ABSTRACT Title of Disertation: FRANCOISE PASCAL?S AGATHONPHILE MARTYR, TRAGI-COMEDIE: AN ANOTATED CRITICAL EDITION. Theresa Varney Kennedy, Doctor of Philosophy, 2007 Disertation Directed by: Profesor Herv? Thomas Campangne Department of French & Italian Female playwrights in 17 th century France found their voices through Christian drama, since women?s status in the religious domain had already been enhanced by the mystic movement. Profiting from this trend, Fran?oise Pascal?s first theatrical production, Agathonphile martyr, tragi-com?die (1655), is inspired by a religious subject. I fel that her play marks an important contribution to the theater in terms of genre and female characterization. With Agathonphile martyr, Pascal offers a hybrid tragicomic martyr play, which is influenced by lit?rature galante. This play marks a unique merging of two genres ? the romanesque tragicomedy, whose objective is to entertain, and the martyr play, a genre whose goals have traditionaly been moral edification. Through the juxtaposition of galant rhetoric and Christian rhetoric, Agathonphile martyr is a reconciliation of both the secular realm and the spiritual realm. In terms of female characterization, I demonstrate how Pascal?s female martyr Triphine, who embodies these two contrasting spheres, diverges from the traditional female martyr who must deny pasion in order to pursue her spiritual objectives. Contrastingly, Triphine is an independent thinker who speaks her heart, proclaiming the virtues of ?constant? love. Furthermore, in opposition to the traditional martyr play, which primarily questions the abuse of royal power, I argue that Pascal?s play criticizes the authority of the patriarchal system, and the mariage de convenance. In my analysis, I contrast Triphine?s conduct with that of other female protagonists whose actions conform to expectations for female behavior in the 17 th century. Through Triphine?s active resistance to her father?s authority, Pascal specificaly addreses the problem of woman?s speech in the public sphere. I conclude that Pascal?s unconventional female heroine mirors her own conduct as a female provincial playwright, ignoring that which society claims to be an unaceptable occupation for a female by publishing and supporting herself as a playwright. La vie mondaine ofers Pascal a brief window of opportunity to aces the world of theater where she is able to create a space for herself in which her writing is not a slave to the dominant literary models of her time, but a product of its own whimsicality. FRANCOISE PASCAL?S AGATHONPHILE MARTYR, TRAGI-COMEDIE: AN ANOTATED CRITICAL EDITION by Theresa Varney Kennedy Disertation submited to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degre of Doctor of Philosophy 2007 Advisory Commite: Profesor Herv? Thomas Campangne, Chair Profesor Isabele Gournay Profesor Carol Mossman Profesor Andrea Frisch Profesor Karen Nelson ?Copyright by Theresa Varney Kennedy 2007 i TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction: Fran?oise Pascal, ?file lyonnoise?????????? 1 Biography?????????????????????. 11 Carer??????????????????????.. 11 Performances????????????????? 12 The cercle pr?cieux??????????????.. 17 Paris????????????????????.. 23 Reception of plays??..???????????????.. 25 The patois lyonnais??????????????.. 28 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-com?die?????? 31 Sources?????????????????????? 31 The Roman hagiography????????????. 31 Romanesque influences????????????.. 32 Theatrical influences?????????????? 39 The 17 th century martyr play ?????????????.. 45 The 17 th century tragicomedy?????????????.. 55 Action???????????????????.. 60 Character types???????????????? 65 Themes??????????????????? 72 Spectacularity????????????????.. 80 Rh?torique amoureuse?????????????. 84 A tragic ending????????????????? 94 17 th century galantry????????????????? 96 The theme of ?tender frienship??????????.. 97 Betwen ?tender frienship? and galantry?????? 104 The Carte du Tendre in Agathonphile martyr????.. 108 Un galimatias: galant rhetoric & Christian rhetoric?? 118 The female martyr in 17 th century drama????????? 123 La Sere?s Saint Catherine???????????.. 134 La Calpren?de?s Hermenigilde?????????.. 139 Montauban?s Indegonde????????????.. 141 Corneile?s Th?odore?????????????.. 143 Montgaudier?s Natalie?????????????. 146 La Val?e?s Saint Susanne???????????? 149 Pascal?s Triphine???????????????.. 153 ii Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda???????? 156 Mariage in 17 th century France?????????.. 158 ariage in 17 th century literature????????.. 161 Pascal?s treatment of mariage?????????? 165 Conclusion ????????????????????........ 172 The Edition????????????????????........ 184 Summary ?????????????????????....... 185 Part I: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-com?die??????????.. 188 Dedicatory????????????????????? 189 Avis au lecteur???????????????????.. 192 Acte Premier, Sc?ne Premi?re?????????????.. 194 Acte Deuxi?me, Sc?ne Premi?re????????????.. 209 Acte Troisi?me, Sc?ne Premi?re????????????.. 221 Acte Quatri?me, Sc?ne Premi?re??????? 245 Acte Cinqui?me, Sc?ne Premi?re????????????. 259 References???????????????????????. 275 1 INTRODUCTION: FRANCOISE PASCAL ?FILE LYONOISE? The theater is defined by Alain Viala as a selective prism which alows us to se each century?s concept of reality and how the collective ideas, atitudes, and debates change and evolve from one period or from one society to the next. 1 Yet, the representation of 17 th century life that appears through this prism is distorted if it is limited to a male-dominated point of view. Often college seminars in French theater are restricted to the study of such playwrights as Corneile, Moli?re, and Racine, the works and prefaces of the great theoreticians d?Aubignac and La Mesnardi?re, and the numerous debates betwen the ir?guliers and the r?guliers in regards to the rules for the theater during the first half of the 17 th century. These are of course necesary for our understanding of how French theater established itself and evolved. However, until recent years, the few female authors from that period have been excluded from our literary canon, and their dramatic works forgotten. How does the female playwright?s contributions to 17 th century theater change what we se through Viala?s aleged ?selective prism?? Feminist thought is based on the ?asumption that women have experienced life diferently from men and that this diference is worth studying? (Jordan 1). Influenced by this idea, historians and researchers today are alowing the voices of women writers whose talents have been long overshadowed by those of their male contemporaries to be heard, some for the first time. Their writings reflect both their thoughts on the society in which they lived and moved as wel as the strategies they used to gain aces to the world of literature. As the first 17 th century female playwright to have her plays performed publicly, 2 the voice of Fran?oise Pascal rises above those of her female counterparts. Pascal would 2 pave the way for other succesful female playwrights who emerged in the later years of the 17 th century like Madame de Viledieu whose tragedies were performed at the H?tel de Bourgogne and Versailes, and Catherine Bernard who had two of her tragedies performed at the Com?die Fran?aise. 3 The authorship and performance of her tragicomedies marks an extraordinary female act of self-afirmation for the 17 th century, a period marked by a distaste for female authors in general. Chapelain, member of the French Academy, admits his hatred for ?les femes autrices? in a leter to Balzac.? 4 Acording to Grenaile, author of L?Honn?te file, a female should never make writing her vocation. He writes that ?la bien-s?ance ne permetait pas ? une honn?te file de reduire en pratique les connaisances qu?ele pouvait avoir en mati?re de po?sie.? 5 Pascal struggled to receive recognition for her publications at a time when la com?die was the genre ?par excelence? normaly reserved for male writers. 6 Since al writers were expected to adhere to models of Antiquity, and most women were not wel enough educated to be familiar with the themes of Aristotle and with the plays of Antiquity, her authorship was questioned by her critics, especialy since she published without the support of a male friend who had already established himself in the literary world as an homme de letres. Most of the 17th century female playwrights who enjoyed some measure of succes admited that they received support from their male mentors: Marie-Catherine Desjardins from L?Abb? d?Aubignac, Catherine Bernard from Fontenele; and in her preface to Arie et Petus, Mle Barbier tels us that Boursault inspired her to write, and that Pelegrin collaborated with her on her plays. 7 Thus, in the case of Pascal, who atempted to publish without the guidance of a ?paternal? literary 3 mentor, we se the theater itself as a chauvinistic institution whose exigencies make it virtualy impossible for her to be on an equal footing as her male counterparts. Furthermore, Pascal faced the growing influence of the Acad?mie Fran?aise and the rules for the theater that were reinforced by such writers as Boileau and Chaplain, key spokespersons for the r?guliers who were winning the debate that had begun in the 16 th century. Having come from a modest provincial background, Pascal expreses the dificulties she faced in having to educate herself in the rules for the theater through reading books, since she had no aces to higher education. Most women did not atempt to write for the stage because of the strict rules of composition: ?Women felt les fre to expres themselves in the dramatic medium, to which, especialy in the case of the tragedy, a number of stringent rules were recognized to apply, than in other much more loosely defined genres like the novel? (Gibson 190). Despite these obstacles, Pascal was the most prolific female writer of plays for her time, producing thre farces and thre full- length tragicomedies. Pascal?s modest provincial background is yet another obstacle she faced as a writer. For the most part female writers represented the upper clas, since they were the few ho received the benefits of a proper education in the clasics. It was unusual for female writers who were not of the elite clas to participate in literary exercises. Even Du Boscq suggests in le Nouveau Recueil de letres des dames de ce temps (1635) that it is perhaps only aristocratic women who should atempt to write: Je ne veux pas dire pour cela, qu?eles soient incapables des Ars, qu?eles n?en puisent penetrer tous les secrets: mais eles ne doivent pas chercher une Sagese contraire ? cele de leur sexe, ny posseder des vertus qui ne sont point en usage. Puis que la Renomm?e ne depend pas de notre opinion, il la faut chercher en cele des autres. Peut-estre, qui si plusieurs Dames de qualit? entreprenoient d?escrire, 4 eles en feroient recevoir la coutume: mais sans cela, celes qui commencent, sont plus en danger d?estre moqu?es, que d?estre imit?es (185-186). The ?dames de qualit?? who were poeteses only occasionaly wrote, and most atempted only minor genres like madrigals, rondeaux, enigmas, or other oeuvres galantes. Many of their works circulated in manuscript form in the literary Salons, and rarely were they published. Pascal, who published her own book of poetry, Diverses po?sies (1657), precedes such authors as Marie-Catherine Desjardins, who would publish her Recueil de po?sies in 1662 and Mle Certain who would publish her Nouveles Po?sies in 1665. Unlike Pascal, female 17 th novelists who decided to publish often avoided unwanted criticism and protected their reputations by using a pseudonym. The novel was stil considered an inferior genre which was felt to wield a particularly dangerous influence over female readers. Madeleine de Scud?ry for example, chose to publish her novels under the name of her brother in order to maintain her reputation in aristocratic circles. And later, Madame de Lafayete would choose to publish her novel La Princese de Cl?ves anonymously. Erica Harth points out that female authors who refused to sign their own works were ?working their way around the code of gender and clas [?] They protected themselves from the dangers of writing and often forged new identities for themselves as writers, but at the price of exchanging authority for secrecy? (26). In contrast to her aristocratic counterparts, it is perhaps Pascal?s bourgeois origins which alow her the fredom to claim her work as her own. While drama remained of-limits for most female writers, Pascal and a few other female playwrights gained aces to the world of theater through the Christian martyr play genre in the mid-17 th century. Christian drama was one genre in which women were welcome to participate since women?s status in the religious domain had already been 5 enhanced by the mystic movement. Mysticism, which began to atract more and more women followers in the 17 th century, maintained that women are more privileged receivers of God?s word since their weaknes, powerlesnes, and lack of education makes them ore open to spirituality. 8 Furthermore, since the very same characteristics asociated with Christ: humility, pasivity, and modesty were encouraged in 17 th century female behavior, women were considered ideal teachers of Christianity as wel. Despite some misogynist atitudes, the Catholic Church was able to make use of pasionate women eager to serve the Church in its reform. Numerous institutes were created and run by aristocratic women with the objective of teaching Christian doctrine to young girls. 9 In addition to using the talents of women during this time of reformation, the Catholic Church profited from the theater, which supplied another means for moral instruction through its outpouring of plays based on Biblical themes and hagiographies. It is not surprising then that women, who had been given such an authoritative voice in the spiritual realm, would choose to asert themselves in the literary domain of theater through the religious martyr play. It is significant that the first female playwrights to publish plays in the 17 th century chose not only religious topics, but legends depicting female martyrs. 10 In 1650 there were two tragedies published by women; one entitled Les Jumeaux martyrs, by La Comtese de Saint-Balmon, and the other entitled Les Chastes martyrs, by Marthe Cosnard. Just five years later, in 1655, Pascal published a tragicomedy, Agathonphile martyr, based on Jean-Piere Camus?s novel Agathonphile, ou les martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargiryppe, Triphyne, et leurs Asociez (Paris: Claude Chappelet, 1621), from which Cosnard?s tragedy had also been inspired. And in 1663, a 6 tragedy entitled, L?ilustre philosophe ou l?histoire de sainct Catherine d?Alexandrie was writen by an unknown nun who went by the name of La Chapele. 1 Pascal is of particular interest to us as modern readers since her experiences place her under the umbrela of both the history of Women?s Studies and of the French language. As a provincial female playwright whose experiences and vision diverged from those of her male counterparts, Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr, which met with much criticism, is a ?transgresive? work, revealing an almost intentional efort to break with literary convention. First, in spite of the French Academy?s atempts to suppres provincial dialects, Pascal defends the use of her ?expresion lyonnaise.? Secondly, Pascal rewrites the conventions of the martyr play and uses this revision to give a new role and a new voice to the female martyr protagonist. Furthermore, this minor genre gives Pascal a vehicle for subtle criticism of the social order, and more specificaly, the patriarchal system. Thus, Pascal?s ?female provincial writing? goes against the grain of the institution of theater which is atempting to regulate and unify literary production. Through the study of her work, I believe that we can gain a greater perspective regarding the female artist?s struggles to comply with traditional theatrical models, which often advocate patriarchal ideals, particularly in terms of female characterization. A re-reading of Pascal?s work wil permit us to se how her vision of the society in which she lives diverges from that of her male counterparts. Credit is due to those who have already made contributions to bring Pascal?s creative works to light. Her plays have been commented and summarized by both Henry Lancaster in his four part work A History of French Dramatic Literature in the Sevententh Century and by Fernand Baldensperger in the third volume of his work 7 Etudes d?histoire lit?raire which also contains an in-depth biography of the female playwright. Paul Scott includes a reading of Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr in his disertation The Martyr-figure in French theatre 1596-1675. More recent research has been conducted by Pery Gethner who edited, published, and commented Pascal?s one act play L?amoureux extravagant in his first anthology of plays writen by French women of the 17 th and 18 th centuries, and translated it for the English edition as The Lunatic Lover. 