hety/Kity was age 37, dark complexion, 5?3 ?? tal, with a smal mole on left side of her nose. 515 In 1836, two men named Thomas Garet (speling intentional) lived in Baltimore. One was a dyer who lived at Sterling Stret north of Monument. The other was a laborer who lived at Howard Stret extended. 516 Margaret registered in the court in 1840. Brice had not stipulated a year of fredom for her in 1817. She was age 27, dark complexion, 5?3? tal, with a scar on the right side of her head. 517 She maried Wiliam Bordley (or Boardley), who was a brickmaker. They lived at 1 N. Amity Stret in 1845. 518 Richard pased away sometime before the 1840 census. On September 29, 1840, Dolly and her son Thomas received their certificates of fredom. Dolly was about age 70, dark complexion, 5?2? tal, no noticeable marks or scars. 519 While Brice testified for Dolly, John H. Ing appeared for Thomas, who was fred because, ?[Thomas] ought to have been manumited in the year eighten hundred and seventen, with others, but [was] omited.? Thomas was about 36 years old. He had a 514 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Sukey, 29 May 1832, p. 213, MSA C 290-2, MDHR 40,131-2. . 515 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Kity, 29 May 1832, p. 213, MSA C 290-2, MDHR 40,131-2. . 516 Matchet, Baltimore Director for 1835-6. 517 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Margaret alias Margaret Bordley, 14 April 1840, MSA C 90. 518 Murphy, Baltimore Directory for 1845. Baltimore Ward 16, Baltimore, MD. Seventh Census of the United States, 1850. Washington, D.C.: NARA, M432_286, p. 148. 519 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Negro Dolly alias Garet, 29 September 1840, p. 215, MSA C 290. 207 dark complexion and was 5?5 ?? tal with a smal scar on right side of his mouth and a crooked middle finger on the left hand. 520 Dolly pased away betwen 1850 and 1860 at about 80 years old. 521 Seven Garets total registered with the court, a larger proportion than the Lynch or Harden families, which suggests that Brice knew here to find them and was in touch. Lynch Family Like the Garets, the Lynch family?s male head of household appears to have transfered his labor skils in fredom. The Lynch name first appears asociated with the family enslaved by the Carolls in 1780 in a runaway advertisement for Jack Lynch, a 35-year old mulato man. 52 Jack may have been John Lynch?s father, brother, or uncle. Another Lynch, named Bil (age 25), was enslaved by Nicholas Caroll at The Caves until 1812. In 1817, John was in his early thirties. His age placed him in a grey area betwen the age at which Margaret?s executors intended to fre the slaves or sel them at reduced cost for a few years of labor. Margaret?s executors did not evaluate him for sale, which suggests that they fred him. John ?acepted? his young children Sam, Bil, and Henny from the executors of Margaret?s estate. 523 The Lynch family lived as fredpersons by 1820, even though none of them 520 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Thomas Garet, Case no. 248, 29 Sept 1840, p. 216, SA C1-90. 521 1850 census 52 Runaway Ad, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Pres date: 11 July 1780, Ad date: 10 July 1780. 208 were registered as fre in the court. John worked in agriculture. Living with him were Henny (one woman age 26-45); John, Ned, Sam, and Bil (four males under age 14); Hariet and Henny (two females under age 14); and possibly Eve (one female over 45). 524 The circumstances of the children?s and their mother?s fredom is unclear. John, Ned, and Hariet had been sold to Nicholas Brice, a judge in Maryland. They did not go to live with him. John?s and Henny?s oldest son, George, was about thirten years old in 1817. He was sold to John Short, whose occupation is unknown. 525 Henny?s daughter Maria and her son Robert (later Robert Hal) were sold to Edward Coale, a businesman. 526 Relief must have come in 1821, when John received his fredom papers. He was described as a ?bright black? man who was 35 years old. 527 His wife Henny pased away before 1830, when the census recorded John?s household as including four males age 24-36, John (one male age 36-55), one female under age 10, and Henny (one female age 10-24). Of John?s and Henny?s children, only Bil registered 523 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 454, MSA CM 155-30, WK 1068-1069-1; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) argaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 539, MSA CM 155- 30, K 1068-1069-1; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Acounts of Sale) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber WB 6, folio 441, MSA CM 125-6, CR 9513-1. 524 John Lynch, 1820 Census, Ward 11, Series M33, Roll 42, Page 242. 525 John Short, 1820; Census Place: Baltimore Ward 4, Baltimore, Maryland; Roll: M33_42; Page: 180. 526 Sukey and her child were also sold to Coale. It is unclear which of the women and their male children were within Coale?s household in 1820. Edward J. Coale, 1820; Census Place: Baltimore Ward 6, Baltimore, Maryland; Roll: M33_42; Page: 310. 527 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) John Lynch, Case no. 328, 14 December 1821. MSA C 1-53, MdHR 50,206-707/714. 209 with the court. Brice testified for Bil (alias Wiliam Lynch) and his nephew Robert (alias Robert Hal) on March 1, 1841. Bil was about age 27, 5?5? tal, light complexion, with a scar on his right eyebrow. 528 Robert was about age 27, dark complexion, 5?5 ?? tal, with two scars on his left cheek and four scars on his forehead. 529 They were the last two persons fred by Brice. 530 John Lynch was a laborer who lived at 48 Centre Stret in 1845. 531 A Robert Hal lived in Baltimore as of 1850 with his wife Jane, their children, and a relative named Hariet Lent. Al could read and write and al were born in Maryland. 532 The executors may have divided the Hal family, if Jacob Hal was Robert Hal?s father. Jacob Hal was in his late twenties when purchased by Eleanor Dal on April 24, 1817 on the condition that he would be fre in 1819. Jacob did not register with the court, and if or when he was fred remains unclear. 53 Others 528 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Bil (son of Henny) Lynch, alias Wiliam Lynch and Robert Hal (son of Maria), 1 March 1841, p. 221, MSA C 290-3, MdHR 40,131-3. 529 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Robert Hal, Case no. 272, 1 March 1841, MSA C 1-92, dHR 50,206-1103/1111. 530 John Lynch, 1830; Census Place: Baltimore Ward 11, Baltimore, Maryland; Roll: 54; Page: 438. 531 Murphy, Baltimore Directory for 1845. 532 Baltimore Ward 12, Seventh Census of the United States, 1850. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. Roll M432_285, p. 280. 53 Thre fredmen named Jacob Hal lived in Baltimore County in 1820. U.S. Census 1820, Baltimore, Md. Roll M33_41; Page: 201 and 207. 210 Additional blacks did not have family connections and may not have had the same kinship supports as the Garets, Lynches, and Hardens. Hary Davis and Hary Graham received their fredom papers on May 29, 1829, four years after their 1825 manumision date. Hary Davis was described as a ?dark black man.? Hary Graham was ?bright black,? about 31 years old, 5? 7? tal, [ilegible description], and a large scar and stifnes of middle finger on the right hand. 534 Polly (alias Polly Ireland) registered on May 27, 1839, even though she was fre in 1833. Polly was described as about 26 years old, 5 fet 3 inches tal, with a scar on her left eye bone. 535 None appear in city directories to indicate their vocations in fredom. Registering Fredom State law required al frepersons to register with the court. Only twenty-one blacks from Mount Clare or the Caves did. Brice testified on behalf of al but four, thre of whom were manumited before 1817, which suggests that he ultimately held control over whose fredom became oficial and whose did not. Brice, a slaveholder himself, had previously ensured the fredom of a slave he manumited when the new owner failed to release the man. 536 The registrations of people from Mount Clare and The 534 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Hary Davis and Hary Graham, Case no. 339, 29 ay 1829, MSA C 1-68, MdHR 50,206-861/871. 535 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Negro Polly alias Polly Ireland, 27 May 1839, p. 136. MSA C 290-3, MdHR 40,131-3. 536 Baltimore Ward 11. Fourth census of the United States, 1820. Washington, D.C.: NARA, 1820. Roll M33_42, p. 433.) Manumision, Henry Brice to Ned Hil, p. 266. Chatel Records, Baltimore County. C-298-3. MSA. Brice sold Ned Hil to Samuel Rideout of Annapolis to serve for seven years beginning 1 January 1797. Hil was 211 Caves occurred anywhere from within one to thirty-seven years after the year of fredom indicated in Margaret?s estate papers. Only one person from Mount Clare registered with the court in the same year as he was fred. The circumstances raise a number of questions: Did the blacks at Mount Clare know their years of fredom and if so, how and when? How did Brice know where to find them? Did he provide papers to some people specifying fredom such that they were counted as fre in the 1820 census? Why did they not register with the court, and what compeled fredpersons to do so over time? A scofflaw view of registration may explain why fewer than half of the people manumited by Margaret registered with the court, but equaly likely is that they were never fred at al. Christopher Philips argues that fredpersons, at least in early national Baltimore, did not register because they did not need fredom papers in everyday life. The size and reach of the fre and enslaved population throughout Baltimorean life engendered a les stringent racial atmosphere than in rural areas. Racial control measures, such as checks for official fredom papers, were not enforced. Baltimore officials and courts repeatedly turned away cases testing the requirement to hold fredom papers. With no enforcement of the law, ex-slaves and others in Baltimore did not se registration with the court or fredom papers as important. 537 Brice?s death in April of 1842 may have had the efect of locking a number of persons into slavery by removing their advocate. Former slave John sold to Thomas B. Randal of Baltimore, but was never manumited as Brice intended. Brice set the date of Hil?s fredom as 2 January 1804. The document was signed 19 August 1800. 537 Philips, Fredom?s Port, 64-65. 212 Thompson described a man on a plantation who had been sold for a term and continued to work, though fre, for eighten months after his term was expired. His administrator was seventy-five miles away and the man had no way of contacting him to say that he was stil in bondage. The master whipped him for fancying himself fre and as a warning to anyone else who might think the same. 538 The end of a person?s term of delayed manumision did not mean surety in the future or fredom from the fear of being re-enslaved. Fre blacks were kidnapped and transported out of Maryland. Slaves were ?seduced from the service of their masters and owners? and removed from the state. Kidnappers stole children to sel in distant places as slaves for life. In 1817, the Maryland Asembly strengthened the restriction on the sale of slaves entitled to fredom after a period of years either out-of-state or to persons who were not Maryland residents. The penalty was jail for up to two years. The law, however, included provisions to enable selers to sel slaves out of the state. Selers were required to register a bil of sale with identifying features of the slave, as wel as documentation that the purchaser acknowledged a slave?s remaining term until fredom. 539 Eleanor Dal?s sale of slaves in 1817 is an example of someone close to the Mount Clare black population who exercised her legal ability to sel chatel out of Maryland. Tracking the manumision records of blacks from Mount Clare and The Caves may provide an explanation for the court registration trigger. Maryland law required 538 Thompson, Life of John Thompson, 21-22. 539 An Act to prevent the unlawful exportation of Negroes and Mulatoes, and to alter and amend the Laws concerning Runaways. Ch. 112, Lib. TH. No. 6, fol. 1. 1817. Pased Feb. 3, 1818. Vol. 192, p. 2109. Archives of Maryland Online. 213 fre blacks to register with the court, but the former slaves of Mount Clare did not comply until events compounded in Maryland to create additional need. Eight people registered in 1832. Thre of them were fred in 1795: Fanny Cooper, Nel Wiliams, and Henny. Nel appeared in court on April 11, Fanny on May 29, and Henny on May 31. 540 That same year, Brice testified on March 29 for Miley Harden; on May 4 for Samuel and Wiliam Coney; and on May 29 for Sukey and Hety/Kity. 541 Thre people registered in court in 1840; two per year in 1830 and 1841; and one per year in 1818, 1821, 1829, 1839, and 1844 (after Brice?s death). Statisticaly speaking, Brice appears to have pushed registration at salient points, particularly 1832, which were times when whites took particular action. Organizations such as the American Colonization Society (organized in 1817) developed as a conservative white response to the perceived threat of fre blacks to society. Pushing against blacks? fredom in America provided a means to maintain the moral authority of social conservatives. Characterization of fre blacks by conservative whites as moraly lax, dangerous, and a draw on society ralied those whites threatened by the muddied hierarchical order brought by their increasing numbers after the Revolution. Colonization of blacks from America in Africa aimed to exorcise the black threat to conservative white control as masked in misionary, 540 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom, 1830-1832) Nel Wiliams, p. 59; Fanny Cooper, p. 215; Henny, p. 235. MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 541 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Mily, alias Mily Harden, 29 March 1832, p. 50; Negro Wiliam and Negro Samuel, 4 May 1832, p. 96; Negro Kity, 29 May 1832, p. 213, and Negro Sukey, 29 May 1832, p. 213, MSA C 290-2, MDHR 40,131-2. It is also of note that James Caroll pased away in 1832, but no further connection can be made with Brice or the registrations on the basis of available evidence as to whether his death was a catalyst. 