12 In his preface to the play, he underlines that Pascal is diferent from her female contemporaries since she views her work as more than just a ?literary exercise? (5). For Pascal, theatricality and the ?stage worthines? of her plays is of utmost importance. He points out that Pascal?s main interest in the construction of her plot is the entertainment of her spectators. Thus in L?amoureux extravagant, she reduces the love intrigue in order to highlight the crazy antics of the obsesed lover and the two unruly servants. Furthermore, in his analysis of this comic play, he places the emphasis on how Pascal imitates Corneile?s comedies through the courtly manners and speech of her characters and observes that even their names resemble those of his characters. Although much of Gethner?s research has focused on Pascal?s one-act comic plays, he has also analyzed one of her full-length plays entitled Endymion, tragi-comedie, based on the French novel by Jean Ogier de Gombaud (published in 1624 and reprinted in 1626), the only one of her tragicomedies that has been republished since the 17 th century. This work appears in Gethner?s second anthology of plays by French women of the 17 th and 18 th centuries which he situates within the genre of the ?pi?ce ? machine created in reaction to the grandioso Italian opera.? 13 In his introduction to the tragedy, Gethner underlines Pascal?s tendency to folow the trendseters in the world of theater. 8 He again identifies Corneile as the innovator whose Androm?de (performed in 1650) would inspire other playwrights from Moliere to Pascal herself to make contributions to this new subgenre. Going beyond Pascal?s contributions to the theater, Deborah Steinberger?s research focuses on her epistolary novel Le Commerce du Parnasse, published in 1669. Steinberger?s critical edition of this work has shown how Pascal was an innovative writer, her work an original creation comprised of leters and poems writen by not one voice, but many diferent voices functioning as a novel. The fact that Pascal herself appears as a central character in the novel, having inserted her own personal leters into it, distinguishes her work from other recueil d?oeuvres m?l?es. Aluding to Janet Altman, who underlines the fact that the leters and memoirs of Mme de Lafayete, Mme de Sabl?, Mme de Maintenon, and Mle de Scud?ry were first published posthumously by editors in the 19 th century, Steinberger finds that Pascal?s epistolary novel constitutes ?une prise de position f?ministe avant la letre; l?afirmation de son statut d?auteur, la publication de ses letres sous son propre nom, ?taient exceptionneles pour son ?poque? (xvi). Furthermore, she notes that this novel enriches our understanding of preciosity and the galant discourse found in the Salon. In the leters exchanged betwen Tersandre and Philis, who represents Pascal herself, Steinberger finds that her leters are characterized by a pure simple tone, while he exploits the lieux communs asociated with galantry. ?Mle Pascal souligne l?insinc?rit? de son correspondant Tersandre, et ele s?en prend aux lieux communs du discours galant? (xi). For Steinberger, this novel is thus a reaction against contemporary galantry. The final leter in the novel, a leter writen to her sister in which she talks about her daily life in Paris marks a ?retour ? la r?alit?? as wel as a 9 refusal of galantry and frivolous living. For Steinberger, the conclusion of the novel expreses the triumph of feminine virtue over unbridled pasion, a theme that she notes wil be treated in La Princese de Cl?ves later on in 1678. I have chosen to add to this corpus an annotated critical edition of Pascal?s tragicomedy Agathonphile martyr, published in 1655. Inspired by the popularity of the novel in the second half of the 17 th century, I fel that Agathonphile martyr marks an important contribution to the theater in terms of genre and female characterization. With Agathonphile martyr, Pascal offers a hybrid tragicomic martyr play which is highly influenced by the new lit?rature galante. In my analysis, I wil primarily focus on how her play marks a problematic merging of two genres ? the romanesque tragicomedy, whose objective is clearly to entertain, and the martyr play, a genre whose goals have traditionaly been moral edification. Whereas Steinberger observes Pascal?s condemnation of galantry through the virtuous Philis in her later work ?Le Commerce du Parnase,? Agathonphile martyr is a celebration of the power of pasionate love. Pascal?s play presents a world that appeals to the mondains, glorifying both spirituality and galantry, characterized by a mixture of tones and the juxtaposition of rh?torique amoureuse with Christian discourse. I believe that this unique work merits our atention because it witneses the coexistence of two factions in the 17 th century ? that of the old court surrounding the devout, virtuous Queen-mother, Anne d?Autriche, and that of the young galant court surrounding the soon-to-be crowned Louis XIV that indulges in the day-to-day pleasures ? bals, carousels, and other entertainment. With her hybrid play, Pascal appeals to both factions in her atempts to combine two contradictory themes ? 10 that of sainthood, or the pursuit of spirituality, and that of galantry, or the pursuit of pasionate love. In terms of female characterization, while Gethner has shown how Pascal?s later works demonstrate her wilingnes to follow theatrical trends set by Corneile, I wil demonstrate how Pascal?s female martyr Triphine is a rejection of his lifeles female martyr Th?odore ?qui n?a ni jambes ni bras,? 14 (who has neither legs nor arms) having been made emotionaly handicapped by her religious zeal. Triphine, on the other hand, does not fel compeled to choose betwen her love for Agathon and her love for God. In contrast to the traditional female martyr, Triphine is an independent thinker who speaks her heart, proclaiming the virtues of ?constant? love. Therefore she is both a martyr for Christ as wel as a martyr for love. Furthermore, my interpretation of Pascal?s female heroine opposes Paul Scott?s claim that Pascal succesfully sters her play ?away from the question of resistance? (153). I believe that Agathonphile martyr is a politicaly charged play in that it leads a subtle campaign against the contractual mariage, or the mariage de convenance. I wil argue that Triphine is executed not only because of her conversion to Christianity, but also because of her refusal to respect the patriarchal code through the rejection of an aranged mariage and her decision to pursue the desires of her own heart. Thus in opposition to the traditional martyr play which primarily questions tyranny or the abuse of royal power, Agathonphile martyr sems to question the authority of the patriarchal system, and more specificaly, a father?s right to decide his daughter?s destiny. It is both the public afirmation of her faith in God as wel as her vow of constant love which gives her voice the authority to rise above that of her father?s. 1 Biography In order to understand beter the obstacles that this female playwright faced in atempting to have her plays performed and published, her biographical information is an appropriate point of departure. 15 Pascal was born in Lyon in 1632 near la Croix-Rousse to S?raphin Pascal and Marguerite Tolot, parents of modest means. She was baptized the 18 th of February in her parish, Notre-Dame de la Plati?re. At the time of his daughter?s birth, S?raphin Pascal served as a customs commisioner, but in 1644, he obtained a more privileged position as a guard for the Governor of Lyon, the Mar?chal de Vileroy. In his biography, Baldensperger atributes Pascal?s excelent education to her family?s relationship with the Archbishop, Camile de Neufvile, who was the brother of the Governor. Her excelent education may also be atributed to her family?s connections with the Vileroys, 16 who employed Pascal as a ?domestique,? acording to the ?clef? of the Dictionnaire des pr?cieuses writen by Antoine de Somaize. Steinberger suggests that her high level of education may have even qualified her to fulfil the role of governes (v). Her hypothesis is supported by Fureti?re?s definition of domestique in 17 th century France, a term which is used to refer to multiple functions within a large household: DOMESTIQUE, adj. m. & f. Qui est d?une maison, sous un m?me chef de famile. En ce sens il se prend pour feme, enfans, hostes, parens & valets. Carer Pascal was a prolific writer of plays. Agathonphile martyr, tragicomedy (1655), published when she was 23, was followed by two other five-act plays; Endymion, tragicom?die ? machines (1657) and S?sotris (1661), a tragicomedy based on the novel Le Grand Cyrus by Mle de Scud?ry. 17 Pascal also wrote thre one act ?comic plays.? 12 L?Amoureux Extravagant and L?Amoureuse vaine et ridicule were both included in a short volume of secular poetry entitled Diverses Po?sies published in 1657. Le Vieilard Amoureux was published later in 1664. There is litle documentation about the actual performances of Pascal?s plays, but at least one of them is known to have been wel-received in Lyon acording to Somaize, who refers to Pascal using her pseudonyme pr?cieux ?Palim?ne:? ?Palim?ne est une vieile pr?cieuse. Ele fait fort bien les vers. L?on a repr?sent? aux jeux du Cirque une pi?ce qu?ele a compos?e, et qui a est? trouv?e fort bele? (273). Unles he is refering to one of her earlier plays, it is possible that the play to which Somaize aludes is Pascal?s S?sotris, since she herself speaks of the universal applause that she received during the public presentation of the play in the preface to this work. Pascal?s comic play Le Vieilard Amoureux also appears to have been quite succesful since it was presented in Lyon in 1662 and in Paris at the H?tel de Bourgogne in 1663. 18 Besides the information on the performance of Le Vieilard Amoureux at the H?tel de Bourgogne in Paris, there is very litle known about where or by whom Agathonphile martyr, or any of her other plays were performed. As for the jeux du cirque in Lyon, where at least one of her plays was known to have been staged, researchers disagre as to which space is indicated by this expresion. In order to shed some light on where Agathonphile martyr may have been staged, I would now like to briefly summarize what we know about Lyon?s rich theatrical traditions. Performances Although it is unknown whether or not Pascal worked with Moli?re, her carer must have greatly benefited from his presence in Lyon from 1652-1658. 19 Baldensperger 13 reminds us that l?Ilustre Th??tre was traveling through Lyon during the time that Pascal?s plays were being performed and he suggests that it may have acted in one of them (4). Could Pascal be describing Moli?re?s troop in this sonnet ?fait ? la com?die? found in Diverses Po?sies? (1657) Si je vois ces objets si brilants ? mes yeux, J?en admire l??clat avec un doux silence, Quand d?autres spectateurs avec violence Par leurs bruits indiscrets troublent ces Demi-dieux, Toutefois mes regards ne sont rien que pour eux, Bien que mon sentiment acuse d?insolence Ces esprits importuns, qui n?ont pas connaisance De ce qu?ils veulent voir en ces aimables lieux. Mais enfin, si mes yeux contemplent ces merveiles, Je sens d?autres plaisirs pendant que mes oreiles Font suspendre mes sens ? leurs divins propos. Quand je les vois agir avec tant de gr?ce, Il semble que je sois imobile ? ma place, Et si je ne les vois, je n?ai point de repos. In this poem, Pascal reveals what it was like to atend the theater in Lyon in the 17 th century. Unlike going to the theater today, the plays were usualy performed in front of noisy boisterous crowds. It would have taken a talented playwright and actor such as Moli?re to cast a spel over them. Before the arival of Moli?re?s Ilustre Th??tre, there were already numerous troupes of comedians caled troupes de campagne, including those from Italy, that were performing regularly in Lyon. The theater had been very much appreciated in Lyon for a long time and semed to be a tradition that was enjoyed by al social clases. 20 Thus we can confirm that Pascal?s modest social status did not keep her from atending theatrical performances. The foires brought in thousands of tourist spectators to Lyon four times a year. Many of them stayed in the quartier du 14 change. During the theatrical season, comedians and bateleurs swarmed the strets of Lyon. Even by the time of Moli?re?s arival in December of 1652, there were stil no fixed public theaters in Lyon. The comedians performed in various jeux de paumes (tennis courts). Normaly, shows began at 5 o?clock and lasted until 9 o?clock. The repertoire consisted of tragedy, farce, and balet. These various genres were usualy interpreted by the same actors and actreses. 21 One of the best known jeux de paume, stil standing in 1861 situated on rue de l?Angile in the quartier Saint Paul, was most likely where Moli?re?s Ilustre Th??tre performed much of its repertoire. 2 Paul Saint-Olive, who saw the building in question in 1817, describes it as such: ?La maison comportait deux corps de b?timent, en ?quere, s?par?s par une cour: le principal, en fa?ade sur le quai de Bondy, o? portait le num?ro 17; le logis du fond, prenant jour sur la rue de l?Angile. C?est au deuxi?me ?tage de ce second b?timent que se trouvait la sale du jeu de paume? (Bleton 8). If indeed Claude Baset?s tragedy Ir?ne was performed in this jeu de paume, as Chorier conjectures, 23 then one might suggest that Pascal?s play in question was performed in the same place since the Dictionnaire designates the theater where both of their plays were performed as the jeux du cirque. The etymology of the expresion ?jeux du cirque,? however, would sem to support Gethner?s hypothesis that the play mentioned in the Dictionnaire was performed in the ?Amphith??tre des trois gaules.? 24 This structure, stil visible today in the hils of Croix-Rousse in Lyon, was built in 19 AD by the Romans for public spectacles. To support this hypothesis, one may turn to the first edition of the Dictionnaire de L?Acad?mie Fran?aise, published in 1694, which defines the ?jeux du Cirque? as such: 15 Cirque. subst. m. Cariere, lieu o? se faisoient les jeux publics, particulierement les courses de chevaux & de chariots. Les Jeux du Cirque. remporter le prix aux Jeux du Cirque. As mentioned earlier, one might logicaly conclude that the play mentioned in the Dictionnaire is S?sotris (1661), since the dates of publication are close. 25 However, the fact that Pascal had already published five of her six plays, including Agathonphile martyr, by the time the Grand Dictionnaire des pr?cieuses was writen would alow us to make other conjectures. Would it not have been desirable for Pascal or Claude Baset, for that mater, to stage their martyr plays at the site where the first Christian community in Gaul suffered persecution and martyrdom for its faith? Although the idea is romantic, my findings, as wel those of other researchers do not support this hypothesis. First of al, the jeux du cirque may not be limited to one specific space: Les jeux du Cirque qui, dans le Dictionnaire, d?signent le th??tre, concernent probablement aussi bien les locaux de hasard et les jeux de paume o? les troupes de campagne italiennes et fran?aises ? des Gelosi ? l?Ilustre Th??tre ? donnaient leurs repr?sentations, que la sale de spectacle adjacente ? l?h?tel des gouverneurs. Cete soci?t? distingu?e ne pouvait en efet manquer d?avoir ac?s ? ce th??tre, dont la tribune communiquait directement avec les appartements des Vileroy. Rien n?emp?che d?admetre que non seulement l?Ir?ne de Baset, mais tele pi?ce de Fran?oise Pascal ait eu la faveur d??tre jou?e ici? ( Baldensperger 266) Given Pascal?s close relationship with the Vileroy family, Baldensperger proposes here that Pascal?s play may have been performed in the H?tel des gouverneurs, where the Archbishop Camile de Neufvile resided. Often plays were performed in this theater in order to raise money for the poor and sick hospitalized in the H?tel Dieu in Lyon. Moli?re?s troop played at least twice for these benefits during the 1655-1656 season. 