214 fundamentaly Christian action. 542 Slave uprisings ? both actual and the fear of ? influenced social sentiment towards blacks. On February 28, 1799, ?two negro men, criminals? working ?on the edge of Mrs. Carol?s woods, near Baltimore city, on Prat-stret? murdered their sentinel. One man was caught imediately. The other man, named Emanuel, escaped across the turnpike bridge. Nicholas Reynolds, the overser of convicts working the road, entreated the public to apprehend Emanuel, ?as he is a blood-thirsty felow.? 543 The Maryland State Colonization Society met in early 1831 to addres the perceived problem of fre and manumited blacks. Nicholas Brice, brother of Henry Brice, presided over the meting of prominent whites who voted to establish a colony on the African coast for fre blacks. 54 Penelope Campbel has writen that the Society, ?needed only to prove itself capable of aleviating the tension growing betwen the two races and of altering the racial balance in favor of the whites.? 545 Its task was made more urgent in whites? minds by Nat Turner?s rebelion in August 1831. Turner led a group of enslaved persons in Southhampton County, Virginia, where they murdered sixty whites. Turner?s Rebelion inspired a movement in Maryland to regulate the fredom of fre blacks through their movements and by preventing future manumisions. 546 542 Frederickson, Black Image in the White Mind, 6. 543 Advertisement, Federal Gazete and Baltimore Daily Advertiser [Baltimore, Md], 6 March 1799, vol. X, is. 1658, p. 4. 54 Campbel, Maryland in Africa, 16-17. 545 Campbel, Maryland in Africa, 41. 546 Campbel, Maryland in Africa, 35. 215 A series of acts pased by the Maryland Asembly beginning in 1831 limited the fredom of fredpersons in Maryland. It pased an act in March 1832 that asigned the removal of fredpersons from Maryland to Liberia to a Board of Managers consisting of Society members. The act required each county to compile a census of its fre African American population so the Board of Managers could identify individuals to return to Africa. No list remains for Baltimore City and Baltimore County, if one was ever drawn. The law provided for the limited residence of African Americans in the state and their forcible expulsion at the end of a time limit. 547 Fre blacks were subject to arest if they refused to leave the state. Exceptions were made. A provision in the act alowed the state?s orphan court or Baltimore city court to grant a permit on an annual basis to any ex-slave to remain in the county if he or she could produce testimony of exceptional good conduct and character. 548 Drawing on earlier acts, the law alowed a manumited slave to remain in the state, but it was the responsibility of the manumitor to ensure that the slave would not become a burden to society. 549 Another act pased in June 1832 restricted the liberty of blacks in Maryland and sought to prevent more fre blacks or slaves from 547 Maryland Historical Society, Guide to the Microfilm Edition of the Papers of the Maryland State Colonization Society, Philadelphia: Rhistoric Publications, 1970 p. 3. 548 Campbel, Maryland in Africa, 38-39. 549 ?An act relating to the People of Color in this state.? Pased 12 March 1832, Sesion Laws, 1831, Chapter 281, vol. 213, p. 343. Archives of aryland Online. An act pased the following year protected enslaved persons who received manumisions before 1831. ?A supplement to an act, entitled, An act relating to People of Colour in this State,? Pased 22 March 1832, Sesion Laws 1832, Chapter 296, vol. 547, p. 354. Archives of Maryland Online. 216 setling in the state. 50 While the laws appear to have applied specificaly to newly fred persons, it engendered the need to document those fred before 1831. Perhaps Brice testified for blacks manumited by Margaret in response to these trends. Life After the Carolls The Garets, Hardens, Lynches, and others in fredom faced familiar entanglements as in slavery that took generations to untwist. Fredpersons from Mount Clare lived during a time of explosive growth in Baltimore. Shipyards, mils, forges, furnaces, hotels, and other kinds of busineses grew. Employment offered, in turn, opportunities for family life, skil specialization and diversification, and community development. 51 Black men, in particular, took opportunities in seaport cities not only in Baltimore, but Philadelphia, Boston, and New York. Cities ofered jobs to fredpersons as wel as beter chances of finding mariage partners and engaging in a large community of individuals with similar life experiences. Eightenth- and early- ninetenth-century Baltimore encouraged close social interaction among demographic groups due to its population density. Men in Baltimore found work in maritime trades, as brickmakers, shoemakers, tailors and artisans, while women took domestic employment as housekeepers, washerwomen, seamstreses, and cooks. Their combined incomes were equaly important in the survival of fre black households. 52 50 Campbel. Maryland in Africa, 39. 51 Charles G. Stefen, ?Changes in the Organization of Artisan Production in Baltimore, 1790 to 1820,? Wiliam & Mary Quarterly 1979 36(1): 101-117. 52 Baltimore City directories underscore the kinds of work performed by 217 The ability of blacks to find work as hired-out slaves or independent workers ratled Marylanders who supported slavery. 53 Gender also played a role. Walace?s findings on gender disparity in Baltimore and Maryland suggest that individuals sent to new owners in Baltimore County were more able to find partners and create families than those in the city. Perhaps the trend explains why no women?s names from Mount Clare appear as heads of households in ninetenth-century Baltimore City directories. Baltimore County and Maryland in general had slightly more male than female slaves of al ages. Females, however, greatly outnumbered males in Baltimore City; in 1830, the ratio was almost two-to- one. The disparity resulted from the import of females into Maryland and the export of males into the Lower South. 54 Individuals who transitioned from slave to fre mixed in Baltimore with blacks relocated from other regions. The combination of changing status with experiences of others may have helped Americanize blacks in Baltimore. Gary Nash suggests that aculturation acelerated in fredom for persons who came to Northern cities from plantations. Nash?s evidence is in fredpersons? choice of comon English names rather than the African, Grecian, or defamatory ones chosen for slaves by masters. 55 Arguably, however, fredpersons used markers of citizenship modeled fredpersons. Christine Daniels, ??Geting His (Or Her) Livelyhood?: Fre Workers in Slave Anglo-America, 1675-1810,? Agricultural History 1997 71(2): 125-161; Nash, ?Forging Fredom,? 10-11, 15-16. 53 Fields, Slavery and Fredom on the Middle Ground, 47-49. 54 Walace, Fair Daughters of Africa, 24-29. 55 Nash, ?Forging Fredom,? 20-26. 218 and understood by whites to integrate themselves into society in ways shaped by the African American experience. The roots of clas formation in the antebelum era relate to the ways slavery and racial identity influenced the definition of clas identity for al Americans. Leslie Haris began her study from the point that ?the experiences of slavery and emancipation in colonial and early national New York City, and the ways New Yorkers interpreted those experiences, influenced the shape of labor relations there and the atitudes of blacks and whites toward black workers and their labor.? 56 She argues that, ?clas distinctions among blacks afected arguments about black community, particularly as expresed through political activism against racism and slavery.? 57 Scholars such as Paul Mullins, Terance Epperson, and Laurie Wilkie have argued that African Americans combated racism by using material culture to define their senses of self and manipulate whites? conceptualizations of them. Their work suggests the kinds of material practices Africans from Mount Clare performed in the mid-ninetenth century and beyond. Former slaves over the course of generations of fredpersons extricated themselves from white households to live in nuclear families in ethnicaly-clustered neighborhoods. Fredpersons organized for racial uplift in churches, schools, abolitionist societies, and mutual aid societies. The Harden family may have held a particularly important role in racial uplift in Baltimore. Henry Harden held a leadership role in the African Methodist Church (A.M.E.) in Baltimore. His story is significant because it demonstrates that blacks enslaved by the Carolls led movements in racial uplift and fredom. Put another way, 56 Haris, In the Shadow of Slavery, 4. 57 Haris, In the Shadow of Slavery, 9. 219 enslavement by the Carolls inspired blacks to empower themselves and their brethren. The Great Awakening swept America beginning in the 1740s as an evangelical movement centering on the idea of Christian equality. Evangelicalism gave birth to a religious and cultural movement among enslaved persons as an organized and communal means to exercise control, asert independence, and resist white authority. Men, in particular, could gain status and authority within and beyond the black community. Richard Alen, the leader of the A.M.E. Church in the late eightenth century, condemned the hypocrisy of white Methodists and refused to alow Christianity to be identified as a white religion. African customs and beliefs filtered through and meshed with Biblical teachings as blacks met to dance, sing, and listen to preachers. 58 A.M.E. churches and preachers aided the escape of enslaved persons beginning in the late eightenth century along what became known as the Underground Railroad. 59 Blacks participated in Methodist services in Baltimore until whites became uncomfortable worshipping with them in 1786 and 1787. 560 Henry Harden and the other fathers of the Baltimore A.M.E. church began meting in 1796 in a boot- blacking celar and then at each other?s homes. 561 They rented a building at Fish 58 Raboteau, ?The Slave Church in the Era of the American Revolution,? 194, 196, 205-207, 209. Also se Whitman, Challenging Slavery in the Chesapeake, 135-154; Walace, Fair Daughters of Africa, Chapter 3. 59 LaRoche, On the Edge of Fredom, 72-75. 560 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 13-14; Smith, Biography of Rev. David Smith, 18, 20, 26. 561 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 26. 220 Stret (now Saratoga) near Gay Stret in 1797 and consecrated it ?Bethel.? After several months, they could no longer pay the rent and moved Bethel?s clases and praise services from house-to-house. 562 Harden lived on Raybourg and New Aley in the early ninetenth century, perhaps at the residence of someone to whom he was hired out by Margaret. Church leaders met there to discuss purchasing the building on Fish Stret. 563 Harden may have by that time approached Margaret to se about his fredom. Rev. David Smith wrote that Harden was among several men whose owners were persuaded to release them: ?religious reformation made this clas of men and women beter servants, and by their good behavior many of them became fre.? 564 Harden was manumited on August 18, 1815. 565 Harden continued to be active in the A.M.E. church as a fredman. He atended the 1816 convention in Philadelphia that formaly organized the A.M.E. Church. 56 He succeded Daniel Coker as preacher-in-charge at Bethel in 1817 and asumed responsibility for Bearhil, Frederick Road, Mt. Gilboa, Sculltown and Fels Point. Brice testified for Harden in court in 1818, when he was 42 years old, to register his 1815 manumision, which suggests that Brice knew him prior to 562 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 1 and 14. 563 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 26. 564 Smith, Biography of Rev. David Smith, 20. 565 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Henry Harden, 8 April 1818, p. 16, MSA C-290-1. 56 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 1; Smith, Biography of Rev. David Smith, 32. 221 Margaret?s death. 567 Harden was appointed book steward for the circuit and elected and ordained as a church elder at the 1818 conference in Baltimore. 568 Harden twice appears in church records as promoting unity. He placed a resolution at the 1819 conference in Baltimore to prohibit members from disloyalty or sowing discord against the A.M.E. church. 569 The resolution reflected his concern that white Elders would learn the busines of their metings and act against the members. In 1821, he brought a motion to include the Eastern Shore of Maryland in the Baltimore Conference. Harden was asigned to lead the new A.M.E. church on Mott Stret in lower Manhatan, New York in 1820. The congregation numbered twenty-nine people ? mostly women ? and Harden enlarged its membership on a wekly basis. 570 Harden?s activities become unclear beginning in the early 1820s. The 1822-1823 edition of the Baltimore directory placed Henry Harden in Baltimore. Harden was ?expeled? from the church in 1830 571 and withdrew in 1834. 572 He does not thereafter appear in church records, census records, or city directories. No obituary or year of death has been recovered. 567 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Henry Harden, 8 April 1818, p. 16, MSA C-290-1. 568 Smith, Biography of Rev. David Smith, 38-39. 569 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 55-56. 570 Handy, Scraps of African Methodist History, 63. 571 Dorothy Porter and Dorothy Burnet Porter, Early Negro Writing, 1760-1837, 197. 572 John Jamison Moore, History of the A.M.E. Church in America, Founded 1796 in the City of New York. 387. 222 Blacks formerly enslaved at Mount Clare and The Caves experienced profound adjustments after 1817. One of them was the adjustment to the promise of fredom at a future date, rather than fredom imediately upon Margaret?s death. Some individuals went to new owners and to new places, others kept families together, and others engaged with opportunities available in the city. Together, they demonstrate the complexity of the transition from slavery to fredom, from the life of individuals enslaved by a wealthy white widow to fredpersons entering newly charted waters of clas and race as African Americans. 223 Chapter 7: Slavery and Historic House Museums The preceding chapters demonstrate that, despite the erasure of slavery and black history from interpretations of life at Mount Clare, the stories of the Garets, Lynches, Hardens, and others cannot be erased from history. Historic sites throughout the United States preserve racial fisures in society by focusing on elite whites rather than the interaction among al residents. In the folowing chapter, I addres the legacy of racialized practices as they do or do not manifest in the interpretation of the former Mount Clare plantation. I argue that the legacy of slavery at Mount Clare involves the conscious invisibility of blacks in the site?s history, particularly the proces of who can control it, and why. It is an important part of the site?s history. I begin with an overview of Mount Clare betwen Margaret?s death in 1817 and the beginning of the site?s management by the Maryland Society in 1917. I continue with an outline of the relationship of the Maryland Society to the late- ninetenth to mid-twentieth-century preservation movement, specificaly the use of historic houses to commemorate white ancestors. I then addres the problem of avoiding black history in historic houses. The Mount Clare Museum House, the historic easement area, and the rest of Caroll Park can be diferent from other historic sites where black history continues to be avoided. They, instead, can set the standard in Maryland historic house museums? permanent interpretations for a revised history that acknowledges head-on the significance of race and status in the development of American culture. Mount Clare, 1817-1917 224 After Margaret pased away in 1817, physical evidence of slavery and blacks began to erode away from Mount Clare. The showpiece plantation of the eightenth and early ninetenth centuries became threatened when the Caroll family?s requirements for the landscape and slavery changed. The expanding western boundary of Baltimore, industrial development along Gwynns Fals, and atitudinal shifts towards race and status in American life al had impacts on the layout, function, and meaning of Mount Clare. In the proces, physical evidence of slavery and blacks? lives became les apparent, which enabled European-American preservationist groups to claim the landscape as theirs alone. A new enslaved black community moved with James Macubbin Caroll to Mount Clare circa 1818. James paid for repairs to ?the quarter,? the mansion, and the barn in 1822 as wel as kitchen improvements. 573 He hired a gardener and maintained the property as Margaret had. 574 At the same time, Baltimore City was eyeing Mount Clare as sen in the city grid overlay in Poppleton?s map of 1818 (Figure 10). In 1828, James offered the newly formed Baltimore & Ohio Railroad a ten-acre parcel on the northeast corner of his property for a depot. Railroad construction cut off aces from Mount Clare to the Frederick Turnpike. A new driveway was built betwen Mount Clare and the new Washington Turnpike south of the house. The B&O Railroad purchased fiften acres from James in 1830 to expand the railroad 573 The quarter had 311 [measurement not recorded] of mason and 23 perches of quary. Jacob Sedden to James Caroll Jr., Bil for work, 2 February 1822, Folder ?1815-22, James Caroll, Jr. (1791-1873) Papers,? Box 10, MS 219, MdHS. 574 James Caroll Acount Book, 1813-1869, p. 97. 225 complex. 575 The track may have precipitated a rearangement of structures and uses for the landscape. Nothing in James?s correspondence with the B&O, however, details any changes or their efects. Like Carolls before him, James?s death in 1832 afected blacks at Mount Clare, but the historical record is silent on the details. James enslaved twenty-one people in 1832, but no acount of sale was registered in court to indicate what happened to the people inventoried as part of his estate. 576 James?s son, James Jr., inherited Mount Clare. He twice hired Sam Harden, whom he purchased from Margaret?s estate. 57 James Jr. may have lived at the mansion from 1832 until 1836, when he began to rent it out. No information remains on al the renters? occupations at Mount Clare, other than the mansion became a boarding house by mid-century. 578 The uses for the landscape changed considerably beginning with James Jr.?s ownership. Acording to census records and slave 575 Baltimore County Court (Land Records) James Caroll to The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, Liber WG208, folio 448, WK1186-1187-1, MSA CE66-258. 576 Se Appendix E. No acount of sale was registered with the court to indicate if James?s executors sold the slaves, and who purchased them. 57 He also hired Jery Johnson, but I could not determine if he was the same Jery listed in Margaret?s probate record. James Caroll Acount Book 1813-1869, p. 82, MS 217, dHS. 578 Wiliam McPherson lived at Carolls Point 1826-1836; worked at Mount Clare 1832- 1836, moved into the ?Mount Clare house? and worked the property to 1852. Subsequent renters: Fisher H. White (1852), Thomas Atkinson (1853), J. Storm (1854), Thomas Donahue (April-September 1854), George Sugden (October 1854- May 1867) (James Caroll Acount Book 1813-1869, pp. 61, 146, 216 and 5, 27, 29 S 217, MdHS.). An 1853 asesment lists Mount Clare, a two-story house on Washington Road, a brick mil; a two-story brick house on Carolls Point, and two, two-story frames on Carolls Point. Caroll Jr. leased 22 acres plus the Mount Clare Mil to W.E. Woodyard in November 1853. Asesment, 1853, Folder ?1853-54, James Caroll Jr. (1791-1873), Papers,? Box 10, MS 219. MdHS. 226 schedules for 1850 and 1860, the renters did not have slaves. Archaeological evidence shows that refuse acumulated across the property as enslaved blacks and white servants no longer maintained the gardens and orchards. Figure 10: Detail from Plan of the city of Baltimore, T.H. Popleton, 1818. It shows the proposed city grid. The Frederick Turnpike enters the frame diagonally from the northeast. 227 Figure 11: Scott's map of the city of Baltimore. Simon J. Martenet, C.E. 1856. It shows the Baltimore and Ohio Railway to the north and a new driveway from the south. Figure 12: Military map showing Camp Chesebrough, Baltimore Co., Md. Chief Eng., 8th Army Corps, by Geo. Kaiser, Pvt. 10th N.Y. Vols., 1863. 228 Figure 13: Camp Carroll. E. Sachse and Co. 1862. Enoch Pratt Fre Library. The lithographer faces east towards Baltimore. The railroad is to the left, while the mansion is in tres to the right side of the frame. Figure 14: Detail of Sasche print showing the mansion and dependencies. Federal troops camped on James Caroll?s property from 1861 through the Civil War in two places. Their camp near the mansion was caled Camp Caroll or 229 Camp Chesebrough (Figures 12 and 13). 579 Another camp was located near the Milington Mil. Signage near the Mount Clare Museum House discusses Camp Caroll but not slavery as a cause of the war. It does not mention African American life in Baltimore during wartime. Both topics demonstrate the continuing relevance of black history to Mount Clare in the ninetenth century. Maps and lithographs may depict slave quarters and work buildings near the mansion. Maps from 1818 and 1856 and an 1862 lithograph show a building just east of the mansion?s east wing (Figures 10, 11, 13). Perhaps it was the ?quarter? renovated in 1822, but it might also have been a garage or barn to serve the new driveway. The 1862 lithograph shows one two-story and two one-story structures in a field further east of the mansion (Figures 13 and 14). The location is just north of the frame structure depicted in Charles Wilson Peale?s painting in 1775. A brickyard replaced the structures by 1869 (Figure 15). The structure to the east of the east wing may have been torn down (Figure 16). If the structures were slave quarters, no clear evidence dates their location prior to the mid-ninetenth century. Unfortunately, archaeology is unlikely to contribute more information. Late ninetenth-century landmoving carved away the area shown in the 1818, 1856, and 1862 images to the east of the east wing. Development of Caroll Park beyond the historic easement has built over subsurface evidence of structures in the east field. If the structures were slave quarters, they raise questions about the timeline for housing blacks at Mount Clare. Were the structures among the eightenth-century landscape features? Did the 579 Michael F. Trostel, Mount Clare: Being an Acount of the Seat Built by Charles Carroll, Barrister, upon his Lands at Patapsco (Baltimore: National Society of Colonial Dames of America, 1981), 91-100. 230 situation of quarters change relative in position to the mansion? If so, why? What was the impact of changing atitudes about race and status in Baltimore? Did soldiers camped at Camp Caroll and Camp Milington further erase evidence of slavery by using wooden structures for fuel or housing? The structures and/or their sites shown in mid-century images may date to Charles and Margaret?s residency, or represent changes in the property layout due to land sales or construction of the railroad or brickyards. Figure 15: Mount Clare in 1869. Sachse. Library of Congres. 231 Figure 16: Detail from Sachse's 1869 map. Further erasure of black history resulted from changes to the house to suit renters whose interests lay in the promotion of European ethnicity. James Jr. rented fiften acres of Mount Clare plus the mansion to a German social club caled the West Baltimore Schuetzen Asociation as a clubhouse and recreational park in 1870. 580 The Schuetzens equipped the mansion with a shooting range, ten-pin aley, drinking hal, and bandstand. The Maryland Society chafed a century later at the ?ignominy of [Mount Clare?s] use as a public beer garden? in contrast to ?what had once been the elegance and gentility of a gracious Colonial home.? 581 The writer 580 Baltimore City Superior Court (Land Records) James Caroll to West Baltimore Scheutzen Asoc., Liber GR448, folio 19, MSA CE 168-496, MdHR CR 4725-1. 232 made no elusion to slavery, which would have complicated her image of Mount Clare, perhaps due to a lack of above-ground evidence to chalenge it. The Schuetzens demolished the dilapidated dependencies in 1873 and constructed a two- story kitchen to replace the east wing. Archaeologicaly-recovered pig bones, beer bottles and glases, and bullet casings atest to the Schuetzens? entertainments. Figure 17: The mansion after the Scheutzens demolished the wings and before Baltimore City commisioned new ones. Hughes Collection, MdHS. 581 National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Mount Clare: Home of Charles Carroll, Barrister (National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, 1971), 1 and 16. 233 Figure 18: The mansion with new ings built by Baltimore City. Historic American Buildings Survey, Library of Congres. 1958. Only the central part of the original mansion remained by the time the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore purchased the mansion and twenty acres from James Caroll Jr.?s heirs in 1890 for a public park as part of the City Beautiful movement (Figure 17). 582 The landscape was elided with the Carolls rather than al people who had lived and worked there. Frederick Law Olmsted was hired in 1903 to redesign Caroll Park and other Baltimore parks. The wings currently flanking the mansion were constructed in 1908 as bathhouses and locker rooms (Figure 18). 583 Olmsted?s 582 Baltimore City Superior Court (Land Records) Saly W. Caroll & c. to Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, 8 November 1890, Liber JB 1318, folio 1, MSA CR 5117- 1, CR 5117-2. 234 atitudes towards slavery, however, influenced his plans. He despised slavery and believed in the equality of al races, but believed that equal rights were to be earned through proper education and a productive role in society. He envisioned his urban parks as a means to improve equality and society as wel as individual morality and the mind. The Olmsted plans, including basebal fields, outdoor gymnasiums for men and women, basketbal courts and a wading pool, were complete by 1915. 584 The Olmsted features became central players in ongoing racial divisions at Caroll Park as balfields, golf courses, pools, and other areas became segregated terain. The tensions betwen Olmsted?s beliefs and the way the park?s Olmsted features structured segregationist policy is another important element of black history in Caroll Park. Women and the Preservation Movement The erasure of black history from historic sites such as Mount Clare dovetailed with the rise of historic preservation led by upper- and middle-clas European American women in the late ninetenth century. Black women did not have the same political or financial power to organize historic houses on the same scale as whites, despite work within the community towards racial, moral, and mental uplift. They joined and organized literary and intelectual societies, mutual aid societies, civic leagues, and civil rights organizations. 