26 This theater, built by Nicolas de Vileroy, was apparently privately owned by the governor. Mle de Montpensier describes the same theater in her M?moires: ?Nous 16 ?tions dans une tribune o? l?on entrait par chez M. le mar?chal de Vileroy (?d. Ch?ruel, t. II, p. 328)? On dansa sur un grand th??tre fort bien ?clair?? (317). Pascal?s tragicom?die ? machines, Endymion would have required an elaborate theater such as this with its more complicated d?cor which included a flying chariot. Pascal?s dedicatory epistle to the Pr?v?t des marchands and the ?chevins of Lyon included in the 1655 edition of Agathonphile martyr would support the hypothesis that her play was indeed performed in the theater adjacent to the apartments of the governor. One possible indication of her presence in this space is her usage of the demonstrative ?ce? to refer to what she cals a ?palais ilustre? which denotates neither a jeu de paume nor an amphithe?tre: Augustes Magistrats, merveiles des Mortels, Dont les rares vertus meritent des Autels, Ce n?est pas sans raison que ce Palais Ilustre Est nomm? le sejour des miracles divins? The word ?sejour? or ?residence? in the final line again references the ?ilustre palais? to which she refers in the beginning of her dedicatory: Escoutez donc, MESIEURS, ces Amants Trop heureux, Et souffrez qu?ils vous disent les deseins Amoureux Qui ont brusl? leurs c?urs d?une flame Divine. Ils viennent ? vos yeux sans sortir du tombeau, Vous verez Agathon, & sa chere Triphine Se presenter ? vous dans un sejour si beau. Taken more figuratively, the language used here could appeal to the visual senses of her readers or spectators (??couter,? ?voir,? and ?se pr?senter) as simply a rhetorical technique meant to ?set the mood.? Pascal presents her role as a dramaturge in a way that 17 evokes Alcandre?s role as magician and meteur-en-sc?ne in Corneile?s L?Ilusion comique, who makes the subjects of the play appear before the spectators? very eyes. Despite the evidence that we have examined here, we cannot be completely sure as to where or whether or not Agathonphile martyr was performed. However, if we were to make a conjecture, Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr would have most likely been performed in the theater built in the H?tel des gouverneurs since she had a known connection to the governor. Whilst Pascal?s succes was undoubtedly related to her involvement with this royal family, equaly influential in her carer is her asociation with the pr?cieux both in as wel as outside of Lyon, a topic to which I now turn. The cercle pr?cieux Pascal, of modest origins, would have naturaly gained aces to the literary world via her asociation with the elite pr?cieuses and pr?cieux. These circles of men and women, who were for the most part Aristocrats, sought to distinguish themselves from those who were common or banal. Somaize defines pr?ciosit? as such: ?Les lois des pr?cieuses consistent en l'observance exacte des modes, en l'atache indispensable de la nouveaut?, en la n?cesit? d'avoir un alc?viste particulier, ou du moins d'en recevoir plusieurs, en cele de tenir ruele, ce qui peut paser pour la principale.? If they could not dres or behave like other people, they also distinguished themselves linguisticaly from others as wel, avoiding the use of common words to describe ordinary things. 27 Pr?ciosit? is most often asociated with the 17 th century salons hosted by women. In the second half of the 17 th century, the number of salons in Paris and in the various provinces multiplied. The most famous salon of the 17 th century was the H?tel de Rambouilet in Paris. However, not al of the salons were held in hotels. Some of the 18 pr?cieuses who hosted salons would receive their guests in a ruele which was the space in betwen the wal and the bed of the hostes? bedchamber. Whether in Paris or in provincial cities, most of the salons had similar practices. Al of the pr?cieux had noms romanesques. For instance, Mme de Rambouilet went by the name ?Arth?nice,? and Pascal was caled ?Palim?ne.? Their activities consisted of parlor games, masked bals, ?devinetes,? debates on the concept of love or linguistic controversies, or enigmas such as this one published in Pascal?s Diverses Po?sies, which may have been writen to entertain the cercle pr?cieux in Lyon: Rigoureux ennemis, quel mal vous fait ma vie? Que ne me laisez-vous jouir de la clart?? En me tenant toujours dans la captivit?, Faut-il s??tonner si je vous porte envie? Agr?able printemps, que je serais ravie, Si je pouvais para?tre en toute s?ret?, Pour aler tous les jours contempler ta beaut?, Et la douceur des champs, sans ?tre poursuivie? Quand ces fiers meurtriers se so?lent de plaisirs, La crainte de la mort vient borner mes d?sirs, Et m?oblige ? languir dans l?horreur des t?n?bres: Mais est-il rien d??gal au malheur qui me suit? Sortant de ma prison je rencontre la nuit: Ainsi ces libert?s me sont encore fun?bres. La Chauve-souris qui se plaint de la rigeur Des oiseaux. In this poem the subject of the poem, ?la chauve-souris,? or ?bat,? is left out until the very end so that the Salonni?res have ample time to gues what it could be. Its synonyms ?rigoureux ennemis? and ?fiers meurtriers? provide the reader or the listener with clues from which they can decipher the riddle. 19 Although the increase in the number of women who wrote in the 17 th century is undoubtedly atributed to the development of the vie mondaine, as Timermans atests, most pr?cieuses did not atempt to write profesionaly: ?Peut-?tre est-ce m?me la principale victoire de la pr?ciosit? que d?avoir favoris? ? la fois l?ac?s ? l??criture d?un nombre grandisant de femes et la reconnaisance de la l?gimit? pour eles d??crire (en amateur, il est vrai) et de publier (en observant, surtout gr?ce ? l?anonymat, toute la modestie exig?e des femes en g?n?ral et des femes de qualit? en particulier)? (179). While it would sem that most pr?cieuses viewed writing as a pastime rather than a profesion, Pascal was able to profit from her contacts within the cercle pr?cieux in order to publish and have her works performed. At the tender age of 13, Pascal had already began exchanging secular verses with one of the best-known court poets and bels esprits of the first half of the 17 th century, Isac de Benserade. 28 Often compared to his rival Voiture, Benserade was known for his pi?ces galantes; stances, sonnets, chansons, madrigals, rondeaux and balets. He was however, also drawn to the theater. His carer was launched with the performance of his Cl?op?tre in 1636, which made a great impresion on the Cardinal de Richelieu who awarded him a pension of huit cent livres. After his death Benserade stil managed to live off pensions paid to him by Anne d?Autriche and other women at Court. Later, he came under the protection of Mazarin who greatly appreciated his poetry. And of course, it wasn?t long before the poet won the admiration of the young King Louis XIV, who asked him to write poems on his behalf for courtly women such as Mme de Hautefort, Mle de La Vali?re, and la Montespan. As Uzanne states in his preface Po?sies de Monsieur de Benserade, Benserade was the ?coqueluche des pr?cieuses? of his time and 20 suggests that he inspired the portrait of La Bruy?re?s Th?obalde, ?l?engouement des Philamintes et des B?lises? in the chapter De la Soci?t? et de la Conversation (xvi-xvii). As a wel-established court poet, Benserade frequented the H?tel de Rambouilet hosted by Catherine de Vivonne, who received other important figures and aristocrats in her chambre bleue, including The Duke of Enghien, The Duke of Rochefoucauld, the Duke of Montausier, Voiture, Georges de Scud?ry and his sister Madeleine, Sarasin, Godeau, Corneile, and Madame de S?vign?. Benserade, in his response to Pascal?s stances, which she had writen on behalf of a lady by the name of ?Amarante? in love with ?Thyrsis,? 29 expreses his admiration of her poetry and appears to be quite flatered: Que vos vers sont ardens, que leur pompe est brilante, Et qu?ils sont radoucis! Il n?en faut point douter, vous ?tes l?Amarante, Et je suis le Thyrsis (50). By al appearances, ?Amarante? had hired Pascal to write the poem on her behalf. Benserade however suggests that Pascal herself is this ?Amarante? and that it is she who declares her love to him! Whether or not his hypothesis is true, he nevertheles is impresed by her ability to write poetry at such a young age: Qu?une file ? treize ans d?amour so?pire et pleure, C?est souvent un d?faut; Mais pour une qui fait des vers de si bonne heure, C?est vivre comme il faut (52). While Pascal, or Palim?ne as she was so caled, drew creative inspiration from such renowned poets as Benserade, she must have benefited both financialy and profesionaly from her asociation with the members of the cercle pr?cieux of Lyon as wel. The cercle pr?cieux in the city of Lyon, or the city of Milet as described by 21 Somaize in the Dictionnaire, 30 is a continuation of the rich and diverse literary and artistic culture that had been created there in the 16 th century. As an important cultural center and place of commerce, 16 th century Lyon more resembled Renaisance Italy than France. Lyon had served as a provisional capital for the King and his court during the wars with Italy. It was the arival of Fran?ois I and his sister Queen Margaret, in particular, who truly transformed Lyon into a literary and cultural center, atracting many writers and philosophers who graced her court with their presence. Inspired by the roman ?cortigiana? female intelectuals and artists were encouraged to develop their talents rather than keep them hidden. Female poets Louise Lab? and Pernete du Guilet, following in the fotsteps of their teacher Maurice Sc?ve, were celebrated women of Lyon. Moreover, society in Lyon was progresive in that social clases and sexes tended to blend together. As an industrial center, specializing in the production of silk, Lyon?s bourgeois artisans were the key figures of the town, and even by the 17 th century there were stil very few aristocrats living there. Therefore, Pascal was born into a city that not only boasted of rich literary traditions, but also one which did not se it as unusual for women or for middle clas citizens to play an important role. This tradition caried on wel into the 17 th century with the soci?t? pr?cieuse de Lyon which Kleinclausz describes as an ?openminded? group of lyonnais intelectuals and creative types. 31 In the preface to his Dictionnaire, Somaize gives a portrait of al of the members of the cercle pr?cieux, who were the most distinguished citizens of Lyon. Members of this society included Mme de Bullioud-F?tan, daughter of a Treasurer of France and daughter of the advisor to the Parliament of Dombes; Mle Seignoret, daughter of a negotiator, who practiced art; Mle Manlich, from a Protestant family of 22 librarians; and Mle Bernon, maried to a magistrate. Some of the male members include Palerme, poet and advisor to the King of the s?n?chaus?e; Gueston, Head of the Tr?sor public; and Th?lys en Beaujolais, treasurer of the city of Lyon, otherwise known as T?liodante, who wrote a satirical play caled le Tombeau des dames de Milet, which unfortunately has been misplaced; and the lawyer Claude Baset, who also wrote a martyr play entitled Ir?ne, trag?die on the subject of Mahomet I and Ir?ne, who is executed by decapitation. 32 With the exception of Agathonphile martyr, dedicated to the city fathers of Lyon, two out of the thre of Pascal?s plays that include dedications are addresed to women of the Vileroy family who are also members of the cercle pr?cieux: Endymion to Mademoisele de Vileroy, and Sesotris to Marquise de la Baume, the niece of the Mar?chal de Vileroy, and one of the most ilustrious members of this society. Surely Pascal?s carer was encouraged and perhaps financialy supported by the elite Vileroy family. The members of the cercle pr?cieux, including Pascal herself, sem to suround themselves with this political dynasty: ?Il n?est pas surprenant qu?autour de ce familiers ou clients de la puisante dynastie, nous trouvions d?autres membres, au moins intermitants, de la soci?t? pr?cieuse qui se ratachent au gouverneur de Lyon et ? son lieutenant? ( Baldensperger 248). It may very wel be that the cercle pr?cieux helped Pascal to edit her work or at least gave her fedback on her manuscripts since, acording to Somaize, the society women of Milet (Lyon) loved to read and to discuss literature: ?Eles aiment souvent mieux s?entretenir avec les livres qu?avec une infinit? d?ignorants dont la conversation est tr?s ennuyeuse? (256). Concerning Coriolane, Somaize writes, ?les malheurs qui lui sont 23 ariv?s l?ayant contrainte de s?entretenir avec les livres, comme ele a beaucoup d?esprit et qu?ele con?oit ais?ment ce qu?ele lit, ele est depuis peu devenue une des plus savantes pretieuses de Milet? (260). Delianide ?lit beaucoup, conna?t tous les beaux endroits des meileurs livres, et ele les a m?me souvent avant que les autres en aient ou? parler?? (263). Martane ?parle juste, connoist tous les beaux endroits d?un livre, les cite mesme quand ele se trouve avec des gens qui en s?avant juger? (270). And Palamedonte ?a tous les romans et toutes les pi?ces galantes qui se sont imprim?es de son temps; ele les a mesme devant tous les autres, et d?s que l?on veut voir ou que l?on recherche quelque chose de nouveau ? Milet, l?on ne manque jamais de le trouver dans sa bibliotheque? (272). While most of the pr?cieuses were prolific readers, it would sem that Pascal was the most prolific writer. Her sonnets and other pi?ces galantes in addition to her plays, would have indeed made her a valuable member of the cercle pr?cieux in Lyon. Her decision to leave her native city behind for a carer in Paris is a mystery, and one which I wil now examine. Paris Pascal suddenly moved to Paris for unknown reasons sometime after 1667. It appears that she made a very simple living in the capital supporting herself by painting and writing poetry. A leter to her sister describes her day-to-day activities: Vous voulez savoir, ma ch?re Soeur, ce que je fais depuis que je me suis mise en mon particulier; c?est ? dire, que vous voulez que je vous apprenne si le m?nage s?acorde bien avec mes occupations de la peinture & de la Po?sie. Je crois que vous devez fort en douter, puisque vous savez qu?? Lyon je ne me m?lais gu?re de l?oeconomie de la maison, & que vous en aviez toute la conduite. Je vous dirai pourtant qu?il me semble que je suis devenu? un peu m?nag?re, & que je partage asez mes soins entre mes ouvrages ordinaires & ceux de commander ? une servante[?]. L?on m?a fait present d?une chate qui est la plus bele beste de 24 Paris, & d?un peroquet qui ne fait tout le jour que crier, & l?on peut dire que c?est toute sa science, puis qu?il ne parle point, & que je crois qu?il ne parlera jamais: & moy qui crains fort le bruit je m?en d?feray sans doute bientost [?]. Voil? tout ce que j?ay ? vous dire sur le sujet de mon nouveau m?nage: ? l?avenir je vous donnneray avis de ce qui m?arivera de plus remarquable. 