585 Preservation groups, however, do not sem to have 583 Trostel, Mount Clare, 100. 584 James E. Wels II, The Historical Geography of Racial and Ethnic Aces Within Baltimore?s Carroll Park: 1870-1954 (Master?s thesis, Ohio University, 2006), 54. 235 existed. Black women could not publicly claim former plantations as their heritage, or own property, and many did not have the resources to devote to the maintenance of aging structures. A question remained in the black community, as wel, over the degre to which slavery should be remembered. Did the black community in Baltimore want to distance itself from slavery and its racialized stigma? What were the atitudes towards preserving ancestors? homes and workplaces? Who remained from the enslaved population at Mount Clare to care, or remember? White women?s actions and ideologies in the ninetenth century focused on the nostalgic memory of a colonial past as part of the broader Colonial Revival movement. 586 The Mount Vernon Ladies? Asociation began work in 1853 to save George Washington?s Mount Vernon. White women organized the Asociation for the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities in 1889, the Daughters of the American Revolution in 1890, the National Asociation of the Daughters of the Confederacy (now the United Daughters of the Confederacy) in 1894, as wel as other social groups. The National Society of the Colonial Dames in America (NSCDA) was founded in 1891. The groups sought to commemorate the sacrifices and contributions of their ancestors ? al white men ? to the nation. 587 Patriotic organizations ignored 585 ?Baltimore: Civic, Union, and Mutual Aid Asociations,? in Organizing Black America: An Encyclopedia of African American Organizations, edited by Nina Mjagkij (New York: Garland Publishing, 2001), 87-92. 586 Se in particular, Hosmer, Jr., Presence of the Past; James M. Lindgren, "A New Departure in Historic, Patriotic Work': Personalism, Profesionalism, and Conflicting Concepts of Material Culture in the Late Ninetenth and Early Twentieth Centuries." The Public Historian 18, no. 2 (1996): 41-60; and West, Domesticating History. 587 Charles Bridgham Hosmer, Presence of the Past: A History of the Preservation Movement in the United States before Wiliamsburg (New York: Putnam, 1965), 57; 236 African American and Native American history other than to acknowledge that their ancestors owned slaves or fought indigenous peoples. 58 They were just as reticent towards European imigrants. House museums found a niche by providing, as Pamela West puts it, ?a shared ancestral home and sacred heritage.? 589 It also, West argues, ?confirmed that the rescue of ?sacred? historic houses was within the proper, domesticaly based ?sphere? of woman?s activity.? 590 Black women were not figured into the preservationist sphere. Women preservationists organized themselves around eforts to promote the contributions of their European American ancestors to the nation. Kinship, indeed, constituted a primary basis for exclusion. The women shared hereditary connections and interests in the archives, artifacts, and historic properties that evidenced them. Part of the erasure of black history from Mount Clare resulted from the agenda of preservationists to preserve a specific perspective on the past. The Maryland Society of the NSCDA organized in 1892 to commemorate ?the briliant achievements of the founders of this great Republic, to the end that the women as wel as the men of this land may be stimulated to beter and nobler lives? by collecting ?manuscripts, Patricia West, Domesticating History: The Political Origins of America's House Museums (ashington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1999), 36. 58 Barbara J. Howe, "Women in the Ninetenth-Century Preservation Movement." In Restoring Women's History through Historic Preservation, ed. Gail Le and Jennifer B. Goodman Dubrow, 17-36. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Pres, 2003), 30. 589 West, Domesticating History, 3. 590 West, Domesticating History, 36. 237 traditions, relics, and mementoes of bygone days for preservation.? 591 The 1895 constitution stipulated that membership, ? shal be composed entirely of women who are descended in their own right from some ancestor of worthy life who came to reside in an American Colony prior to 1750, which ancestor or some one of his descendants, being a lineal ascendant of the applicant, shal have rendered eficient service to his country during the Colonial period, either in the founding of a commonwealth, or of an institution which has survived and developed into importance, or who shal have held an important position in the Colonial government, and who by distinguished services shal have contributed to the founding of this great and powerful nation. Services rendered after 1783 not recognized. 592 Eligible women descended from Maryland ancestors who held positions as Provincial Oficers; members of Asemblies, Conventions, and Commites; were part of the Judiciary; or were involved in military or naval contingents. Such positions were unavailable to blacks ? and many whites ? in the colonial era. The membership criteria remain similar to the late ninetenth century; the NSCDA welcomes members from al ethnic or religious backgrounds. Preservation organizations developed at a time when African Americans remained disenfranchised from society. Histories of preservation, however, tend to exclude eforts by African Americans and the ways their work difered operationaly and ideologicaly from European Americans. Fath Davis Ruffins and Paul Ruffins 591 Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America, Constitution and by-Laws of the Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America (Baltimore: Guggenheimer, Weil, and Co., 1892), 5-6. 592 National Society of the Colonial Dames of America, Constitution and Eligibility Lists of the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America (Baltimore: Guggenheimer, Weil, and Co., 1895), 10-11. 238 demonstrate that museums and cultural institutions have a long history in African American life. The first African American literary and historical society was founded in Philadelphia in 1828. The first African American historic house was Frederick Douglas?s home, Cedar Hil, in Washington D.C. Douglas?s wife and community members established his home as a museum to celebrate great men who worked against the odds. Carter G. Woodson founded the Asociation for the Study of Negro Life and History in 1915 to be the first nationwide preservation organization. 593 Much more common, however, were museums, libraries, or collections developed by whites on African and African American history. Even more common, as in the case of Mount Clare, were historical societies that preserved the homes of white ancestors whose use of slavery made them politicaly evident in national developments. Ignoring the contributions of al people to the national efort preserved a race-based status quo supported by the lack of representation of blacks at historic sites. Some traditionaly white women?s organizations, such as the Daughters of the American Revolution or the United Daughters of the Confederacy, have been publicly caled out as discriminatory and racist. The NSCDA has received no such acusations. The DAR?s ?white performers only? policy justified the exclusion of Marian Anderson, an African-American contralto, from performing at Constitution Hal in Washington, D.C. in 1939. 594 In 1985, Lena Lorraine Santos Ferguson and her 593 Fath Davis Ruffins and Paul Ruffins, ?Recovering Yesterday,? Black Isues in Higher Education (1997) 13: 25, 16; Women of European or African heritage did work together, but the fraught history betwen whites and/or blacks influenced them to promote their own races acording to internal rules 594 ?DAR Explains Action on Singer,? New York Times [New York, NY] 19 April 1939, p. 25. 239 two sponsors claimed that the DAR denied her membership on the basis of race. Ferguson told a Washington Post reporter that, "The reason I kept pursuing it is I wanted to prove that if this organization stands for what it says it stands for ? honoring people who served in the revolution ? I should be able to join.? 595 The DAR now forbids discrimination on the basis of race. Esie Mae Washington-Wiliams, the biracial daughter of former U.S. Senator Strom Thurmond, applied for membership in the USDC based upon her father?s lineage. Washington-Wiliams explained that she did not se the organization as explicitly racist as popular sentiment makes it to be. She saw, instead, an opportunity for encouraging dialogue as both a white and a black person. 596 Newspaper acounts of Ferguson?s and Washington-Wiliams?s experiences note that a handful of African Americans were members with the DAR or the USDC. African Americans today are eligible to be members in the Maryland Society through hereditary relationship to prominent elite whites. No information has come to light of mixed race ofspring of Dr. Charles Caroll or Charles Caroll the Barister. No evidence exists that any blacks from Mount Clare took the last name ?Caroll.? I am unaware of any African American members of the Maryland Society. Historic house museums are receiving more atention for their racial legacies. Scholars working on analyses of white supremacy are turning a spotlight on organizations that make historic preservation part of their agenda. Euan Hague, Edward H. Sabesta, and Heide Beirich have recently placed the USDC among other 595 Ronald Kesler, ?Sponsors Claim Race is a Stumbling Block; Black Unable to Join Local DAR,? Washington Post [Washington, D.C.], 12 March 1984, A1. 596 Shaila K. Dewan and Ariel Hart, ?Thurmond?s Biracial Daughter Seks to Join Confederate Group,? The New York Times [New York, NY] 2 July 2004, p. A13. 240 Southern organizations that comprise the neo-Confederacy movement. Their research compiles acusations of racism from historians such as James Ferguson. 597 Ken Chujo argues that organizations like the DAR racialized nationalism. 598 Their work demonstrates that a racial divide persists in hereditary organizations and, by extension, that the focus on white history at historic sites perpetuates it. Developing black history at the historic sites under their purview is an important step to counter such charges, if they wish. The stewards of Caroll Park face a choice: Should they continue apace and potentialy face charges of white supremacy, or demonstrate that its members are diferent? The Maryland Society and the Caroll Park Foundation do want to present a broader and more inclusive history, and the above context on black history provides a way to do so. Historic Houses and Consensus History Problems in the interpretation of black history are not unique to Mount Clare. A theme among historic houses is discomfort with topics that chalenge white supremacy, such enslaved persons? agency. Historic house museums promulgated the invention of an imutable American past by the European-American middle clas and bourgeois, who felt threatened by social instability. 59 The founding mothers of historic house museums practiced what is today known as traditional or consensus 597 Euan Hague, Edward H. Sabesta, and Heide Beirich, eds. Neo-Confederacy: A Critical Introduction (University of Texas Pres, 2008.) 598 Ken Chujo, "The Daughters of the American Revolution and Its Atitude toward African Americans." Transforming Anthropology 13, no. 2 (2005): 160-64. 59 West, Domesticating History, 2 and 43. 241 history. Traditional history seks to cull one true, oficial, and authoritative reality from al the information about the past. Its dependence on textual sources, like government documents or busines papers, supports a focus on politics and economics and forefronts the people best represented in those sources. As a result, traditional history tends to represent best the roles of elites, whites, and men in the American past. It promotes social unity, the continuity of existing institutions, and loyalty to the status quo. 60 Traditional history dominates the interpretation of Mount Clare, even though black history is more evident today than when the Maryland Society became steward in 1917. It focuses on the Carolls as exceptional members of colonial society, power and privilege, and architecture and furnishings of the main house at the expense of those who made it happen: enslaved and fre blacks, or indentured or hired servants. The Maryland Society was typical of organizations in historic house preservation, particularly in the way traditional history combined with colonial revivalism to erase blacks. The Maryland Society focused on renovating and furnishing Mount Clare upon becoming its steward in 1917. At that time, Baltimore?s population had expanded greatly due to imigration from abroad and population movements from within America. The Maryland Society incorporated Mount Clare into projects with imigrants, but whether or not African Americans were included or permited inside Mount Clare is not clear from available records. Alvin Brunson calculates that ninety percent of African Americans in Baltimore lived along 60 John Bodnar, Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Pres, 1991), 13 242 Pennsylvania Avenue by 1920, which is near but not adjacent to Caroll Park. 601 Stuart Hobbs argues that history museums appealed to northeastern Americans of English descent at a time when they felt that imigrants threatened their culture. 602 He writes that, ?Colonial revivalists used architectural and decorative forms from the eightenth and early ninetenth centuries to create a mythologized past characterized by honest artisan labor and graceful living among beautiful objects.? 603 Such was the case at Mount Clare, where members created a myth of the Carolls while furnishing and restoring the house. In the early 1920s, Mount Clare?s Board president, Emilie McKim Red expresed gladnes for a clean house lit with electric lights and wished they could ?make the litle room on the first floor into a library and next make the old dining room beautiful.? 604 Correspondence thanked members for their donations of furnishings, yet urged patience at seing them aranged in the house. The Commite on Americanization (later Patriotic Service) started with the care of imigrants who 601 Alvin Brunson, ?The Avenue: The Legacy of Historic Pennsylvania Avenue,? ChickenBones: A Journal, Online: http:/ww.nathanielturner.com/avenueinbaltimore.htm. 602 Bonnie Hurd Smith, "Women's Voices: Reinterpreting Historic House Museums." In Her Past around Us: Interpreting Sites for Women's History, edited by Polly Welts Kaufman and Katharine T. Corbet, 87-101 (Malabar: Kreiger Publishing Company, 2003), 89. 603 Stuart D. Hobbs, "Exhibiting Antimodernism: History, Memory, and the Aesthetized Past in Mid-Twentieth-Century America," The Public Historian 23, no. 3 (2001), 54. 604 Leter, Emilie McKim Red to Annie L. Sioussat, [no date]. Folder "ND Annie L. Sioussat Corr. Emilie McKim Red?. Leakin-Siousat Papers, c.1650-c.1960, MS 1497, Maryland Historical Society. The date of the leter is established by the Red?s term from about 1917 until the early 1920s. 243 stopped on their way West over the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. Sioussat wrote in 1920 that, Mount Clare continues to be a joy ? and serves many ends not usualy atained by an old Colonial mansion ? as the population outside of Caroll Park hil - its beautiful teraces made long ago by the Barister consists of great rarities of foreign form ? and we like to se how the house and its relics atracts them and how they wander in and out of its historic wals with a sense of inclusion in its ownership which is the best ground work for their Americanization.? 605 The project continued into 1929 as Sioussat wrote, Mount Clare is more beautiful than ever ? its doors are open to the pilgrims who come in increasing numbers to enjoy its charms, while its gate bears today the legend of our estate properly inscribed thereon. It has retained its statelines in the midst of the foreign population and proves both inspiration and education to them. 606 For women preservationist-reformers through the first third of the twentieth century, uncritical patriotism provided a guiding framework to addres the rapid social changes of urban areas. Colonial revivalists created a useable past to addres their concerns without chalenging the system. 607 The result ultimately painted an inacurate caricature of the 605 Draft, Historians Report [1920]. Folder ?Colonial Dames Historian Reports (ALS),? Box 22. Leakin-Sioussat Papers, c.1650-c.1960, MS 1497, Maryland Historical Society. 606 Circular Leter of the Historian, March 1929. Folder ?Colonial Dames Printed Material? Box 22. Leakin-Sioussat Papers, c.1650-c.1960, MS 1497, Maryland Historical Society. 607 Harvey Gren, "Looking Backward to the Future: The Colonial Revival and American Culture," In Creating a Dignified Past: Museums and the Colonial Revival, edited by Geoffrey L. Rossano, 1-16 (Savage, MD: Rowman and Litlefield Publishers, Inc., 1991), 15. 244 Carolls. Historian and genealogist Annie Leakin Sioussat codified the approach in her historical sketch of Mount Clare, which was published by the Maryland Society in 1926. The sketch, indeed, informed historical acounts a quarter-century later. 608 No explanation of evidence of slavery is presented, even though her sources contained it. Sioussat framed Mount Clare as an oasis in the swift destruction brought by modern life. She began the history with a romanticized discussion of the ?red men? who traveled through the region before focusing on Charles Caroll and his plantation. 609 Charles was characterized as a hard-working patriot: "a strong patriotic example for those who come after, of the days when purity of life and political probity were the ideals and guiding principles inherited from the earlier days." 610 Charles?s home in Annapolis, she wrote, had ?long lost its identity and only the mansion of Mount Clare remains to the best of uses as his memorial and a shrine in which may be found, not articles collected here and there, presumably of the period, but the veritable furnishings and worldly gear, silver, etc., remain in the place for which they were purchased from London.? 61 Sioussat did not discuss slaves or slavery, but instead documented the refurbished interior, architectural features and landscaped seting at Mount Clare, of which the Colonial Dames were quite proud. Sioussat?s history 608 Mary F. Pringle Fenhagen (A History of the Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America. n.p.: n.p., [1951], 10-11) notes that her work draws heavily from Sioussat?s 1926 historical sketch of Mount Clare. 609 Annie Leakin Sioussat, "Mount Clare" Carroll Park, Baltimore: An Historical Sketch Isued under the Auspices of the Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America (Baltimore: Maryland Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 1926), 1. 610 Sioussat, "Mount Clare" Carroll Park, Baltimore, 15. 61 Sioussat, "Mount Clare" Carroll Park, Baltimore, 13. 245 reflected the Maryland Society?s lack of interest in the full story of the Carolls and the development of Mount Clare. Caroll Park Recreation Racist practices in the recreational areas of Caroll Park reflected the segregation of history at the Mount Clare Museum House and throughout the city. In 1923, Baltimore Parks and Recreation developed a municipal golf course to the west of Monroe Stret on one hundred two acres formerly of Mount Clare. Al the golf courses in Baltimore were ?White only? until the public protests of the Monumental Golf Club of Baltimore, an African American organization. The Park Board granted African Americans aces to Caroll Park beginning on September 1, 1934. Wels writes that the Park Board did not believe, ?that an increased African American presence in the area would adversely impact the white neighborhoods of southwestern Baltimore in any significant way? due to the industrial character of the landscape surrounding the golf course. White residents of southwestern Baltimore, however, succesfully persuaded the Mayor to ask the Park Board to reverse its decision. 612 African American golfers were given exclusive use of the Caroll Park golf course in 1936. On May 6, 1942, the Board of Parks and Recreation removed stipulations that prohibited blacks from golfing anywhere but at Caroll Park. White golfers protested, and the stipulations were reinstated in June. Court cases brought by African Americans in 1942 and in 1947 succesfully argued that the Fourtenth Amendment guaranted their right to equal aces and facilities on Baltimore?s golf 612 Wels, Historical Geography, 10, 57-58. 246 courses. 613 The Fourtenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution (proposed 1866, ratified 1868) provided equal rights for al people, but alowed segregation to persist by leaving the determination of the method of equality to the states. Full racial integration of al Baltimore golf courses took place in 1951. 614 Descendents of slaves organized the fight for desegregation, such as Juanita Jackson Mitchel (an enslaved daughter of Charles Carol, father of Charles Caroll of Carollton), members of the NACP, and golfers who, unlike their enslaved forebears, had the expendable income to aford golf. 615 The Park Board?s policies incited racial violence in Caroll Park. Anyone could use the eastern portion of Caroll Park surrounding the Mount Clare Museum House, but the Park Board?s segregationist policies restricted its uses by blacks. The wading pool was white-only. Only one ethnicity could use a bal field at a time. Park officers were instructed to dismantle any interacial games. In October 1940, a 19- year-old African American man died from a stabbing wound incurred during a fight betwen gangs of whites and blacks. 616 Some whites believed that they had, writes Wels, a ?natural dominance over the park.? In the 1940s, gangs from the poor, white neighborhood to the north of Caroll Park betwen Wilkens Avenue and Lombard 613 Durkee v. Murphy, 181 Md. 259, 29 A.2d 253, 255; Law v. Mayor and City Council of Baltimore et al., Ciy. A. No. 3837, United States District Court for the District of Maryland, 78 F. Supp. 346; 1948 U.S. Dist; Baltimore Golf Unrestricted, Washington Post [Washington, D.C.], 19 June 1948, B2. 614 Wels, Historical Geography, 11. 615 Smith, Here Lies Jim Crow, 119-23, 125, 162. 616 Wels, Historical Geography, 72. 247 Stret were particularly intent on driving out blacks. 617 Prompted by Brown vs. Board of Education (1954), which chalenged segregation in public places, the Park Board opened al its parks to al races. Whites in the local neighborhoods were disgusted. 618 No information is currently available about the Maryland Society?s reaction to segregation in Caroll Park. Nonetheles, the bowling gren at the Mount Clare Museum House offers one place to discuss the diferences betwen then and now. Enslaved blacks under the Carolls? tenure tended the lawn and stood by as the Carolls entertained guests with bowling games. The ability of African Americans one hundred fifty years later to play the game, and agitate for rights on the basis of their status, marked fundamental shifts in American society. Civil Rights and African American Museums Women?s patriotic organizations gained continued ideological vigor from World War I and I, even as war diverted resources from historic preservation to the wartime economy and support efort. After the wars, suburban expansion and federal urban renewal policies ? themselves rooted in racism ? instigated the destruction of old city sections. The loss of historic structures and the histories they represented ? namely those of white, elite personages ? instiled concern in preservationists. 619 On the other 617 Wels, Historical Geography, 72. 618 Wels, Historical Geography, 74. 619 Howe, "Women in the Ninetenth-Century Preservation Movement,? 28. Mount Clare was named a National Historic Landmark in 1970. In the 1920s and 1930s, many cities faced tough economic times. As a result, the term ?elite? refers in the era to descendants from old-line families with roots in the colonial era. Membership in 248 hand, few African American museums existed before the 1950s and 1960s ? the era of the Civil Rights, Black Power, and Black Consciousnes movements ? when more than ninety African American museums were established in America. Community leaders versed in civil rights developed the new museums under the aegis of truth- teling. Many were, as Ruffins and Ruffins phrase it, ?motivated by the need to create positive cultural myths and institutions.? 620 Social history grew out of representation politics to contest traditional constructions of the past. Historians became interested in conflict, diversity, and multiple perspectives. Curators realized that they did not have sufficient artifactual evidence to support social history exhibits and, as a result, would have to look at their collections in new ays. 621 Although traditional history persisted in the interpretation of places like Mount Clare, broader trends in museum practices placed presure on the Maryland Society to shift direction. The Civil Rights era meant that African Americans became beter represented in American cultural institutions. More African Americans entered the museum profesion. Museum administrators realized that minorities were a part of American culture and they expected to se something of themselves during museum visits. Bigger institutions funded by Federal money or endowments had greater resources the elite clas expanded from bloodline to include those who had acumulated wealth through land and slaves, power in local and national politics, kinship ties, and loyalties to promote shared interests (Stephanie Yuhl, A Golden Haze of Memory (Chapel Hil, NC and London, UK: University of North Carolina Pres, 2005), 7). 620 Ruffins and Ruffins, ?Recovering Yesterday,? 16. 621 Spencer A. Crew and James E. Sims. "Locating Authenticity: Fragments of a Dialogue," In Exhibiting Cultures, edited by Ivan and Steven D. Lavine Karp, 159-75 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Pres, 1991); Theresa Singleton, ?Commentary: Facing the Chalenges of a Public African-American Archaeology,? Historical Archaeology 31 (1997) 3: 146. 249 than private societies to improve the representation of African Americans in historical projects. Large museums implemented exhibits devoted to African American history, but did not necesarily integrate black and white history. The Smithsonian Institution established the Anacostia Neighborhood Museum in 1967 and staged black history- oriented exhibits at the National Portrait Galery and the National Museum of American History. 62 Colonial Wiliamsburg factored the eightenth-century African American population into its interpretative programs beginning in the late 1970s. Rex Elis pushed for the ?Other Half? tour to ?complete the story? of the town because ?even though someone else might have designed it, certainly somebody black helped build it.? 623 Before then, a visit to Colonial Wiliamsburg reinforced the idea that blacks participated minimaly in colonial society. 624 Development of black history has continued at Colonial Wiliamsburg, including a renacted slave auction in 1994 and tours and exhibits to the present. 625 Members of the public are also pushing back against dominant white naratives through contributions of oral history or DNA 62 Ruffins and Ruffins, ?Recovering Yesterday,? 