3 Pascal?s move to the capital city marks a dramatic shift in her repertoire from secular to sacred genres. Steinberger notes that ?La dramaturge enthousiaste qui dans ses vers de jeunese d?crit les com?diens comme des ?demi-dieux? devient vers 1670 une dame d?vote qui rejete cete frivolit? pour se consacrer ? la po?sie religieuse? (vii). In 1670, she began publishing books of religious poetry to be set to music, such as ?Cantiques spirituels? and ?Chansons de No?l.? Appearing in the numerous editions of her books are the poems Les R?flexions de la Madeleine dans le temps de sa p?nitence (1674) and Les Entretiens de la Vierge et de Saint Jean l?Evang?liste sur la vie et la mort du Sauveur (1680). One of her religious poems, which had been put to music by M. de Montaily, Choir Director of the H?tel de Guise, was printed in the Mercure Galant in February of 1688. Furthermore, her close relationships with the eclesiastics, l?Abb? de la Chaise, l?Abb? de Busseaux and F?rdinand de Neufvile, ?v?que de Chartres are reflected in the dedications of al of her religious works published in Paris. In addition to writing, Pascal dabbled in painting as wel, since it is known that she painted the portrait of at least one eclesiastic, le P?re Le Boux, ?v?que de P?rigueux. The last years of Pascal?s life in Paris are shrouded in mystery. The dates of her death are unknown but she does appear in Vertron?s Catalogue des Dames vivantes ilustres, published in 1698. It appears as if she never maried since her name appears in his publication preceded by the title ?Mle.? At that time she would have been 66 years old. Steinberger?s subtle alusion to the connection betwen Pascal?s newfound 25 spirituality in Paris and the lifestyle of that of a feme d?vote may be heading in the right direction. It was not unusual during the Counter Reformation for the Church to use the talents of devoted celibate women in its eforts to rebuild itself. 34 Furthermore, the feme d?vote did not necesarily have to remain within the convent wals to play such roles. Elisja Sch?lte van Kesel in l?Histoire des femes en Ocident, discusses the growing number of ?semi-religieuses? in 17 th century France, celibate women who devoted their lives to doing work for the Catholic Church without formaly taking the veil. 35 Reception of plays If Pascal did devote the later years of her life to more spiritual pursuits, what made her leave the world of theater in Lyon behind? One of her sonnets, ?Sur une tristese,? published in Diverses Po?sies, reveals not only the author?s pasion for the arts, but also her pain at the thought of having to withdraw from them: Mon ame, s?ais-tu bien qui te rend inquiete? Connois-tu le sujet de l?ennuy qui te suit, Et t?acable le jour aussi bien que la nuict, En te faisant tenir la Tristese Secrete? Banisons s?il se peut cete langeur m?ete Et cherchons desormais le repos qui nous fuit, Et suitant le chagrin qui toujours nous poursuit, Demeurons s?il se peut dans une douce asiete. Si rien ne peut causer les ennuis que tu sens, Pourquoy ne cherches-tu des plaisirs innocens, Sans te plonger ainsy dans le melancholie? Pourquoy mesprises-tu tes tableaux & tes vers? Si tu quites ainsy tous ces travaux divers, Ta tristese ? la fin pasera pour folie. 26 What could these ?ennuis? or this ?chagrin? be? Criticism would certainly have been reason enough for her to look at her own work with ?m?pris? and consider an easier lifestyle. The struggle to achieve and maintain a solid reputation as a writer, especialy in the domain of French theater, would have been a biter one for a woman. Her sudden migration to Paris may have had something to do with the negative fedback she received by critics and the insinuations that her work was not her own. 36 Indeed her prefaces reveal a dificult struggle betwen herself and her critics who semingly acused her of having male collaborators. In her preface to Endymion she rebuffs these apparent acusations by claiming that if her work had truly been writen by a man, then the flaws would have been les apparent. ?Ces vers ne sauraient ?tre sortis d?un grand genie [?] un homme est capable de produire, quelque chose de plus fort?? It is ironic that Pascal felt obliged to draw atention to the falibilities of her sex in order to claim her work as her own. She reacts much in the same way in the preface to Agathonphile martyr, drawing atention to the flaws and inferiority of her verse, stating that her sex and inexperience keep her from writing anything of great quality: Je ne te donne pas cete pi?ce, comme chose rare, et o? toutes les r?gles de la Po?sie de ce temps soient observ?es: Mon sexe, le peu d?exp?rience que j?ai dans cet Art, et la basese de mon esprit, ne me permetent pas d?avoir des pens?es si hautes, et si relev?es que ces Apollons, qui y r?ussisent si bien tous le jours, se composant avec leurs merveileux ouvrages des Couronnes d?imortalit?? At first glance, it would sem logical to asume that her only objective in making these self-deprecatory remarks was to claim authorship of her plays. However, further examination of her style reveals the fact that she may be playing on the ?afected modesty? topos ? a rhetorical device that dates back to Antiquity. Cicero believed that an orator should demonstrate his own humblenes or inferiority in order to draw his listeners 27 or readers closer to him and to gain a sympathetic ear (Curtius 83). However, this topos, when expresed by a 17 th century female writer, reveals another strategy. Women writers who could not have profited from a secondary or higher education, ran the risk of becoming an object of ridicule when they expresed a desire to cultivate their minds or to print their own creative works. Women such as Pascal who atempted to publish under their real names, used such stratagems ?to ensure that the dictates of modesty were not violated? (Gibson 168). Therefore, it may not be that Pascal is necesarily trying to gain a sympathetic ear as much as she is atempting to escape becoming a mockery. 37 In her preface to Endymion, Pascal indicates that critics also atacked her use of provincialisms and condemned her for not strictly adhering to the rules as established by the French Academy: En efet je connais bien qu?il y a dans ma po?sie des dictions provinciales, et des expresions qui ne sont pas bien dans la puret? de la Langue, mais comme c?est un pech? d?origine dont je ne suis co?pable que parce que je suis Lyonnaise, et que la biens?ance de mon sexe, ne m?a pas permis de voir l?Acad?mie que sur quelques livres dont les R?gles nous instruisent biens moins par les yeux que par les oreiles? In defense of her art, here she boldly reminds her readers that women do not have the same rights to a formal education and that if her gramar is imperfect, it only reflects the limitations placed on her sex. Furthermore, in the same spirit as Montaigne, who semed to defend the use of his own dialect despite its imperfections, 38 in this pasage Pascal also exhibits pride in her native lyonnais dialect. For Pascal, her dialect is part of her cultural identity and should not be regarded as a ?flaw? of her poetry. In the light of these criticisms, it becomes necesary to examine the influence of this dialect in Agathonphile martyr. 28 The ?patois lyonnais? The patois lyonnais is a dialect which developed over time and reflects the rich multi-cultural roots of the city of Lyon. 39 The dialect itself ?is a mix of altered Latin spoken by the common people and Celtic formed by the common language of the galo- roman provinces; influenced as wel by the German spoken by the inhabitants to the East, retaining a more notable influence by the Celtic dialect spoken in the west and the north of Gaul.? 40 It was this kind of dialect that the French Academy was atempting to stifle in the 17 th century, in order to unify the French language. Vilefranche notes that although standard French and patois were very similar, the capital considered patois lyonnais as an inferior dialect and squelched it in the end: Il est ?vident toutefois que, ? partir de leur formation, l?influence r?ciproque des deux langues ne saurait ?tre compar?e. La langue lyonnaise n?a presque rien pr?t? ? cele de la capitale, et cele-ci lui a donn? ou impos? beaucoup. La seconde ?tait respect?e et fix?e; la premi?re, d?consid?r?e et marchant ? l?aventure, gravitait vers l?autre et s?en rapprochait autant qu?ele le pouvait, si bien qu?eles auraient fini par se confondre dans quelques si?cles, si la grande dame, par ses ?coles obligatoires, ses r?giments et ses chemins de fer, n??ut abr?g? la vie de la pauvre vagabonde (92). The dialect however must have remained somewhat intact even into the next century since Etienne Molard published the Dictionnaire grammatical du mauvais langage ou recueil des expresions usil?es en France, et notament ? Lyon as late as 1803. In his avertisement he expreses his desire to purge Lyon of its imperfect elocution which does not complement its succesful silk industry. Although most of the play is writen in standard French, our ?file lyonnoise? has left traces of her dialect embedded in her verses. Some of the ?gramatical erors? she makes are quite possibly linked to interference from her dialect. For example, in patois lyonnais, the second person singular of the subjunctive tense has no -s. Thus, often 29 Pascal neglects to add an ?s in expresions such as ?que tu m?aime? or ?que tu p?rise? (1.2.254). Furthermore one finds another example of ?interference? in her use of the relative pronoun qui, which in patois becomes ?qu? in front of a vowel becoming indistinguishable from que; ?tu ne s?ais ce qu?il est arivez? (1.4.591) and ?Dis-moy donc promptement ce qu?il est ariv?? (1.4.599). We also find several expresions asociated with the ?parler lyonnais? such as barquot, meaning ?litle boat? (3.6.1986) and the verb ?conna?tre? or ?to know? which is used in the place of ?voir? or ?to se? (3.5.1759). There are also a number of provincialisms and archaic expresions embedded in the dialogues and monologues. For instance, Euple exclaims in Act 3, Scene 4 ?Ma soeur, il est certain que je vas l?obtenir? (1589). This is a provincial conjugation of the verb ?aler.? Furthermore, in Act 2, Scene 2, Polydore says of Triphine ?Je fus ravy des traits de sa face divine? (688). Vaugelas strictly forbids the use of face ?quand il signifie visage? (60). Additionaly, Pascal uses possible in place of peut-estre throughout the play. For example, in Act 1, Scene 2, Agathon says ?Mais quoy! ce cher Albin est possible endormy? (510). Concerning this particular usage, Vaugelas states that poets ?ne feront pas mal de s?en abstenir? (149). We know that Agathonphile martyr atracted a lot of atention from skeptics and critics alike since the playwright states in the preface to Endymion, ?Mon cher lecteur, puisque mon Agathonphile, s?etait autant acquis de censeurs, que d?incredules; je ne sais ce que je dois atendre d?Endymion. Je sais bien que tu y trouveras moins de fautes, qu?au premier?? These ?fautes? to which she refers may indeed alude to her provincialisms and gramatical erors. Lancaster afirms that Pascal?s play ?is antiquated in gramar and in prosody.? 41 Pascal?s obvious afection for her own dialect 30 stated in her preface and the use of her expresion lyonnaise which we examined above may have been enough to rile up some of the critics given the French Academy?s strong position in regards to ?incorrect usage.? But can this be the only isue which feuled the fire? I wil maintain that there are other maters related to the play?s composition which also must have provoked the critics and ?incr?dules.? After al, Pascal specificaly underlines in the preface to Agathonphile martyr that she does not respect the rules for the theater: ?Je ne te donne pas cete pi?ce, comme chose rare, et o? toutes les r?gles de la Po?sie de ce temps soient observ?es.? Thus, these ?fautes? for which Agathonphile martyr was criticized may also alude to its transgresion in terms of composition. In the following sections I wil bring to light the play?s departure from traditional literary models, particularly in terms of genre and characterization. Since the discussion of the play centers around genre, and the clasification of genre is dependant upon the sources from which the subject is derived, I wil now examine those from which Agathonphile martyr is inspired. 31 PART 1: ANALYSIS OF AGATHONPHILE MARTYR, TRAGI-COMEDIE Sources In contrast to the majority of martyr plays, Agathonphile martyr is clasified as a tragicomedy as opposed to a tragicomedy. While most authors of martyr plays take their religious inventio from history, Pascal draws inspiration largely from fictional sources. Although the similarities are not always easily detected, I wil show that Pascal?s play borrows elements of characterization and plot from Jean-Piere Camus?s novel Agathonphile, ou les martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargyrippe, Triphyne, et leurs Asociez. Additionaly, my research demonstrates that Pascal is inspired by other 17 th century dramatic works such as Marthe Cosnard?s play La Trag?die des chastes martyrs and Corneile?s Polyeucte. The Roman hagiography The Roman archives indicate that on July the 5 th , the Sicilians, Agathon and Tryphine were martyred along with Philippe Argyrio, their spiritual mentor. Concerning Triphine and Agathon, there are few other details given. Furthermore, there is some doubt concerning the sex of Tryphine acording to the Benedictines in that ?Tryphine? could have easily been mistaken for ?Tryphon.? 42 In the case of Philipe Argyrio, there is much more historical information. The Roman martyrology indicates that on May 12 Saint Philip was sent to the Island of Sicilie by the Pope where he converted the majority of the inhabitants to Christianity. 43 In his Notes on the Martyrology, the author Baronius mentions yet another source which outlines the adventures of Saint Philip?s life. This 32 manuscript, conserved in the Vatican, was writen by a monk named Eusebius, a companion of Saint Philip who summarizes his friend?s life acomplishments as such: Philippe was born in Thrace to a Syrian named Th?odose and a Roman named Augia. He set out for Rome and miraculously survived a shipwreck with help from Saint Peter. He presented himself to the Pope whose benediction gave him the power to speak in Latin. The Pope sent him to Argyrium in Sicily in the hils of Etna. There Philippe lived in a cave to fight against the demons who were provoking volcanic eruptions. With the help of a book of exorcisms, given to him by the Pope, he was able to chase away the evil spirits living among the inhabitants. He healed the sick, raised the dead, and after a long satisfying carer, he died peacefully at the age of 63. 4 Since Pascal?s play is based solely on the adventures of Agathon and Triphine, and there is so litle information on them, we can thus conclude that the hagiography could not have been Pascal?s major source of inspiration for the construction of her plot. It thus becomes necesary to turn towards other sources of inspiration for the play. I wil first examine the relationship betwen Pascal?s play and Camus?s novel. Romanesque influences Jean-Piere Camus was one of the most prolific authors betwen 1620 and 1648. His work, which consists largely of short stories and novels, is known for its moralist intention, revealing the dangers of pasion, foly, and ilicit love. It is Fran?ois de Sales, with the publication of his Introduction ? la vie d?vote (1609) writen with both men and women in mind, who would exerce a powerful influence over Camus as wel as other religious writers who wrote for women readers. 45 Acoring to Camus himself, this spiritual leader was the one who encouraged him to write his ?anti-novels:? Camus says of de Sales ?Nostre bienheureux P?re [?] me donna comme de la part de Dieu la commision d?escrire des histoires d?votes.? 46 Specificaly targeting les mondains and women, these histoires d?votes are meant to be moraly and spiritualy edifying rather 33 than simply entertaining. Camus semed to use the love story as a hook to atract his readers while at the same time making an atempt to direct their minds to more spiritual thoughts: ?C?est par Agathonphile que l??v?que romancier a cru avoir approch? le plus pr?s du haut desein qu?il s??tait propos? en entrant dans la cari?re lit?raire: porter les hommes au Bien par la d?lectation, c?est-?-dire par la peinture ir?sistiblement s?duisante du Bel Amour. Les lecteurs, en abordant ces pages, ne penseront qu?? suivre les aventures de deux amants. C?est par o? ils seront atir?s dans le pi?ge tendu par l?ap?tre: ils entreront peu ? peu dans le royaume de la divine v?rit?.? 47 Camus? female heroines echo the idea proposed by de Sales in his writings that the woman is also able to obtain heroism and sainthood. Like Deucalie in his novel Agathonphile, most of his novels feature female heroines as the principal protagonists who serve as models of devotion. 48 The comparisons betwen Camus?s novel and Pascal?s play are not imediately drawn. For one, Camus sets the action during the time of Diocletian on the authority of an anonymous work entitled L?Arme?re des Fid?les. 49 Pascal on the other hand, sets the action during the time of Emperor Decius for reasons which wil be explained shortly. Furthermore, Pascal and Camus do not highlight the same protagonists in their respective works. Camus, in contrast to Pascal, al but ignores the role played by the female saint, Triphine in the Roman martyrology. I shal begin with the preface of Camus? novel in which he explains the origins of his work?s title: Je l?appele Agathonphile pour deux raisons. La premi?re parce que c?est l?histoire d?Agathon et de Philipe Argyrio, ce mot estant compos? de l?un des noms et du commencement de l?autre [?]