16. A corollary to the increased representation of blacks in museum profesional positions is the force of black museum employees to fight exhibits that they find offensive. Se, for example, controversy over the Back of the Big House exhibit at the Library of Congres. ?News and Views: Black Employees Shut Down Library of Congres Slavery Exhibit,? The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (1996), 58. 623 Rex M. Elis, "Interpreting the Whole House." In Interpreting Historic House Museums, edited by Jesica Foy Donnely, 61-80 (Walnut Crek, CA: AltaMira, 2002), 69. 624 Zora Martin, "Colonial Wiliamsburg - a Black Perspective." In Museum Education Anthology, edited by Susan K. Nichols, Mary Alexander, and Ken Yelis, 83-85 (Washington, DC: Museum Education Roundtable, 1984. Reprint, June 1973). 625 Michael Janofsky, ?Mock Auction of Slaves: Education or Outrage??, New York Times [New York], 8 October 1994, p. 17. 250 evidence. Homecomings have taken place at Somerset Place Historic Site in Crenshaw, South Carolina; Monticelo, Virginia; and the Levi Jordan Plantation in Texas. 626 The appendices and tables of this project were designed to aid the ancestors of the Garet, Lynch, Harden, Bordley, and Hal families with research into their families? enslaved ancestors and asert their ancestors? significance at Mount Clare. Stewards of Caroll Park continued to focus on the Carolls into the 1970s and 1980s and, in the proces, avoid slavery and blacks. A 1971 publication by the Maryland Society stated, ?The history of Mount Clare was a happy one for nearly a hundred years. The Georgian mansion ? offered beauty and serenity to the family who lived there in an atmosphere of elegance and plenty.? 627 Michael Trostel?s history of Mount Clare published in 1981 reiterated Sioussat?s traditional history approach with greater depth on the Carolls and the house itself. He, again, mised an opportunity to identify blacks in the story. Docents? training manuals from 1978 through 1987 focused on architecture, decorative furnishings, and the ?great men? of the Caroll family. They discussed notable men who visited Mount Clare a few times 626 Dorothy Spruil Redford, Somerset Homecoming: Recovering a Lost Heritage (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina, 2000); Eric Gable, ?Cultural Studies at Monticelo,? In New Museum Theory and Practice, ed. 109-125 (Malden: Blackwel Publishing, 2006) and Lois E. Horton, ?Avoiding History: Thomas Jeferson, Saly Hemings, and the Uncomfortable Public Conversation Over Slavery,? In Slavery and Public History: The Tough Stuff of American Memory, eds. James Oliver Horton and Lois E. Horton, pp. 135-149 (New York, The New Pres, 2006); Carol McDavid, ?Descendants, Decisions, and Power: The Public Interpretation of the Archaeology of the Levi Jordan Plantation,? Historical Archaeology 31, no. 3 (1997):114-131. 627 National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Mount Clare: Home of Charles Carroll, Barrister (National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, 1971), 1. 251 if ever, such as Charles Wilson Peale or George Washington, but not the enslaved blacks living there year-round who constituted the majority population for the entirety of the plantation?s history. Docents received room-by-room descriptions of the furnishings, including the date of manufacture, origin, and which Caroll owned each item. They learned about ?typical? eightenth century costumes, meaning the fashionable garb worn by Margaret Carol and other wealthy women. 628 A 1987 docent manual advised that, ?Mount Clare was the scene of gracious entertaining on the part of the Caroll family, and it is our privilege to extend that graciousnes to our twentieth-century guests. Long after most of the factual details have faded, the memory of a warm welcome wil persist if we are properly interpreting Charles and Margaret Caroll?s lives at Mount Clare.? 629 Since the 1990s, however, the Maryland Society and Caroll Park Foundation have sponsored special events on black history. They have included a speaker series, a Junetenth celebration, and talks for Black History Month. 630 But the efort has not been consistent. Exhibits by the Maryland Society on eightenth-century clothing, funerary practices, teapots, and other topics have not included information on blacks. 628 National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Inc. Mount Clare (1754) Docent Information Packet. September 1978; National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Inc. Mount Clare (1754) Docent Information Packet. March 1984; National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Inc. Mount Clare (1754) Docent Information Packet. September 1987. Eliza Coale Funk Papers, circa 1758-2004. Series II: Eliza Coale Funk: Activities and Organizations. MS3065. MdHS. 629 National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Maryland, Inc. Mount Clare (1754) Docent Information Packet. September 1987. Eliza Coale Funk Papers, circa 1758-2004. Box 4 of 7. Series II: Eliza Coale Funk: Activities and Organizations. MS3065. MdHS. 630 Best Bets, 19 June 2003; Skurnik, 18 June 2003. 252 They would have been improved by information about blacks? clothing, roles in table service, and the efects of Carol deaths on the comunity. Docents stil rarely discuss slavery or the black population. The efect is a failure to acknowledge that the Carolls? experiences cannot be generalized for al people who lived at Mount Clare. Expected to impart the grandeur of an elite family?s fabulous life, the docents? tours obfuscated the ways that enslaved blacks were woven throughout the Carolls? existence. Black History and Preservation Caroll Park is an example of a place where historic preservation can further social justice by de-erasing blacks from its history. Social justice through historic preservation means that al voices in the past are represented in the contemporary interpretation of a place. It emphasizes that al visitors as members of American society have the equal right to se their ancestors? contributions to the making of the nation represented in site interpretations. It underscores a contemporary value for equal representation and anti-discrimination among Americans, such that the erasure of traditionaly under-represented groups from history is unaceptable. Places like Caroll Park also demonstrate that broad changes in society are slow to impres at historic sites. The following discussion outlines research into the lack of black history interpretation at historic sites and outlines ways that the site stewards of Caroll Park might beter integrate black history into their programs. The erasure of black history from historic sites is common, even today. Museums tend to be conservative because they fear that visitors wil turn from 253 dificult history. 631 Avoiding the interpretation of conflict is tantamount to condoning the actions of the past. Emphasis on positive or light elements of the Carolls? lives, such as furniture or parties, constructs a particular and one-dimensional view of whites at Mount Clare. Slavery is, comparatively, a stain on the memory of a family that the Maryland Society wishes to venerate. But avoiding dificult history or conflict also means that visitors to Mount Clare do not learn about empowering or positive elements of the site?s black history, such as succes in their struggles for fredom and equality. Slavery constituted a form of cultural trauma that shaped African American identities, such that the dramatic loss of identity led to new collective identities at times of crisis. The memory of the trauma is a form of history that shapes African American identity in changing or generational ways over time. 632 The deconstruction and construction of identity constitutes part of the way that contemporary visitors can learn about the making of American culture. The interpretation of history as racialy integrated is furthermore important because it confronts visitors? stereotypes, preconceived notions, and discomfort. 63 Such presentations emphasize that the development of America has not been easy or completely dictated by whites. Presenting a rounder, more nuanced view of slavery 631 Edward Chappel, ?Museums and American Slavery,? In I, Too, Am America (Charlottesvile: University Pres of Virginia, 1999), 247. 632 Ron Eyerman, ?The Past in the Present: Culture and the Transmision of Memory.? Acta Sociologica 47, no. 2 (2004): 159-169. 63 Fath Davis Ruffins, "Mythos, Memory, and History: African American Preservation Eforts, 1820-1990," In Museums and Comunities, edited by Ivan Karp, Christine Mullen Kreamer, and Steven D. Lavine, 506-611 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Pres, 1992), 572. 254 and blacks at Mount Clare explores the complexity of the black experience and makes the landscape of greater relevance to contemporary groups. African Americans may expect to se something of themselves at historic sites, but their ancestors are not necesarily wel-developed in site interpretations. Eric Gable and Richard Handler observed that interpretive programs at Colonial Wiliamsburg tended to frame black history around positive views of white enslavers and to reduce blacks to their monetary value. 634 A 2002 survey of museum plantations and sites in the American South found that only black-run sites and a handful of white-run sites adequately addresed slavery. The majority ignored or trivialized slavery and black labor, prefering instead to focus on owners and interior decoration. Jennifer L. Eichstedt and Stephen Smal se these places as racialized rather than racist, meaning that even wel-meaning people can perpetuate racialy oppresive systems as normal by using language that neutralizes the charged atmosphere of race- based slavery. 635 E. Arnold Modlin concluded from his analysis of Southern historic house tours that docents continue to marginalize slavery by deflecting the discussion of slavery, trivializing it, or segregating facts and artifacts to remote locations. 636 634 Richard Gable and Eric Handler, The New History in an Old Museum: Creating the Past at Colonial Wiliamsburg (Durham: Duke University Pres, 1997), 103-115. 635 Jennifer Eichstedt and Stephen Smal, Representations of Slavery: Race and Ideology in Southern Plantation Museums (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 2002), 12. For similar conclusions se Butler, et. al, who interviewed visitors to Laura Plantation outside New Orleans, Louisiana. They found that foreign visitors outranked both American whites and blacks in their interest in slavery (Butler, David, Pery L. Carter, Owen J. Dwyer. ?Imagining Plantations: Slavery, Dominant Naratives, and the Foreign Born.? Southeast Geographer 48, no. 3 (2008): 288- 302.). 255 Another study, however, found that African Americans do place significant trust in museums. Roy Rosenzweig and David Thelan found that on a scale of one to ten in a national sample of four ethnic groups, museums (8.4) ranked above family acounts (8.0) as trustworthy sources of information about the past. 637 African Americans, however, ranked family acounts higher than museums, while White Americans ranked museums higher. Museums ranked highest in trustworthines across al divisions of age, gender, education, and income. 638 Even though African Americans do place trust in museums over many other sources, what about the tendency of historic sites to insufficiently talk about black heritage? Why, indeed, should African Americans trust the Maryland Society and the Caroll Park Foundation to tel the truth about their ancestors? contributions to American culture? The tendency of preservation to layer history on physical remnants of the past presents a major opportunity for Mount Clare to discuss both black history and its erasure over time. The preservation of the plantation supplies an ideological symbol, a tourist destination, a mnemonic device, a theatre of memory. 639 Old mesages are not erased, but added to, so that the past can be interpreted in diferent ways. 640 For 636 E. Arnold Modlin Jr., ?Tales Told on the Tour: Mythic Representations of Slavery by Docents at North Carolina Plantation Museums.? Southeast Geographer 48, no. 3 (2008): 265-287, 269. 637 Roy Rosenzweig and David P Thelen, The Presence of the Past: Popular Uses of History in American Life (New York: Columbia University Pres, 1998), 235. 638 Rosenzweig and Thelen, The Presence of the Past, 245-247. 639 Jesica Adams, Wounds of Returning: Race, Memory, and Property on the Postslavery Plantation (Chapel Hil: University of North Carolina Pres, 2007), 56. 256 example, the history of women in preservation at Mount Clare is part of the story to tel. Barbara Howe argues that historic structures preserved by women should have women's preservation eforts as part of their story of significance. 641 In a similar way, Max Page and Randy Mason asert that a national story for preservation exists, but it is not necesarily the most important story when compared with local practices. 642 The history of women?s preservation in the Chesapeake region provides important context for the erasure of black history from Carol Park. Women preservationists have controlled the racialization of historic sites and the ways that Americans remember or think about the past. Race, as argued by David Blight, is central to the ways that Americans remember or forget. 643 One place to discus the isue is in front of a Maryland Society member?s reproduction of Charles Wilson Peale?s landscape of Mount Clare. The reproduction is displayed in an upstairs bedroom with a laminated detail of Peale?s painting nearby. Comparison of the two shows that the artist of the reproduction changed the groom?s skin color from brown to white and erased the house beyond the mansion, which may have housed blacks or an overser. 640 Cynthia Mils, "Introduction," In Monuments to the Lost Cause: Women Art and the Landscapes of Southern Memory, edited by Cynthia and Pamela H. Simpson Mils, xv-xxx (Knoxvile: University of Tennese Pres, 2003), xxv-xxvi. 641 Barbara J. Howe, "Women and Architecture," In Reclaiming the Past: Landmarks of Women's History, edited by Page Putnam Miler, 27-62 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Pres, 1992), 27. 642 Max Page and Randal Mason, "Rethinking the Roots of the Historic Preservation Movement," In Giving Preservation a History: Histories of Historic Preservation in the United States, edited by Max Page and Randal Mason, 3-16 (New York, NY and London, UK: Routledge, 2004), 8. 643 Blight focuses on the Civil War and the ways that race and slavery inspired fracture and reunion. Se David Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Harvard University Pres, 2001). 257 It offers an opportunity to acknowledge that the stewards of Caroll Park are trying to change its traditional interpretation and be more inclusive. Blacks? experiences in the history of Mount Clare are muted in the present. Women?s preservation by hereditary organizations has a tradition in historic house museums to avoid dificult history. Their focus, instead, has been on architecture and material things, as wel as an image of the past that is gracious and civilized. Pasing along such an image, however, perpetuates in the present the racialized practices of the past to disenfranchise blacks from claiming a place as theirs. Although physical traces of black history have eroded from the landscape since the 1830s, site stewards today have a responsibility to stop the proces from going any further. 258 Chapter 8: Conclusion Although the historical record preserves clear evidence of slavery and blacks at Mount Clare, the impacts have been erased from the landscape and from its interpretation. The goals of the preceding narative have been twofold: first, to demonstrate that significant evidence remains of blacks? lives and their impacts at Mount Clare and second, that a legacy of slavery is the erasing or ignoring of the evidence in the management and interpretation of historic plantations. In the proces, I have drawn on archival and material evidence from Mount Clare along with comparative evidence from other places to argue that blacks became American by practicing culture at the intersection of race and status. Blacks? cultural knowledge of their own community and that of elites enabled them to become specialists in trades like shoemaking or gardening, to gain advantages for family members, and to work the slavery system to their advantage whenever posible. By restoring the history of the Garets, Hardens, Lynches and others to Mount Clare, my purpose has been rooted in the uses of historic preservation for social justice, meaning the ability of historic sites to extend the rights of society to al people through representation in site naratives. Over the course of this project, comparison of historical studies of the Carolls and Mount Clare with original documents and material culture has shown the measures taken by scholars to ignore, erase, or diminish slavery and blacks from Mount Clare. The fact is that any discussion of Mount Clare and the Carolls is incomplete without an analysis of the significance of enslaved persons. Enslaved persons were actively involved in every aspect of the Carolls? lives; indeed, they 259 qualified the Carols to be elite members of American society. Blacks lived on the property to supply timber and food to the Baltimore Iron Works on behalf of Dr. Charles Caroll. He created wealth from their labor and planned extended ironworks operations through it. His son, Charles Caroll the Barister and his wife, Margaret Tilghman, relied on slave labor to secure their position in colonial society. Enslaved persons made Mount Clare into a showpiece plantation with a grand mansion, elaborate gardens, and cared-for domestic items. But they also practiced homeland traditions in America, such as religion, while learning the cultural values and ceremonies of elite whites. Enslaved blacks established familial networks and technical specialties, such as gardening, that extended into fredom. Although Margaret and her executors provided for the manumision of blacks, few ere fred outright. Most were sold to new slaveholders to maximize the inheritances left to Margaret?s family members. Those who did live fre, however, became part of the black community in Baltimore who worked various trades and supported families. Although no new documents or information, other than archaeological data or the analysis of court-registered fredom papers, have come to light since the early twentieth century, litle black history is told in Caroll Park today. Changes to traditional interpretations can be dificult, as can the administrative structures that sustain outdated ways of operating. Baltimore City, the Maryland Society, and the Caroll Park Foundation al face severe resource problems, including limited stafs and budgets. The integration of black history does not have to be expensive, or require more staf to acomplish. For example, new habits are fre, such as language choices in docent tours. Reconstruction of the mansion complex to 260 the mid-eightenth century, on the other hand, is resource-intensive and unsupported by the archaeological or historical evidence. Although the stewards of Caroll Park have traditionaly worked independently of each other, collaboration and pooling of resources would provide a way to move the interpretation of black history forward. Baltimore City, too, has relied on the Maryland Society and the Caroll Park Foundation to care for its properties. The City, in particular, must recognize that as owner of the landscape, house, and archaeological collections, not to mention representative of the city?s majority population, it can force the isue of black history interpretation. Over the course of my research, black history content and places for its interpretation became apparent that could help the site stewards shift course. Among them are ways to talk about black history, when and where to talk about enslaved persons, and products for future development. Overal, al the site stewards must be in the habit of representing al people who lived on the landscape at every opportunity, and work together to further the improvement of black history interpretation. Moving the interpretation of black history forward must be a priority of the site?s stewards. Five recommendations are: First, pay atention to language. Be aware of the efect of language in spoken and writen information about activities at Mount Clare, particularly the uses of the pasive voice. Visitors who visit the site today may hear, for example, ?Charles Caroll the Barister commisioned Mount Clare and it was completed in the 1760s? or ?Margaret Caroll kept a recipe book of foods that were prepared for guests.? Use of the active voice for the Carols, but the pasive voice for blacks, keeps slavery and 261 racism hidden from view. The efect is to uphold an eightenth- and early-ninetenth century status quo that does not reflect contemporary values or the Baltimore of today. Docents? language, or not talking about black history at al, can be symptomatic of discomfort with sensitive topics. Genealogy, family life, and gardening are a few topics that might help docents to fel more comfortable, as long as sensitivity is exercised that the experience of blacks difered from those of elite whites. The Maryland Society and the Caroll Park Foundation might consider workshops with an outside consultant versed in African American history interpretation to improve comfort with the topics and techniques of discussion, but also to coordinate their language. Second, channel language about enslaved blacks at Mount Clare into special exhibits and programs as a mater of course. Recent exhibits, such as those on colonial-era clothing and teapots, have not engaged with blacks? perspective. Evidence from sources such as advertisements, archaeology, and orders to England provides information to build out future exhibits. Exhibits on clothing, for example, should include information about oznabrigg cloth, the diferent kinds of buttons, and the garb worn by escaped persons. As another example, in October the Maryland Society hosts a viewing of Charles Caroll the Barister to commemorate his death in 1783. A worthwhile addition would be to mention that his death created instability in the black community as its members waited to hear about their futures. On a larger scale, black history month events should focus on specific information about Mount Clare. Exhibits and special events are a primary atraction for visitors. Integrating 262 black perspectives into them can enrich the teling of the Mount Clare story while broadening interest in the site. Third, implement a walking tour about black history that includes the mansion and the landscape surrounding it. Points on the tour should include slavery just east of the mansion where slave quarters may have stood, manumision in Margaret?s bedroom where she pased away, traditional practices in the kitchen as evidenced by the crystal and cache, gardening at the orangerie and orchard, clothing care in betwen the orangerie and shed, escapes to fredom at Charles?s office, among others. Baltimore, the site of the Baltimore Iron Works, and the golf course are other farther-off but important places to mention. My walking tour for Caroll Park is available for use, and the preceding narative updates and improves the information within it. Both the Caroll Park Foundation and Maryland Society have made movements towards their own tours. A walking tour might be self-guided through a pamphlet or a binder for visitors to borrow, or it might be expanded to include outdoor signage and docent tours. Fourth, use the archaeology to help interpret everyday life at the plantation. The site stewards must work together to include archaeological artifacts in the museum exhibits. The artifacts evidence the relationships betwen race and status as they contributed to culture at Mount Clare. Place the artifacts in a contextualy- appropriate location, such as displaying the crystal in the kitchen with a script about its significance to the people of Mount Clare and possible relationships to Annapolis and Africa. Modern flour, milet, and dyers woad might be displayed to start conversation about the roles of enslaved persons in the cultivation, harvest and 263 miling of grains, the use of non-European cooking styles to fed the Carolls, and the significance of clothmaking and dyeing. If funding becomes available, create outdoor signage and incorporate images of archaeological artifacts into the text. To give one example, images of sewing and buttonmaking materials would explain the activities betwen the office and orangerie. Fifth, open institutional research opportunities. The Maryland Society and the Caroll Park Foundation should remove the restrictions to the research materials in their care. For decades, the Maryland Society has played an important role in historic preservation, but researchers have been unable to aces the institutional records in its archive. By protecting its history, the Maryland Society also leaves the impresion that its members have something to hide. The Caroll Park Foundation has been working to fulfil the promise of the archaeological collection, but the collection is endangered and dificult to aces. Baltimore City must furthermore recognize its responsibilities where the Mount Clare archaeological collections are concerned. The archaeological collection represents its African American constituents? heritage and, as a result, deserves resources towards its proper curation. Restrictions on collections have hindered the progres of integrating the interpretation of black history for decades. Site managers today present more information than ever before about black history at Mount Clare. Unfortunately, site interpretations poorly characterize escapes to fredom, Margaret?s manumision of slaves, and other topics within either the history of Mount Clare or the broader context of black history. Visitors learn about the Carolls and their house and possesions, but many gaps are left in everyday 264 operations. The efect is that blacks do not mater in the history of Mount Clare, which the preceding narative demonstrates to be patently false. The omision of enslaved blacks from the interpretation of historic house sites undermines the significance of human struggle against adversity, the values of democracy, and the power of humanity. Black history is American history, and Mount Clare is a site of black heritage. 265 Appendices Appendix A: Enslaved Persons Listed in Margaret Tilghman Ward?s Estate Inventory in 1747 Margaret Tilghman Ward bequeathed enslaved persons at Grases and Law House Plantation to Margaret Tilghman (Caroll) and her brother Mathew Ward Tilghman. 64 Some of these individuals may have gone with argaret to live in Annapolis or Baltimore County upon her mariage to Charles Caroll the Barister. Negroes at Grases Sarah an Old woman 0 Abraham 24 50 Charles 22 50 Tom 19 50 Mathew an Old Man 15 Jenny 25 45 Kate 30 45 Peg 5 20 Biley 2 10 Adam an Infant 5 Negroes at Home Plantation (Law House Plantation) Jemy 54 5 Hary 28 60 Adam 24 50 Dick 35 50 Jo 34 50 Ned 45 50 Jacob 13, 4 foot 8 ins high 45 Soll 12, 4 foot 10 ins high 45 Jere 12, 4 foot 5 ins high 40 Ambrose 10, 4 foot 3 ins high 38 Daniel 35 Phil 8, 4 foot high 30 64 Talbot County Register of Wils (Inventories) Margaret Tilghman Ward, 1747, Liber IB and IG 4, folio 51, MSA CM1029-6, CR 41126. 