. Mais la seconde raison, qui est la principale, c?est parce que, ayant ins?r? en cete Histoire beaucoup de pr?ceptes qui appartiennent ? l?Art de bien, vertueusement, sainctement, honnestement, justement et religieusement Aymer, quel plus juste tiltre luy devois-je donner que celuy de l?Amour du Bien, ce que sonne le mot d?Agathonphile? (891-2) 34 Camus explains that his primary inspiration for the title of his book ?Agathonphile? is the kind of good and saintly principles he hopes to bring out in his novel. ?Agathon? is a Grek term found in the New Testament of the Bible in Romans 8:28 and Philippians 1:6 which means literaly ?that which is good.? The combined word ?Agathonphile? then literaly translates as ?lover of that which is good.? Secondly, Camus says here that he named his novel as such since he is teling the story of Agathon and Philipe Argyrio, to whom Camus refers to as ?Philargyrippe.? 50 However, Camus leaves Triphine out of the title of his play, having combined the names ?Agathon? and ?Philipe? to form ?Agathonphile.? Camus? explanation of the title?s significance reveals his lack of interest in the female protagonist. Since Philargyrippe?s story constitutes the major part of his novel, 51 it is rather curious that Pascal chose to keep the same title despite the fact that he never appears as a character in her play. As Triphine plays a principal role in the play, one would think that it may have been more appropriate to cal the play Agathon et Triphine. However, it may have been done intentionaly by the author in order to profit from the novel?s succes. Piere Sage maintains that Jean-Piere Camus? novels atracted a large public (iv). The subsequent editions of his novel Agathonphile, originaly published in 1621, vouch for its popularity. 52 We know that its renown reached beyond the borders of France since Camus mentions that it was translated into Italian. 53 Being that this play was Pascal?s first dramatic efort, it was not an unwise decision to keep the original title of a novel that drew so much atention. In spite of these diferences betwen Pascal?s play and Camus?s novel, there are some similarities in characterization and plot which are not evident, but undeniably present. For instance, it is possible to draw a paralel betwen Agathon and Triphines? 35 relationship in the play with that of Philargyrippe and Deucalie in Philargyrippe?s story. The main hero, Philargyrippe, in Camus? novel plays a similar role to that of Pascal?s hero, Agathon. For example, Philargyrippe manages to convert Deucalie to Christianity and she gives up her false gods as she knows it is the only way to be forever united in their love. In the same way, Pascal?s Agathon manages to convert his beloved Triphine. Similar to Camus, the playwright emphasizes the dep spiritual love that exists betwen Triphine and Agathon. Triphine believes that in order to have a complete relationship with Agathon, she must also love his God. In the fourth scene of Act 2 she makes a vow to herself and to God to only worship him and to reject the Roman pagan gods; the religion of her father and of her people: TRIPHINE. Mais neantmoins, mon c?ur l?ayme si constament, Que je ne puis, sinon que d?estre toute sienne, Et le suivre partout, & me faire Chrestienne: Je veux d?oresnavant abhorer les faux Dieux, Et veux d?s maintenant qu?ils me soient odieux? Triphine?s vow is similar to that of Deucalie in Camus? novel, who gives up her idols for the God of Philargyrippe in order to be eternaly bonded with him: ?Je suis vostre, me dict-ele, ? Philargyrippe, mais je dy enti?rement vostre et de coeur et d?ame et au temps et en l??ternit?; et pour estre plus absolument ? vous, je veux estre aussi de vostre creance, le Dieu des Chrestiens est grand, me me donne volontiers ? luy?? (6). Agathon and Triphine are united by the bonds of pasionate love as wel as the bonds of Christian love - the kind of love that Jean-Piere Camus sought to bring out in his ?anti-novel.? For Camus, mariage is sacred and the idea that God is always the third party in a mariage is greatly emphasized in his writings. ?C?est ce Dieu tres-unique en esence, dont la troisiesme Personne unisant ?ternelement les deux autres d?une afection infinie, est appele Amour; c?est une vive source de cete amoureuse flame, une charit? 36 incomprehensible et une onction spirituele, le doigt de la droite de Dieu et Dieu ele- mesme. C?est ce Dieu qui a tout faict par Amour, pour Amour, en l?Amour et d?Amour?? (Camus 117). A specific event in the life of De Sales which may have directly inspired Camus?s novel and Act 1 of Pascal?s play is recounted in Trochu?s biography of de Sales. One day, De Sales, who was studying at Padua, was invited to visit a ?docteur juris-consulte? by thre ?condisciples libertins.? They brought him to the apartments of a prostitute and under false pretenses, left him with her. He reportedly ?repoussa avec rudese cete file ?hont?e, lui cracha ? la face et sortit? (156). Camus?s novel takes its theme from this true story since much of Philargyrippe?s acount focuses on the atempts of Deucalie?s cousin, N?r?e, to seduce Philargyrippe and to lead him away from God and his carer as an Eclesiastic. Although she plays a minor role in the play, it is obvious that Pascal?s Iren?e, who tries to seduce her son-in-law Agathon in the first act of the play, is inspired by Camus?s N?re. (Notice how similar the names are if one takes away the ?i? in ?Iren?e?). In one particular scene Philargyrippe discusses how he had to run from N?r?e, leaving behind his cloak, much in the same way that Agathon had to fle from his mother-in-law ho then threatened to take vengeance on him for having rejected her advances. ?Une fois que je m?en voulus aler, je luy pensay quiter mon habit entre les mains; mais c?estoit une robe, que je ne pouvois abandonner qu?avec indecence.? When Philargyrippe tries to tel her that her atempts are only in vain, N?r?e tries to physicaly keep him from escaping. ?Avec cete derniere parole, je me voulus retirer; mais cete harpie m?empoigna si ser?, que j?eus de la peine ? me desprendre de ses grifes, et si je ne me fusse rudement seco??, ? peine euss?-je sorty de ses mains [?] et jugeant avec les 37 plus sages, qu?aux termes o? j?estois, la fuite m?estoit plus avantageuse que la r?sistance?? (Camus 73). Furthermore, N?r?e reacts to his escape much in the same way that Iren?e does in that she conjures up demons to help her punish Philargyrippe. ?Tu t?en vas donc, infidele, tu te retires de moy [?] mais s?aches que mon amour se changeant en rage, cete rage en fureur et cete fureur en une hayne implacable [?] et j?appele toutes les furies pour m?ayder en la vengeance que je projete contre toy? (Camus 73-4). This scene evokes Act 1 in Fran?oise Pascal?s play in that Irenee as wel cals upon the demons to help her take revenge on Agathon: IRENE. Helas! Je vay mourir, ce perfide me quite, O Ciel, que dois-je faire, o? dois-je recourir? Demons, sortez d?Enfer, venez me secourir; Sortez, noires fureurs de vos rivages sombres, Venez ? mon secours, quitez ces tristes ombres, Punisez c?t ingrat, que je n?ay p? toucher (1.1) The similarity of both of these monologues to that of M?d?e in Piere Corneile?s M?d?e (1635) is striking. M?d?e also cals upon the demons to help her take vengeance on her unfaithful lover, Jason: MEDE. Et vous, troupe s?avante en mile barberies, Files de l?Acheron, Pestes, Larves, Furies, Noires Soeurs, si jamais nostre commerce estroit Sur vous et vos serpents me donna quelque droit, Sort?s de vos cachots avec les mesmes flames Et les mesmes tourmens dont vous gesn?s les ames. Laisez-les quelque temps reposer dans leurs fers, Pour mieux agir pour moy faites tresve aux Enfers, Et m?apport?s du fonds des antres de Megere La mort de ma rivale et cele de son pere?(1.3) Yet another scene that Pascal possibly borrows from Camus, is that in which N?r?e frames Philargyrippe by atempting to make it look as if he had tried to kil her with a knife. As a result of her treachery, Philargyrippe is exiled. A similarly desperate act is commited by Iren?e in Pascal?s version, although the knife has been replaced by a 38 sword. Iren?e takes her weapon to Agathon?s room with the intentions of murdering him with it if he does not yield to her pasions: IRENE. Il vaut mieux le perir, que te perir toy-mesme, S?il refuse les dons de ton amour extr?me, S?il m?prise mes feux, qu?il les aye en horeur, Mon amour ? l?instant se va metre en fureur, Et je m?en vay chercher un fer pour c?t office. (1. 2) Unsurprisingly, Agathon is horrified by her advances and manages to fle from her before she can harm him. To avenge herself, she tels her husband Sabin, that Agathon tried to kil her because she would not slep with him: IRENE. H?las! C?est que tantost j?estois dans cete chambre, Lors que c?t insolent m?est venue surprendre, Les yeux remplis de feux, & ce fer dans la main, Qu?il m?aloit, disoit-il, plonger dedans le sein, Si tu ne veux, dit-il, contenter mon envie, Il faudra que ce fer triomphe de ta vie? (1.2) Both of these works draw inspiration from older naratives as wel. The temptation scenes evoke the Biblical story of Potiphar?s wife found in Genesis 3:9 in which Joseph, son of Israel, is working for Potiphar, an Egyptian whose wife tries to seduce him. He runs away from her leaving his cloak in her clutches. Having been rejected, she takes revenge by teling her husband that he tried to take advantage of her and he has Joseph imprisoned. 54 Another source which may have inspired Camus?s novel and Pascal?s play is l?Histoire ?thiopique translated by Amyot, and published in Lyon in 1589. In his novel, Theag?ne and Charicl?e met a priest named Calasiris who becomes their confidant and mentor, and who plays a role similar to that of Philargyrippe in Camus?s novel. Agathon?s encounter with his mother-in-law ho makes an atempt to both seduce and 39 kil him is similar to that of Amyot?s Gn?mon, who in the novel is solicited by Demenet?, the second wife of his father Aristipus. Like Philargyrippe in Camus?s novel and Agathon in Pascal?s play, Gn?mon is acused of rape by this evil woman and her servant, who supports her atempts to seduce him. As a result, he is exiled to an island in Aegina, just as Philargyrippe is exiled in Camus?s novel. N?r?e?s servant, Lucinde, in Camus?s novel plays a similar role as the acomplice. As noted by Philargyrippe, she plays along with N?r?e?s ruses: Il faloit bien que cete Lucinde fust faicte au badinage et qu?ele fust complice des mauvais deseins de sa maistrese, puisque aux exclamations de N?r?e et au ton aigne et poignant de ma voix, que j?employois en mes remonstrances et fortes et hautes, ele ne fit jamais aucun semblant de rien entendre? (73) In Pascal?s play C?liane plays the role of the mother-in-law?s ?talking miror.? However, unlike Demenet??s servant in Amyot?s novel who pushes her mistres to act on her pasions (as wil Ph?dre?s servant in Racine?s tragedy Ph?dre) or Camus?s N?r?e who does not dare confront her mistres, C?liane condemns her mistres?s pasion for her son- in-law Agathon, and promptly leaves her when she cannot convince her to abandon her evil project. Theatrical influences Another female playwright wrote a play inspired by Camus?s novel five years before the publication of Pascal?s play; Marthe Cosnard?s Les chastes martirs, trag?die chrestienne appeared in 1650 most likely without ever having been performed. However, she did manage to atract the atention of Piere Corneile who writes a glowing tribute to her acomplishments included in the preface to her play. She also is mentioned in Jean de la Forge?s Cercle des femes s?avantes alongside Pascal. 40 Unlike Pascal, Cosnard openly admits that Camus?s novel was the source for her inspiration. It is quite possible that Pascal was familiar with this play as it appeared to have had some succes, having been produced twice in one year by two diferent publishers. Additionaly, since there were so few omen playwrights in the 17 th century, it would not be unfair to suggest that Pascal may have made a special efort to keep abreast of her female colleagues? literary endeavors. Moreover, there are many plot elements that are strikingly familiar to several found in Pascal?s play. Similar to the beginning of Camus?s novel, Cosnard begins the first scene of her play in Sicily, where Agathon and Tryphine have been shipwrecked along with their spiritual mentor ?Philargirippe? after having fled persecution in Rome. 5 What is significant about this martyr play is that the author does not depict the Christians as having a ?death wish.? 56 Similarly, in Pascal?s version, Agathon and Triphine fle their oppresor, Triphine?s father, by stealing away in a boat to avoid having to face their aggresor and die for their beliefs. In the second scene of Act 1 of Cosnard?s tragedy, Pompone, the governor of Syracuse which is the capital of Sicily, arives upon the scene with his confidant, Acante. Pompone imediately fals in love with Tryphine, 57 who is betrothed to Agathon, but is posing as his sister. In the following scene, Pompone?s wife Elize expreses her lust for Agathon in much the same way that Agathon?s mother-in-law in Pascal?s play reveals her pasion for Agathon: ELIZE. Agathon est l?objet qui m?enflame (1.5) Interestingly enough, Elize?s suivante?s reaction to her mistres?s unbridled pasions is similar to that of Iren?e?s servant. She warns her mistres about the consequences of her 41 actions, but she is only ordered to be silent. She does not take the same initiative that Pascal?s servant character does when she decides she must abandon her mistres entirely. In Act 2, Pompone atempts to coerce Tryphine into becoming his mistres but she rejects his advances, resulting in his desire for vengeance. Thus by the end of the play, al of the Christians have been imprisoned. In Act 4, Porphire, the pr?fet de la mer, formaly announces the Emperor?s decre for their execution. Just as in Pascal?s play, Tryphine converts her brother Euple (a character who also appears in Pascal?s play) to Christianity who then expreses his desire for martyrdom. The fifth act is similar in structure to that of Pascal?s final act which is characterized by a series of conversions. One character after the next converts to Christianity until there are few left to cary out the execution. Those who previously persecuted the Christians are now inspired by their steadfast faith and dispute as to who wil be the first to be martyred. AGATHON. Je finis le premier, tenez, voila ma teste. PHILARGYRIPE. Genereux Agathon, la mienne est toute preste. AGATHON. Vous me verez mourir, faites ce digne efort. TRYPHINE. Sans estre mon Bourreau, vous me donnez la mort. [?] Helas permetez moy de mourir la premiere. AGATHON. Que vous estes ingrate! TRYPHINE. Et vous sourd ? ma voix. (5.5) Although the tone is more serious in Pascal?s play, Triphine and Agathon stil argue about how the execution should be conducted: TRIPHINE. Que je sois expos?e Au plus cruels tourmens qu?on pourroit m?inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l?on peut m?apprester N?auront jamais pouvoir d?esbranler ma constance: Mais s?il me faut mourir, espargner l?innocence, Sauvez mon Agathon puis que pour m?obeyr Il s?est mis aux hazards. AGATHON. Daignerez vous m?ouyr Non divine beaut?, c?est me faire un injure Que de parler ainsi, car enfin je vous jure Que si l?on me vouloit exempter de la mort, 42 Et qu?on vous fist mourir que l?on me fist ce tort De vouloir m?empescher. (5.2) Another similarity found in the final scene of the play resides in the treatment of Elize, who after trying to seduce Agathon earlier in the first act, decides to convert to Christianity in the end. Similarly, in Pascal?s version, Iren?e, who tries to seduce Agathon also converts to Christianity in the final act thereby redeeming herself for her clandestine pasions. Pascal?s martyr play owes at least one element to one of the most wel-known, succesful martyr plays of the 17 th century - Corneile?s Polyeucte (1643). It is possible that Pascal?s character C?v?re, Triphine?s would-be husband, is inspired by Corneile?s S?v?re, who like in Pascal?s play, is the favorite of the Emperor Decius. However, these two plays difer in terms of theme. As opposed to the early sacred plays of the Medieval and Renaisance periods, Polyeucte is highly secularized. In his introduction to Polyeucte, Patrick Dandrey aludes to the fact that Polyeucte is not as much about dying for Christ as it is about two star-crossed lovers: S?il provoque l?admiration, Polyeucte ne suscite gu?re la crainte et ? peine la piti?. En revanche, son acte fomente autour de lui des situations path?tiques qui, si eles ne l?entament pas, d?chirent ses proches et ?meuvent en vous les pasions tragiques [?] De fait, d?s la cr?ation de l?oeuvre, les amours imol?es de Pauline et S?v?re semblent avoir touch? le spectateur plus que le martyre du h?ros (17). Pascal?s martyr play, on the other hand, which is much influenced by Camus?s anti-novel, atempts to combine romance with spirituality. 