266 Jem 5, 3 foot nine ins high 30 Rose 50 28 Peggy 45 40 Doll 28 50 Eve 17 50 Moll 10, 4 foot 6 ins high 38 Ibby 60, gouty 5 Frank 58 20 Mabel 20 50 Beck 9, 4 foot high 30 Nan 9, 4 foot 1 in high 30 Jen 5, 3 foot 3 ins high 25 Peg 3, 2 foot 6 ins high 20 Rachel Cancer in her lip 18 35 Old Rachel 267 Appendix B: Enslaved Persons Listed in Nicholas Macubbin Caroll?s Estate Inventory, 1812 Nicholas Macubbin Caroll held blacks at The Caves and Carolls Island, which he inherited from Charles Caroll the Barister, upon his death in 1812. The tables below transcribe information only from his estate inventory for Baltimore County. 645 The notes point to individuals who may appear on the asesment of The Caves in 1773. No such record remains for Carolls Island. No acount of sale was recorded for Nicholas?s estate in the Baltimore Court. The Caves Name Age Value Notes Nathaniel Cole 59 40 On 1773 list? Young Nate 34 350 Old Tom (blacksmith) 60 40 Jery Guy (very infirm) 60 - Isac (very infirm) 60 - On 1773 list? Ned Island 30 300 Sheyler (carpenter) 28 375 Nick (carpenter) 28 375 Abraham 24 350 Adam 36 300 Moses (weaver) 39 300 Bil (infirm) 23 250 Bil Lynch 25 350 Toby 21 350 Jack Mitchel 21 350 Litle Jack 18 350 George Guy 16 300 Charles (infirm with white sweling on his foot) 17 150 Beck 60 - Sophia 60 - Sabinah on 1773 list? Ester 60 - On 1773 list? Katy 60 - Saly wife of Jery (infirm) 40 - Mily with her male infant at the breast 23 250 Daughter of Mil on 1773 list? Robert son of Mily 3 75 645 Ann Arundel County Register of Wils (Testamentary Papers) Nicholas Caroll, Box 105, Folder 36, MSA C149-123, Loc. 1/4/9/41. 268 Jenny with a female infant at the breast 22 250 Fanny 25 250 Rachel child of Fanny 5 75 Polly 80 - The Island Name Age Value Jacob 60 40 Deb 55 30 Joshua 30 350 Samuel 26 350 Charles 30 350 Lloyd 21 350 Jacob 18 350 Moses 17 350 Jery 22 350 Mily 30 225 Luck an idiot 16 - Polly 12 125 269 Appendix C: Margaret Tilghman Caroll?s Estate Inventories and Acount of Sale, 1817 Two versions remain of Margaret Tilghman Caroll?s estate inventory. One is the original, and the other reflects registration in court. The following table complies information from them both as wel as the acount of sale. 646 Mount Clare Name Age on Inventory Age ? Act of Sale Notes Richard 50 Gardener Dolly 44 Richard?s wife Suckey 23 Richard?s daughter Nelson 6 Suckey?s son Betsy 4 Becky, Suckey?s daughter Kity or Hety 20 26 a.k.a. Kity James 2 Hety?s son Henry 17 Richard?s son Wiliam 15 Richard?s son Tom 11 Richard 9 Sampson 6 Richard?s son Margaret 5 4 Richard?s son John Lynch 31 Henny 40 John Lynch?s wife Maria 21 Robert 3 Maria?s son George 13 John Lynch?s son John 11 John Lynch?s son Ned 7 Hariet 6 Jem 5 a.k.a. Sam, John Lynch?s son Bil 3 John Lynch?s son 646 Inventory of the Personal Property of Margaret Caroll, Series D, Rel 4, p. 50, Hollyday Papers, Records of Ante-belum Southern Plantations from the Revolution through the Civil War, MS 1317, MdHS; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) Margaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 454, MSA CM 155-30, WK 1068-1069-1; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories) argaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber 30, folio 539, MSA CM 155-30, K 1068-1069-1; Baltimore County Register of Wils (Acounts of Sale) argaret Tilghman Caroll, Liber WB 6, folio 441, MSA CM 125-6, CR 9513-1. 270 Henny 2 John Lynch?s daughter Eve Very old Jacob Hal 29 28 Mary 27 Daniel Mary?s son Jery 4 ary?s son, a.k.a. Jery Larson Ephraim 23 30 Ephraim Harden Jery 44 Archibald 13 Jery?s son Sam 12 Jery?s son Nat 44 Sam 25 Moses Had consumption Sam Harding 36 30 Wiliam Coney 23 25 Jacob the shoemaker 44 Hary 22 The Caves Name Age on Inventory Age ? Act of Sale Notes Suckey 22 Matilda 2 Suckey?s daughter Jery 20 Miley 17 a.k.a. Miley Harden Jem 12 a.k.a. Jim Sam 10 Hary 22 Frederick 13 Poll 9 Polly Jery 5 Mary?s son 271 Appendix D: Families and Manumision Appendix D compares information from Margaret Tilghman Caroll?s estate papers with manumision papers recorded in the Baltimore County Court. It is unknown whether the purchasers resold or otherwise retained blacks from Mount Clare and The Caves until fredom. The list is organized by family. Garet Family at Mount Clare Name Age in 1817 Purchaser or Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom Sukey 23 Edward J. Coale 1822/1823, age 29 29 May 1832, may refer to Sukey at the Caves age 39, dark complexion, 4?10 ?? tal, no notable marks/scars 647 Nelson 6 Wiliam Gibson 1839, age 28 Betsy/ Beckey 4 to Sukey n.d. Hety/ Kity 20/26 1825, age 28/34 29 May 1832 age 37, dark complexion, 5?3 ?? tal, smal mole on left side of nose 648 James 2 Henry Payson n.d. Henry 17 Jno. McClelan 1828, age 28 13 April 1830 5?3?? tal 649 Wiliam 15 Wm. Smith 1830, age 28 13 April 1830 5?7 ?? tal 650 Tom/ Thomas 11 Charles Ross, Annapolis age 31 29 September 1840 age 36, dark complexion, 5?5 ?? tal, smal scar on right side of 647 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Sukey, 29 May 1832, p. 213, MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 648 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Kity, 29 May 1832, p. 213, MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 649 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers), Wiliam Garet and Henry Garet, Case no. 366, 13 April 1830. MSA C 1-70, MdHR 50,206-883/893. 650 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers), Wiliam Garet and Henry Garet, Case no. 366, 13 April 1830. MSA C 1-70, MdHR 50,206-883/893. 272 mouth, crooked left middle finger 651 Richard 9 Wiliam Gibson 1836, age 28 Sampson 6 to Richard n.d. Margaret 5/4 to Richard n.d. 14 April 1840 age 27, dark complexion, 5?3? tal, scar on right side of head 652 Richard 50 Dolly 44 n.d. 29 September 1840 age 70, dark complexion, 5?2? tal, no noticeable marks/scars 653 Lynch Family at Mount Clare Name Age in 1817 Purchaser / Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom John Lynch 31 n.d. 14 December 1821 bright black, age 35 654 Henny 40 Maria 21 1824, age 28 Robert (Hal) 3 Edward J. Coale n.d. 1 March 1841 age 27, dark complexion, 5?5 ?? tal, two scars on left cheek, four 651 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Thomas Garet, Case no. 248, 29 September 1840, MSA C 1-90, MdHR 50,206-1085/1094. 652 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Margaret alias Margaret Bordley, 14 April 1840, MSA C 90, MdHR 50,206-1085/1094. 653 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Negro Dolly alias Garet, 29 September 1840, p. 215, MSA C 290-3, MdHR 40,131-3. 654 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) John Lynch, Case no. 328, 14 December 1821. MSA C 1-53, MdHR 50,206-707/714. 273 scars on forehead 65 George 13 John Short 1832, age 28 John 11 Nicholas Brice 1834, age 28 Ned 7 Nicholas Brice 1838, age 28 Hariet 6 Nicholas Brice n.d. Jim/Sam 5 to John Lynch n.d. Bil/ Wiliam 2/3 to John Lynch n.d. 1 March 1841 age 27, 5?5? tal, light complexion, scar on right eyebrow 656 Henny 2 to John Lynch Old Eve very old Jery?s Family at Mount Clare Name Age in 1817 Purchaser / Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom Sam 12 Nicholas Brice 1833, age 28 Jery 44 Archibald 13 George Roberts 1832, age 28 Mary?s Family at Mount Clare and The Caves Name Age in 1817 Purchaser / Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom Mary 27/ 26 1820, age 29 Daniel ? James L. Hawkins n.d. 65 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Robert Hal, Case no. 272, 1 March 1841, MSA C 1-92, dHR 50,206-1103/1111. 656 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Bil (son of Henny) Lynch, alias Wiliam Lynch and Robert Hal (son of Maria), 1 March 1841, p. 221, MSA C 290-3, MdHR 40,131-3. 274 Jery (Larson) 5/4 James L. Hawkins 1844, age 31 Suckey?s Family at The Caves Name Age in 1817 Purchaser / Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom Suckey 22 1823, age 28 Sukey at Mount Clare? Matilda 2 Nathaniel G. Maxwel 1840, age 25 Harden Family at Mount Clare and The Caves Name Age in 1817 Purchaser / Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom Ephraem 23/30 Ashton Alexander 1824, age 30/37 Sam 36/30 James Caroll, Jr. 1823, age 42/36 Miley 17 Henry Brice 1825, age 25 29 March 1832 age 31, 5?3?? tal, light complexion, large scar on right arm above elbow 657 Jim/ James 12 George Lindenberger 1833, age 28 4 June 1844 age 40, light complexion, 5? 9? tal, scar on right cheek 658 Henry 8 August 1815 8 April 1818 age 42, light, 5?9 ?? tal 659 657 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Mily, alias Mily Harden, 29 March 1832, p. 50, MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 658 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) James Harden, 4 June 1844, p. 57, MSA C 290-5, MdHR 40,131-5. 659 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Henry Harden, 8 April 1818, p. 16, MSA C 290-1, MdHR 40,131-1. 275 Other Individuals at Mount Clare or The Caves Name Age in 1817 Purchaser / Parent Year / Age to Be Fre Year Fredom Documented Description at Fredom Jacob Hal 29/28 Eleanor Dal 1819, age 31 Sam/ Samuel 25 Alexander Robinson 1822, age 30 4 May 1832 age 43, dark complexion, 5?4 ?? tal, no notable marks 60 Nat 44 Moses Wiliam Coney 23/25 Frederick Jakes 1824, age 30/32 4 May 1832 age 34, dark complexion, 5?7 ?? tal, scar under left eye 61 Jacob 44 Hary (Davis) 22/23 James L. Hawkins 1825, age 30 29 May 1829 a ?bright black,? age 31, 5?7? tal, large scar and stifnes of middle finger on right hand 62 (may be Hary Graham) Jery 20 George Lindenberger 1825, age 28 Sam 10 George Lindenberger 1835, age 28 Hary (Graham) 22/23 George Lindenberger 1825, age 28 29 May 1829 a ?bright black,? age 31, 5?7? tal, il., and a large scar and stifnes of middle finger 60 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Wiliam and Samuel, 4 May 1832, p. 96, MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 61 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Wiliam and Samuel, 4 May 1832, p. 96, MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 62 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Hary Davis and Hary Graham, Case no. 339, 29 ay 1829, MSA C 1-68, MdHR 50,206-861/871. 276 on the right hand 63 (may be Hary Davis) Frederick 13 George Lindenberger 1832, age 28 Poll/Paul/ Polly (Ireland) 9 George Lindenberger 1833, age 25 27 May 1839 age 26, 5?3? tal, scar on left eye bone, raised in Baltimore 64 Fanny Cooper 65 1795, born 1804 1832 age 28, dark complexion, 5?1 ?? tal, no notable marks/scars Nel Wiliams 66 1795, age 16 1832 age 53, light complexion, 5?2 ?? tal, smal scar on back of left hand near the wrist Henny 67 1795, age 2 1832 age 39, light complexion, 5? 2 ?? tal, scar on underlip, under the right corner of mouth 63 Baltimore County Court (Miscelaneous Court Papers) Hary Davis and Hary Graham, Case no. 339, 29 ay 1829, MSA C 1-68, MdHR 50,206-861/871. 64 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom) Negro Polly alias Polly Ireland, 27 May 1839, p. 136. MSA C 290-3, MdHR 40,131-3. 65 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom, 1830-1832) Fanny Cooper, p. 215. MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 66 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom, 1830-1832) Nel Wiliams, p. 59. MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 67 Baltimore County Court (Certificates of Fredom, 1830-1832) Henny, p. 235. MSA C 290-2, MdHR 40,131-2. 277 Appendix E: Persons Enslaved by James Caroll The table below compares information from an undated list of slaves on James Caroll?s property with his estate inventory from 1832. Comparison of the documents suggests that the undated list can reasonably be dated to 1823, when a tax asesment was taken for the county. The eldest blacks on the 1832 inventory may not be listed in 1823 because they were not taxable. 1823 ? 21 people 68 1832 ? 19 people 69 Richard, age 75 Henry, age 35 Abram, age 35 Joseph, age 40 Anthony, age 40 Robert, age 35 Peter, age 35 (died 1829 670 ) James, age 23 Henry, age 40 (at mil) Abraham, age 40 Charles, age 19 Charles Brown, age 28 Bil, age 16 Tom, age 14 Joe, age 10 Lloyd, age 4 Alexander, age 4 James, age 2 Joe, age 20 Lloyd, age 13 Lib, age 75 Pris, age 75 Old Pris, age 80 Charity, age 55 Fanny, age 30 Rachel, age 20 Mary, age 20 Hannah, age 35 Fanny, age 44 Lydia, age 9 Libby, age 18? 68 n.d. 700 acres of Land. Folder ?n.d. James Caroll (1762-1832)?, Box 9, MS 219, MDHS. 69 Baltimore County Register of Wils (Inventories), James Caroll, 1832, Liber 45, folio 118, MSA CM155-45, WK1075-1076-2. 670 ?A Coroner?s Inquest was held on Saturday afternoon near Booth?s Gardens, West Baltimore Stret over the body of Peter Moore, a coloured man of about 50 years of age, slave to James Caroll, of Mount Clare. Verdict of the jury: ?Death by Intemperance.?? ?Coroner?s, Saturday.? Baltimore Patriot [Baltimore, Md.], 28 July 1829, vol. 34, is. 24, p. 2. 278 Eliza Jane, age 8 Elizabeth, age 6 Mary, age 2 Louisa, (6 mos) Betsy, age 16 Trecy, age 10 Sophy, age 8 Becky, age 6 child of Fanny?s at the breast 279 Bibliography Abbreviations for Repositories CPF Caroll Park Foundation, Baltimore, MD LOC Library of Congres, Washington, DC MSA Maryland State Archives, Annapolis, MD dHS aryland Historical Society, Baltimore, D MHT Maryland Historical Trust, Crownsvile, MD CMH ount Clare Museum House, Baltimore, D NARA National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC Manuscript Collections Baltimore Company. Records 1703-1737. 3 vols. MS 65. MdHS. Caroll, Charles. Leterbook and Busines Acount 1716-1769. 3 vols. MS 208. MdHS. Caroll, Charles. Leterbook 1731-1748. 1 vol. MS 208.1. MdHS. Caroll, Margaret Tilghman, 1742-1817. Acount book, 1815-1821. MS 2751. MdHS. Caroll Family, 1691-1755. Papers, 1730-1926. MS 1873. MdHS. 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