58 While neither S?v?re nor Pauline are Christians, Agathon and Triphine?s relationship is based on a mutual love for God as wel as a constant love for one another. 43 Agathonphile martyr also diverges from Polyeucte in its rejection of the Cornelian hero. Audiences in the second half of the 17 th century had grown bored with the perfect hero. Lancaster states that the ?Fronde had a profound efect on the production of French plays [?] fewer tragedies were produced after the civil war broke out than tragi- comedies or comedies [?]. The tragedy is a heroic type of play in which devotion to certain principles is taken for granted (699). During the ?post-Fronde? period, audiences could no longer relate to the concept of ?blind adherence? to authorities. Whether or not a sacred play could feature a Aristotelian ?mediocre? hero as a martyr was a debate in the 17 th century when it made its comeback on the stage. 59 Corneile defends his ?flawles Christian hero? in the Examen of the 1660 edition of Polyeucte: Ceux qui veulent ar?ter nos h?ros dans une ?m?diocre bont?? o? quelques interpr?tes d?Aristote bornent leur vertu, ne trouveront pas ici leur compte, puisque cele de Polyeucte va jusqu?? la saintet?, et n?a aucun m?lange de faiblese. J?en ai d?j? parl? aileurs; et pour confirmer ce que j?en ai dit par quelques autorit?s, j?ajouterai ici que Minturnus, dans son Trait? du Po?te, agite cete question, ?si la Pasion de J?sus-Christ et le martyres des saints doivent ?tre exclus du th??tre, ? cause qu?ils pasent cete m?diocre bont??, et r?sout en ma faveur (41-2). In terms of her depiction of saints, Pascal rejects Corneile?s model and adheres to that of Aristotle?s ?mediocre hero.? Neither Agathon nor Triphine are perfect models of sainthood. Both Agathon and Triphine fle sainthood until the very end of the play. Throughout the scenes of Agathonphile martyr, Triphine and Agathon make spoken promises directly to God which sem hypocritical in the light of their actions. For example in Act 4, Scene 1 as Agathon and Triphine are about to steal away from the palace by boat, Agathon says ?Remetons notre sort au grand Dieu? which sems ironic since they have neglected to pray for guidance and have taken their destiny into their own hands. Triphine writes a suicide note to convince her father that she has taken her own 44 life, when in fact she has eloped with Agathon. However, the Catholic Church views suicide as an abomination and therefore having staged her own death is without a doubt contrary to saintly conduct. To conclude, Pascal?s play appears to draw largely from Camus?s novel in terms of theme and characterization. She also borows elements from his plot, particularly in Act 1. Some characters such as Euple and C?v?re have been taken from other plays, but that which remains is of her own imagination. Since there are few hagiographic details indicated in the Roman martyrology about the lives or persons of Triphine and Agathon, Pascal has very few constraints, leaving her fre to create a romanesque acount. Contrary to most acounts of the lives of Saints whose authors are limited to the noble genre of the tragedy in order to adhere to the authority of the hagiography, Pascal is fre to experiment with the tragicomedy genre. However, Pascal?s efort to combine elements of the romanesque tragicomedy with the martyr play further exacerbates the isue of mixed genres in the17 th century. It would sem that Pascal?s experiment, situated at the dawn of the querele de la moralit? du th??tre (1660-1670), 60 would have become fuel for the fire. 45 The 17 th century martyr play Pascal?s hybrid play combines two genres ? the romanesque tragicomedy, asociated with entertainment, and the martyr play, asociated with moral edification and religious instruction. Loukovitch afirms the dificulties asociated with a 17 th century tragi-comic sacred play because of the mixture of tones: ?Il est important donc, pour que la trag?die religieuse f?t possible et viable, que la trag?die conform?ment aux principes d?Aristote, se d?baras?t du comique et de la fiction romanesque [?] Les genres mixtes se perdent ? partir de 1640? (153). Pascal?s hybrid play, although truly unique, is then directly opposed to 17 th century standards. In order to relate Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr to the 17 th century martyr play, it becomes necesary to explore the genre?s evolution leading up to the querele and the reasons for its eventual extinction. The martyr play?s roots stem from the Middle Ages when theater was directly linked to the liturgy. Sacred dramas were often performed in the Church for religious holidays such as the Passion for Easter or the Myst?re de la Nativit? for Christmas for instructional purposes. The genres were limited to myst?res which were stories directly taken from the Bible, miracles, depicting the Saints lives, or morality plays, which were alegorical plays with moral lesons. It is the use of compartments to represent various places such as heaven and hel which would inspire the 17 th century clasicists to enforce the unity of place. In 1548, the Paris parliament banned the performaces of the myst?res in al of France following the performances of the Confr?res de la Passion which it denounced for having profaned the religious themes by intermixing comic acts. Thus began the separation of the Church and the Theater, and 46 with it an eruption of anti-theatrical sentiment on the part of theologians which would be echoed in the 1640s when the religious tragedy was born. 61 During the Renaisance the sacred genres had remerged as a response to the Reformation, at least in private theaters or on the provincial stages. Protestant authors and Catholic writers alike both contributed to this new repertoire of plays. For example, Jean de la Taile?s Biblicaly based play Sa?l le furieux (1572), rivals those of the Catholic poet Garnier, who produced Les Juives in 1582. There were basicaly thre types of plays; the tragedies bibliques, like la Taile?s; the trag?dies ?vang?liques whose origins stem from the myst?re genre; and the trag?die hagiographique recounting the lives of the Saints. 62 Note that after the poets had already established the distinction betwen comedy and tragedy, comedy had been completely eradicated from the sacred plays. With the theatrical contributions of the Jesuit College, these sacred genres continued to flourish even into the 17 th century. College profesors composed religious plays on Biblical subjects in Latin for their students to perform for special occasions. Biblical stories and the Roman hagiographies supplied endles sources for the continuation of the sacred genre, which was stil intended as a didactic tool. De Reyff points to the emergence of the heroic Christian hero type during the period which would define the martyr play of the 1640s: ?Dans cete g?n?reuse mouvance s??labore progresivement un type d?humanit? h?ro?que dont la r?alisation ultime s?acomplit que dans l?acueil des valeurs chr?tiennes. Une des incarnations notables de ce climat domin? par une id?ologie conqu?rante est ce que l?on appele la ? piece ? martyre ? 47 c?l?brant la bravoure qui conduit le chr?tien authentique a defier les puisances de ce monde [?] pour la cause de son Dieu? ( 50-1). The publication of Pascal?s tragicomedy Agathonphile martyr comes 20 years after a renewal in popularity of the sacred play and its remergence on the public stage. John Stret maintains that after a long repose, the sacred plays returned to the Parisian theaters in the late 1630s: ?As soon as the profesional actors were shown that a sacred play could yield a profit in Paris, they adopted the national custom of performing them and the plays were speedily writen and printed satisfying this new demand? (168). The martyr play genre had its first good year in 1643 with Corneile?s Polyeucte, Desfontaine?s Saint Eustache, Puget de la Sere?s Saint Catherine, and Du Ryer?s Esther. Desfontaine?s L?Ilustre Com?dien in 1644 would evoke a response on the part of Rotrou who would write Le Veritable Saint Genest in the following year. These clasical sacred plays however had evolved significantly from the myst?res given that they were no longer meant for doctrinal instruction. Often the mere insertion of a martyr or saint into the plot was necesary to expres the spiritual significance of the play while interest tended to center on love or politics rather than the saint?s decision to take a stand for his or her beliefs. Scott, in his article, ?The Martyr Figure as Transgresor in Sevententh-Century French Theater,? links the genre?s resurgence to the development of a ?disenchantment of contemporary modes of authority? during the Fronde in 1648-53, a time of great political and religious upheaval in France (64). During the Regency after the death of Louis XII, civil war had already broken out, the government was unstable, and the French people were discontent with Mazarin?s policies. As in Corneile?s Polyeucte and Rotrou?s 48 Veritable Saint Genest, two of the most wel known and most succesful martyr plays, the central conflict, ?involves disobedience at the highest level, that of a subject to his or her (God-given) ruler, and it is this clash with authority that merits the martyr?s claim to transgres? (63). This is clearly one manner in which Agathonphile martyr is diferentiated from the traditional martyr play, since the central conflict takes place betwen father and daughter, directly questioning the forced mariage and the daughter?s right to disobey the patriarch, a topic that we wil addres in the last section of the analysis. Although the martyr play was succesful in the 1640s, it failed to survive the querele de la moralit? du th??tre (1660-1670), which came about in reaction to some 17 th century authors who atempted to combine pleasure with moral instruction. For example in the preface to his tragedy Esther, Du Ryer states: ?Ainsi on rejoindra l?utilit? au plaisir et l?instruction au divertisement, ainsi les ennemis de nos Muses deviendront les amants, et le theatre, suspect ? ceux qui ne le connaisent pas, deviendra pour tout le monde la plus agr?able ?cole o? l?on puise apprendre la vertu.? For the very same reasons that the myst?res were banned by the Paris Parliament, theoreticians and theologians alike reproach the sacred tragedy for the lack of respect that is paid to its sacred sources by mixing apocryphal legends and pagan mythology and by adding comic elements to tantalize and entertain spectators. D?Aubignac, in the Pratique du theatre, which he began writing at the height of the religious tragedy, expreses his belief that the sacred genres should not be performed for the general public: Pour ?tre adapt?e ? la sc?ne, l?histoire sacr?e devra bien souvent ceder aux enjolivements, quand ce n?est aux galanteries qui ne pourront qu?en corrompre le mesage, pour la plus grande satisfaction des incr?dules. Qu?on abandonne par cons?quent ce repertoire aux dramaturges scolaires dont les ?uvres, proteg?es par 49 le latin, s?addresent ? un public choisi qui aborde le th??tre ?avec une disposition convenable ? des entretiens de piet? [plut?t] que pour y trouver quelque divertisement. 63 For such moralists as Varet, in ?L?Avis touchant la com?die,? poets who atempted to write Christian tragedies were constructing true ?temples of Venus:? Ceux qui ont voulu rendre chr?tienne la Com?die, en y m?lant les actions des Saints et des saintes, ont fait ? peu pr?s comme Pomp?e, lequel au rapport du Tertullien, voyant que les censeurs romains avaient fait abatre plusieurs fois les th??tres, parce qu?ils corompaient les m?urs du peuple, et voulant emp?cher qu?ils ne d?truisisent celui qu?il avait fait ?lever dans Rome, y fit b?tir un temple qu?il d?dia ? V?nus, et appela cet ?difice, non pas le th??tre, mais le Temple de V?nus, ?et c?est ainsi, dit Tertullien, qu?en donnant ce titre sp?cieux ? cet ouvrage, qui ne m?ritait que d??tre condamn?, il ?luda par cete superstition les r?glements que les censeurs eussent pu faire, pour le faire abatre.? 64 The Prince de Conti in the Trait? de la com?die et des spectacles (1667) writen at the height of the querele criticized such martyr plays as Polyeucte for its celebration of the ?profane:? Mais en verit?, y a-t-il rien de plus delicat & de plus pasionn? que ce qu?il y a de prophane? y a-t-il personne qui ne soit mile fois plus touch? de l?afliction de Severe lors qu?il trouve Pauline mari?e, que du martyre de Polieucte? Il ne faut qu?un peu de bonne foy, pour tomber d?acord de ce que je dis; aussi Dieu n?a pas choisi le theatre pour y faire esclater la gloire de ses Martyrs?? (36). Since the spectator is les moved by Polyeucte?s martyrdom than Severe?s heartache, Conti demonstrates that religious comedy deemphasizes spirituality and refutes the idea that there can be any convergence at al betwen religion and theater. Similarly Antoine Godeau writes in his sonnet ?sur la com?die:? [?] pour changer leurs m?urs et r?gler leur raison, Les Chr?tiens ont l?Eglise, et non pas le th??tre. 65 50 Boileau, in Art po?tique, agres with the moralists that the theater and the church should not mingle: Chez nos d?vots a?eux le th??tre abhor? Fut longtemps dans la France un plaisir ignor? De p?lerins, dit-on, une troupe grossi?re En public ? Paris y monta la premi?re Et sottement z?l?e en sa simplicit? Joua les Saints, la Vierge et Dieu, par pi?t?. Le savoir, ? la fin disipant l?ignorance. On chasa ces docteurs pr?chant sans mision. (chant II v. 97-100) For Boileau, who aludes to the failure of the myst?res, it is impossible to ?play the Saints? without blaspheming against them. Therefore, the stage and the church cannot be one. The querele was also in part fueled by the new demands of Clasicism arked by the beginning of Louis XIV?s reign. For instance, in the atempts to bring together Christian doctrine and the theater, the unity of action is often neglected. Since the medieval myst?res were writen to teach religious doctrine to the spectators, it was not unusual for the characters even in the 16 th and 17 th centuries to go into a long drawn-out sermon that was not directly tied to the plot. This of course would conflict with the unity of action. Jean de la Taile underlines this problem in Discours de la trag?die: ?Et si c?est un sujet qui appartienne aux letres divines, qu?il n?y ait point un tas de discours de th?ologie, comme choses qui d?rogent au vrai sujet, et qui seraient mieux s?antes ? un pr?che.? 6 Another problem with regards to clasicism is the mixture of reality and the merveileux, which the theoreticians would criticize in the religious tragedy. To represent Biblical and hagiographic stories on stage, the truth is preferable to the ?truthlike.? However, this is contrary to Clasicism which is founded on verisimilitude. Thus the 51 representation of miracles on stage does not contribute to psychological realism. What is les likely to occur in real life than a miracle? Furthermore, the Christian martyr play does not facilitate the proces of catharsis. In order to inspire teror in the spectator, the tragedy must end with the hero?s destruction. 67 If the Christian death is a pasage to happines and eternal joy, the ending is not realy tragic then, and the spectator cannot shed any tears. Most of the ideas expresed by the moralists and the theoreticians in the querele surround the concept of miesis, or the Aristotelian concept of the representation of nature, and the character?s interpretation of the saint. In 17 th century theater, that which imitates should be an exact representation of the imitation itself. First, the Christian martyr cannot be properly represented on stage since he is characterized by silence and modesty while the heroes and heroines on stage must voice their thoughts and emotions to the spectators: ?Le silence, la patience, la mod?ration, la sagese, la pauvret?, la p?nitence ne sont pas des vertus dont la repr?sentation puise divertir des spectateurs; et surtout on n?y entend jamais parler de l?humilit?, ni de la souffrance des injures. Ce serait un ?trange personnage de Com?die qu?un Religieux modeste et silencieux?? (64). Thus for Nicole, rhetoric and Christianity appear to be incompatible. How can words properly expres the miracle that takes place inside the hearts and minds of the pagans whose eyes are opened by the divine spirit before the moment in which they utter their desire to convert and to serve God? The spoken word is performative in religious theater. The characters must expres what is happening to them on stage and to say what they fel so that their transformations are revealed to the audience. This is a criticism that theoricians like Nicole used to fuel their atacks on the theater in his Trait? de la com?die: 52 [Pour Nicole], les caract?ristiques d?un h?ros th??tral sont incompatibles avec les vertus chr?tiennes, qui sont de nature esentielement non spectaculaires. Le vrai h?ros Chr?tien est un h?ros impossible, qui contredit ? toutes les normes de repr?sentation de l?h?ro?sme. La saintet? est ? la limite imperceptible. L?humilit?, quand ele est pleinement r?alis?e tend ? l?efacement de la personne? (Thirouin, l?Aveuglement Salutaire 87). The true Saint cannot be like an actor in that he expreses himself through silence alowing the holy spirit to work within him. This conflict of performative speech versus inner spirituality persists throughout the martyr genre since we as spectators can only perceive of the miracles that have taken place inside the hearts of the pagan characters after they utter the words ?Je suis Chr?tien.? Secondly, the Saint on stage should conduct him or herself as the Saint in legend. However, the utter simplicity of the Christian hero who does not demonstrate any hesitation towards his duties is problematic in the context of clasicism. In the tragedy, the hero is defined by his ability to overcome the incertitudes which plague his mind. How could such a simple character be inserted into the complex parameters of a humanist culture? The idea of spiritual perfection does not conform to Aristotle?s definition of the hero who should be neither too perfect nor too detestable. For in terms of character, Aristotle maintains that they should not be depicted void of any flaws in order to inspire both pity and fear in the spectator: ?In the same way the poet who is imitating people who are irascible or lazy or who have other traits of character of that sort should portray them as having these characteristics, but also as decent people. For example, Homer portrayed Achiles as ?both a good man and a paradigm of obstinacy? (8.1). The Aristotelian hero is mediocre, or neither good nor bad: ?We are left therefore, with the person intermediate betwen these. This is the sort of person who is not outstanding in moral excelence or justice; on the other hand, the change to bad fortune which he 53 undergoes is not due to any moral defect or depravity, but to an eror of some kind? (7.2). The Christian martyr who is however, ireproachable, greatly inhibits the proces of catharsis, or the purging of the pasions which inspires both fear and pity in the spectator. Traditionaly, it is the hero?s pasions which cause him to falter in his decision-making. And it is the pasions which engender the action in the 17 th century tragedy. 68 For Nicole, in the Trait? de la com?die, who underlines the incompatibility of Christianity and the theater, a character who exhibits Christian virtue is not compatible with the evil human pasions that he or she is normaly expected to demonstrate on stage: ?Il est vrai que la Com?die est presque toujours une repr?sentation de pasions vicieuses, que la plupart des vertus chr?tiennes sont incapables de para?tre sur le th??tre? (64). The true Christian martyr, whose eyes are always turned towards heaven, is incapable of romantic love - the most influential pasion and most dangerous pasion acording to Nicole: ?Comme la pasion de l?amour est la plus forte impresion que le p?ch? aut faite dans nos ?mes, ainsi qu?il para?t asez par les d?sordres horribles qu?ele produit dans le monde, il n?y a rien de plus dangereux que de l?exiter, de la nourrir, et de d?truire ce qui la retient? (38). For Nicole, the representation of a Christian Saint on stage would have a tendency to stagnate the action, since it is only his love for God which motivates him. As Thirouin states, to write for the theater is ?to choose a certain system of representation? which finds itself ?in complete contradiction with evangelical values? (Aveuglement salutaire 88). Corneile?s unsuccesful Christian tragedy Th?odore vierge et martyr (performed in 1645-1646, and published in 1646) would prove to be an excelent example of this concept. In his eforts to create a verisimilar female saint, Corneile must neglect Th?odore?s ?human? features which would alow his spectators to 54 sympathize with her. Indeed, Corneile himself sems to agre with this judgment since he states in the Examen of the 1660 edition of the play: A le bien examiner s?il y a quelques caract?res vigoureux et anim?s, comme ceux de Placide et de Marcele, il y en a de tra?nants, qui ne peuvent avoir grand charme ni grand feu sur le th??tre. Celui de Th?odore est enti?rement froid: ele n?a aucun pasion qui l?agite; et, l? m?me o? son z?le pour Dieu, qui occupe toute son ?me, devrait ?clater le plus, c?est ? dire dans sa contestation avec Didyme pour le martyre, je lui ai donn? si peu de chaleur, que cete sc?ne bien que tr?s courte, ne laise pas d?ennuyer. Aussi, pour en parler sainement, une vierge et martyre sur un th??tre, n?est autre chose qu?un terme qui n?a ni jambes ni bras, et par cons?quent point d?action. Corneile?s Th?odore corresponds with a certain female martyr type, to which Pascal?s more pasionate heroine, Saint Triphine, directly opposes, as we shal observe later. In conclusion, it is clear that by the time Pascal writes Agathonphile martyr, the 17 th century Christian tragedy is already a failing genre. While poets in the 40s only treated religious themes in the noble tragic genre, it was not unusual for Christian tragedies to exhibit a mixture of tones when the tragicomedy was stil influential and the religious drama had just rentered the scene. For example, Le V?ritable Saint Genest despite the title of ?tragedy? borrows more than just one element that belongs to the realm of comedies. In fact, the entire first act resembles the com?die au ch?teau with the upcoming nuptials and entertainment provided for the guests. Pascal?s atempt to combine the martyr play with the romanesque tragicomedy (a genre that had already began to drop off after 1652) is original . In the folowing section we wil discuss whether or not Pascal?s play is a return to the tragicomedy of the 30s, or truly just a case of ?naming? it as such. 55 The 17th century tragicomedy Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr, tragi-com?die appears in the second half of the 17 th century, wel after the golden age of the tragicomedy of the 30s and 40s. 69 As we shal se her play does indeed ilustrate some of the trademark characteristics of the romanesque tragicomedy of the 30s, but I wil show that Pascal?s play marks a transformation of the genre in the second half of the 17 th century. First, the standard happy ending, which remains an esential characteristic of the tragicomedy throughout the 30s and the 40s, is altered in Agathonphile martyr featuring saintly heroes, who in the end, must suffer martyrdom for their beliefs. Furthermore, Pascal?s capricious dispositio which reverses the masculine/feminine active/pasive polarization violates not only the biens?ances but also the traditional actantial schemas asociated with the tragicomedy?s action. Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr is beter understood in relation to the debates concerning the tragicomedy that began in 1628. I wil now highlight the basic history of the tragicomedy?s birth before moving on to a discussion of its inherent traits as they are sen in Pascal?s play. After 1628, when Jean de Sch?landre, in the Preface to Tyr et Sidon, demonstrated the superiority of modern tragic-comedy over tragedy, the tragicomedy started to gain in popularity as a genre. Forestier notes in Passions tragiques et r?gles classiques that six years of debate betwen the ir?guliers and the r?guliers followed his manifesto of iregularity. Tied up in al of this was the famous querele des anciens et des modernes since the tragicomedy became a tool used by modernists to wage war against the humanists or those who believed that al poetry 56 including theater should be based on the imitation of the Ancients. The tragicomedy was established as a legitimate genre in reaction to a budding clasicism, or what the ir?guliers saw as esthetic tyranny. Fournel writes: La tragi-com?die fut comme un asile l?gal ouvert ? ceux que g?naient les lois naisantes, une sorte de compromis politique avec les actes d?indiscipline qu?on ne pouvait emp?cher et auxquels on voulait du moins enlever prudement les apparences de la r?volte [?] Ele fut introduite par le besoin de vari?t?, et le d?sir de tirer d?un grand nombre de sujets curieux qui se d?robaient aux clasifications exclusives. 70 Mareschal, Scud?ry, Ogier and other ir?guliers expresed a more hedonistic view towards theater in that they believed moral instruction and strict adherence to the unities were not important since pleasure is achieved through variety. Ogier criticizes the modernists for their view that the unities must be strictly adhered to in order for the spectator to find the performance agreable. The ir?guliers often refered to the practices of the Ancient writers in order to prove the validity of their arguments. Here Ogier underlines the needlesnes of the unities of time and action: Pr?voyant bien que la vari?t? des ?v?nements est n?cesaire pour rendre la repr?sentation agr?able, ils [les Anciens] font ?choir en un m?me jour quantit? d?acidents et de rencontres qui probablement ne peuvent ?tre ariv?s en si peu d?espace. 71 Taking the argument one step further in 1630, the preface of Mareschal?s tragicomedy, L?Alemande G?n?reuse states that the goal of theater should be entertainment and that strict adherence to the unities of time and place greatly inhibits the poet?s capacity to recount a legend as it actualy occurred in history: Toutefois, quelque plainte qu?ele fase, je ne saurais me repentir d?un p?ch? que je trouve raisonnable et n?ai pas voulu me restreindre ? ces ?troites bornes ni du lieu, ni du temps, ni de l?action qui sont les trois points principaux que regardent les r?gles des Anciens [?] Si l?on ne trouve que ces fautes dans mes deux 57 Po?mes, je n?en rougirai point puisque ce sont des vices agr?ables quand ils sont dans un bon ordre et qu?ils ne jetent point un sujet dedans la confusion. Et c?est, ? mon avis, ce qu?ont voulu ?viter les Anciens par tant de r?gles; mais ils se sont montr?s encore plus s?v?res que subtils, employant cete rigeur contre eux-m?mes qui souvent, de peur de rendre un sujet confus, le metent ? la gene [?] je traite dans ces Vers une Histoire aussi v?ritable qu?ele est bele et glorieuse, et n?ai pas voulu laiser ? la conscience seule des t?moins, qui vivent encore et la savent, la plus agr?able partie des efets que la s?v?rit? des r?gles m?e?t oblig? de couper. 72 For the ir?guliers, the rules place unnecesary restrictions on the poet, forcing him to rewrite history and ignore reality for an imitation of reality. Contrary to the ir?guliers, the r?guliers like Chapelain, defended the thre unities and their necesity for maintaining verisimilitude. He argues in the Letre sur la r?gle des vingt-quatre heures that pleasure can only be achieved through strict adherence to the rules: Car il n?y a rien de si certain que la production du plaisir, comme de toutes choses, se fait par l?ordre et par la vraisemblance, que les sages Anciens l?ont b?tie sur les m?mes maximes que celes que l?on pr?tendrait d?truire ? pr?sent, et que s?il y pouvait avoir [un plaisir] dans la confusion et dans l?afaiblisement du Th??tre, ce serait un plaisir extr?mement rustique et du tout incapable de toucher les esprits n?s ? la politese et ? la civilit?. 73 Unlike the ir?guliers, the Anciens take miesis and catharsis very seriously. In the same leter, Chapelain streses the responsibility that poets have as moralists in the world of Theater: Ensuite, comme je tombe d?acord avec vous que le but principal de toute repr?sentation sc?nique est d??mouvoir l??me du Spectateur par la force et l??vidence avec laquele les diverses pasions sont exprim?es sur le Th??tre, et de la purger par ce moyen des mauvaises habitudes qui la pourraient faire tomber dans les m?mes inconv?nients que ces pasions tirent apr?s soi, je ne saurais avouer aussi que cete ?nergie se puise produire sur le th??tre si ele n?est acompang?e et soutenue de la vraisemblance? 74 The spectator must be fooled into believing that what he is observing is actualy occurring before his very eyes in order for this ?purging? to cleanse him of his imoral instincts. He must forget that what he is seing is merely an imitation of reality. This is 58 why the r?guliers emphasize the unity of 24 hours. As Dotoli reminds us, to go beyond that limit is to lesen the spectator?s capacity to believe that the action is realy taking place: Il est aussi malais? de s?imaginer que l?on soit demeur? vingt-quatre heures ? un spectacle auquel l?on n?a ?t? que trois heures au plus, que de penser qu?une histoire de dix ans se soit pas?e durant une s?ance de ces m?mes trois heures. 75 If the spectator is not deeply afected by the actions of the characters, catharsis wil not take place. Therefore, for Chapelain, the rules not only create a pleasurable experience for the spectator, but also alow for optimum moral edification. Throughout the history of literary criticism, theoreticians have not been able to define the tragicomedy without contradicting themselves. It was not always recognized as a genre in itself. Some have caled it simply a mixture of comedy and tragedy while others have been so bold as to cal it a tragedy with a happy ending. However it cannot be denied that certain paterns do somewhat define its basic traits. Some of the characteristics of the tragicomedy, most often inspired by the romanesque, included a happy ending, a true m?lange of comic and tragic tones (already announcing the 19 th century romantic drama), a story line only loosely based on a historical event, a mix of characters borrowed from tragedy and comedy, loose adherence to the unities of time, place, and action, a more complex plot, and a focus on psychological conflicts. During the period betwen 1628 and 1634, the tragicomedy pulled ahead of the tragedy in France with the publication of 50 tragicomedies versus only 16 comedies and 10 tragedies. In betwen 1635 and 1640, the tragicomedy began losing ground with the publication of 47 tragedies. 76 Many of these may be mutations of the tragicomedy. 7 59 This hypothesis would be supported by Corneile?s decision to change Le Cid from tragi- com?die to trag?die for the 1644 edition. Moreover, it would not be unfounded to suggest that many of the tragicomedies were absorbed by the tragedies, becoming trag?dies ? fin heureuse. If the tragedy could have a happy ending, it became very easy for the critics to question the necesity of the tragicomedy. If the tragedy absorbed the happy ending, then only the m?lange de tons is left to distinguish one genre from the other. By the 1640s the po?me compos? was faling quickly out of favor as dispositio became more and more vigorously scrutinized by the theoreticians: ?La priorit? est donn?e ? l?action sur le sujet, donc ? promotion de la dispositio aux d?pens de l?inventio? (Baby 82). It is Corneile who influenced its metamorphosis in the atempts to make a po?me compos? into a po?me simple even while having a romanesque subject. The very first com?die h?roique appears in 1650 with Corneile?s Don Sanche d?Aragon. Many contemporary critics have asumed that the com?die h?roique and the tragi-com?die are one and the same since the com?die h?roique absorbs the happy ending of the tragicomedy, but they are in fact quite diferent in terms of dispositio. As opposed to the traditional tragi-com?die, the com?die h?roique is characterized by a simple love plot having kings and queens as primary players. Despite the growing distaste for mixed genres, betwen 1652 and 1658 the tragicomedy stil ?remained quite popular? with the publication of 18 tragicomedies by such authors as Boisrobert, Quinault and Montauban. 78 Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr marks a significant mutation of the genre being the only tragicomedy with a tragic ending. Out of al of the tragicomedies included in Baby?s corpus of plays studied, 96% 60 of them end happily, so Pascal?s contribution to the late tragicomedy is a rare exception indeed. 79 Despite her unusual ending, many of the traditional tragi-comic aspects of the 30s are present in her play. We shal now explore these trademark characteristics as wel as those which render her play a truly unique hybrid form. Action Although the tragicomedy is defined by its ?iregularity? the central plot from one play to the next does not change drasticaly. The same formulas are used systematicaly. For example, tragicomedies are never concerned with the destiny of one single character. Instead they always feature one or more couples who struggle to maintain their relationship(s) in the face of opposition. Agathonphile martyr corresponds to the most popular tragicomedy type; that of the tragi-com?die des amours contrari?es. 80 Triphine and Agathon sek to preserve their love in spite of a tyrant father and a lustful mother-in- law ho atempt to tear them apart. Pascal however, diverges from the traditional tragicomedy by reversing the actantial schema asociated with the couple in the tragicomedy, placing the female heroine in the active position and the male in the pasive position. 81 Acording to the social order of the tragi-comic universe, the hero is normaly placed in the position of subject while the heroine is placed in the position of object. It is quite often Eros who inspires the hero to pursue the heroine for himself. The lovers always encounter an opponent which is represented by a character such as the tyrant father, or an abstract idea such as society itself. Traditionaly, the couple also has friends or confidants who help them in their quest. In Agathonphile martyr however, the female heroine, Triphine, pursues the male hero, Agathon. She is the first to declare her love for him and it is only 61 because of her insistence that Agathon agrees to disregard their differences in social rank. Her major opponent is represented by her father who expects her to marry C?v?re, a more suitable match in terms of wealth and status. Albin is Agathon?s friend and confidant. The actantial schema as seen in Agathonphile martyr is illustrated as such: S: Eros R: Triphine herself Sj: Triphine O: Agathon H: Albin Op: Triphon, Triphine?s father Fig.1. In Agathonphile martyr the unity of action is made complex due to the numerous digressions that have very little to do with the primary or central plot (quite typical of the tragicomedy of the 1630s). 82 Here we find all of the basic ingredients found in a roman d?aventures: a shipwreck, the separation and reunion of the lovers, their capture, rivals, a false death, and a lustful woman who falls in love with the hero. With this succession of events, it becomes almost impossible to respect the unities, which is why after 1634, playwrights attempted to unify the action by making the secondary plots dependant upon the action in the central plot. For example, in Le Cid, the Infante, who is in love with Rodrigue, can only hope to win him over if Rodrigue and Chim?ne fail to remain 62 steadfast in their love in the face of al of the obstacles they encounter. 83 Agathonphile martyr?s whimsical plot, however, remains close to its romanesque sources. At a moment in which dispositio is expected to be simple, Pascal?s romanesque inventio poses a problem in terms of the unity of action. For instance, although highly entertaining, the whole first act would most likely have semed superfluous in the eyes of the defenders of r?gularit?. Iren?e?s seduction of her son-in-law has no afect on the outcome of events. If anything, it only forces Agathon to fle which sets the action in motion. Iren?e, who is so determined to avenge herself after she is rejected by Agathon, disappears altogether until the very last act when she converts to Christianity. Another love triangle unrelated to the central conflict is found in Act 1, Scene 4. Albin, Agathon?s friend with whom he has taken shelter, recounts his amorous adventures to Agathon. His lover Irys refuses to se him and he suspects that she has been spending time with a new lover. After hearing his story, Agathon suggests that if she were realy being unfaithful to Albin, he would be able to se it in her eyes. But she acts as if nothing has changed. In Agathon?s opinion, she has a distant relative staying with her. Later in the fifth scene of Act 3, this galant tale comes to its conclusion when Albin expreses his happines to Agathon whose theory proves to be correct; Irys was only entertaining a cousin. Their relationship does not depend on the survival of that of Agathon?s and Triphine?s. It is simply a digresion, or passage gratuit meant to entertain the spectators and take their minds off the seriousnes of Agathon?s situation. Agathonphile martyr, like the tragicomedy of the 30s, pases from the closed space of the palace to the open space of the forest making the unity of place impossible to respect as wel. The tragicomedy atempts to depict the whole world within the confines 63 of the stage: ?Les lieux clos de la tragi-com?die, comme la chambre, le temple, le jardin et la prison, jouxtent les lieux d?ouverture que sont les rivages maritimes, les for?ts, les ?les ou les d?serts. L?action de presque toutes les tragi-com?dies se d?roule sur les rivages maritimes, ou du moins pase par l??l?ment liquide, fleuve, or mer? (Baby 234). In the politicaly driven tragicomedy, each space represents a diferent type of order: ?The palace is the seat of government and law? while the ?forest episodes reveal a world of total anarchy and unbridled sensuality and restrained criminality? (Gethner, Sevententh Century French Tragicomedy 179). The river, more specificaly the Tiber in Agathonphile martyr, is the frontier betwen these two diverse spaces. Triphine and Agathon?s flight to the Tiber River at the beginning of Act 4 marks the rupture in the action betwen the controlled space of the palace and the open space of the forest which opens itself up to le hasard and unexpected encounters. Pascal atempts to suppres geographical names in order to appear as though her characters are not covering vast amounts of teritory. Camus?s novel, from which she draws her inspiration, is writen in the style of a mise-en-ab?me, in that the reader hears Philargyrippe?s story as it is related to Agathon and Tryphine. The action, which takes place in the 4 th century during the reign of Diocl?tian, is framed by the shipwreck and imprisonment of the thre Christians on the island of Sicile and their martyrdom at the end. Although Pascal indicates at the beginning of the play that al action takes place in Rome and its surrounding areas, the Roman legend indicates that Triphine and Agathon are martyred in Sicile after they are shipwrecked there. In the play however, Triphine and Agathon find themselves in an anonymous wooded area. So, in appearance Pascal 64 adheres to the unity of place, but only by neglecting to precisely situate the region where the last act takes place. Gethner finds that Pascal uses this same technique in Endymion. The author indicates at the beginning of the play that al of the action takes place in Armenia close to a Temple dedicated to the goddes Diana, and a very high rock. In Gombauld?s novel, Endymion visits the temple at Ephesis, the most wel-known temple erected in the honor of the goddes Diana, and a famous high rock on Mount Latmos. These two monuments are situated in Asia minor, the region we now cal Turkey and Armenia, whereas the hero is condemned to be sacrificed is in Europe, north west of Grece. In the play, Pascal has opted to leave out any references to Mount Latmos, and alows the reader to asume that the temple is found in Armenia. The author can only adhere to the unity of place by refusing to precisely situate the action in terms of its exact geographic location. Of course al of these problems are a witnes to the dificulties in adapting a novel for a stage production. The vast amount of teritory covered in the play makes the unity of time impossible to respect as wel. Pascal sems to imitate Corneile, who in his Trois discours du po?me dramatique (1660), would propose a rule of 36 hours. In Agathonphile martyr, we are given no indication as to what time it is until Scene 4 of Act 1 when Agathon arives at his friend Albin?s house after fleing from his mother-in- law. We learn that it is wel into the evening hour since his friend is so surprised to se him ?at such a late hour.? Therefore, his mother-in-law must have tried to seduce him after he had already turned in for the night. Pascal has already exceded her 24 hour limit at only the beginning of Act 4 when Agathon arives at midnight the next night to steal 65 away with Triphine. After this, they lose each other in the shipwreck, are reunited, and found by their search party. We know that it must be wel into the next day by the time the Christians are led away to be executed because Triphon comments on what a ?funeste journ?e? it has been. Character Types The number of characters on stage from varying social milieus that appear in the tragicomedy is a spectacle in itself. Baby afirms that the average number of characters on stage is thirten. Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr features at least thirten characters who appear on stage, not including characters that play an invisible role such as the Emperor or the peasants who nurse Triphine back to health after the shipwreck. ?Le plaisir du spectateur d?pend de l?abondance d?un personnel dramatique dont la diversit? m?me est l??l?ment du spectacle? ( Baby 105). In Agathonphile martyr, there is certainly a wide range of social clases represented; from servants to peasants to powerful Government officials. This aspect of the tragicomedy corresponds with one of the primary traits of the baroque style; a union of contrasts: ?Un des plus anciens lieux communs lit?raires, celui du < monde comme th??tre> , de D?mocrite ( o kosmos sk?ne) et S?n?que (quomodo fabula sic vita) ? Shakespeare (Al the world?s a stage), a ?t? difus? par l?humanisme [?] avant de devenir le grand th?me baroque [?] Le succ?s [?] du Th??tre du Monde de Piere Boaistuau sugg?re que la soci?t? baroque s?y est ele-m?me reconnue: comme un drame dont la beaut? est faite de contrastes et de tensions, un jeu soumis ? la fortune qui ?l?ve et pr?cipite, une in?galit? de conditons qui s?oublie et s?exalte dans le spectacle? (Gibert 64). 66 In Agathonphile martyr, much of the oppostion encountered by the lovers is created by the character type of the rival. Most often he plays the role of the unrequited lover, who in his unhappines, tries to tear apart the couple in love. 84 In Agathonphile martyr, it is the father who plays the role of the primary opponent. As in other character roles of this type, it is unequal clas status that motivates his actions. For example, in Sylvie by Mairet, the King of Sicily tries to separate his son, the prince Th?lame, and a peasant girl with whom he has falen in love, by atempting to have her kiled. And in Laure pers?cut?e by Rotrou, the King, whose son is in love with Laure, atempts to convince him that she has been unfaithful so that he wil agre to mary a Polish Princes. In L?Heureux Naufrage by Rotrou, which has a plot similar to that of Agathonphile martyr, a young girl, whose father is the King of Epire, learns that her father has aranged for her to mary the King of Thrace and runs away with her lover. In most tragicomedies that feature a happy ending, this conflict is resolved in a similar manner; the obstacle is simply removed. At the very end of the play the hero or heroine learns that he or she is of noble birth, and the happy couple is fre to wed. In very rare cases the father is forced to play the ?bad guy? in the last scene of the play. Agathonphile martyr is highly unusual having a father who has his own daughter put to death because she wil not cede to his demands and agre to an aranged mariage. In one of Rotrou?s leser-known tragicomedies entitled C?lie, we do find a similar situation in which Euphraste, who believes his daughter has dishonored him, murders her in cold blood. As in Agathonphile martyr, her death is not staged, for the biens?ances would not permit such a shocking act. The diference betwen Triphon and Euphraste is that the later can be pitied, since he finds out later that he has been mistaken about her intentions. 67 C?v?re, another rival in Agathonphile martyr, works together with the father to separate the lovers. In this actantial schema, the father wants to obtain Triphine for C?v?re, the subject. Triphine, the object of this exchange also plays the role of the opponent, since she directly opposes the match while Agathon, who would normally play the role of the opponent, shirks his role and attempts to convince her to go along with the arranged marriage. Agathon plays the role of the helper, whom she eventually convinces to help her escape: S: Triphon R: C?v?re himself Sj: C?v?re O: Triphine H: Agathon Op: Triphine, herself Fig. 2. The rival C?v?re constitutes a weak rival since he never really poses a threat to Agathon. In other words, he never provokes a fausse trahison. Although his status and wealth make him more of an eligible bachelor than Agathon, his old age certainly does not contribute to his desirability. Like Arnolphe in L?Ecole des femmes, this characteristic becomes his tragic flaw. Despite the undesirability of his old age, which he himself comments on frequently, he pursues Triphine with vehemence. C?v?re corresponds to 68 the comic type of the vieilard amoureux who is fuly explored in Pascal?s one act farce Le Vieilard Amoureux in which an old man who, rather than marying of his daugher because he does not want to pay for her wedding, pursues a wife for himself! C?v?re is tragic as wel as comical in that he is aware of his own shortcomings. He makes comments about his old age or Triphine?s youth throughout the play: ?Ouy, mais je m?imagine comme ele est si jeune??(2.6); ?Mais le peu d?asurance ? mon coeur amoureux, qu?une jeune beaut? puise ainsi se soumetre sous cete dure loy??(2.6); ?car mon amour me prese d?aler voir aujourdhuy cete bele Maistrese, que mes longes ann?es font tort ? mes amours!? (2.6); and ?Quoy, ce jeune Agathon estoit-il plus que moy? Encor qu?il soit bien fait, & que je sois fort d??ge??(5.2). C?v?re becomes vengeful however, in the last act of the play when he learns that Triphine prefers Agathon to him, and his ego turns him into a furious tyrant. He swears to kil him right in front of Triphine to make her pay for the pain she has caused him: CEVERE. Moy-mesme je le feray, si je le peux tenir, Je le veux imoler aux yeux de son Amante, C?est ainsi qu?il faudra que mon c?ur se contente, Puis que cete inhumaine a voulu mespriser Mon amour. (5.1) In the second scene of Act 2, we met yet another suitor named Polydore who also wants to mary her. 85 Agathon, who would normaly play the role of the opponent, finds himself also in the position of the helper when Polydore asks him to speak to Triphine on his behalf. However, as Triphine clearly does not think highly of him, his pasion poses no threat to Agathon, who he asks to speak to Triphine on his behalf. Triphine mocks him at the beginning of Act 3 when Agathon tels her that Polydore is in love with her. Agathon fils the role of the false confidant when they agre to pretend 69 that she is interested in him so that they can have a good laugh about it. Later Agathon informs Polydore that Triphine is engaged to mary a powerful Senator. Completely unaware of Agathon and Tryphine?s flight or their felings towards one another, by the time he resolves to no longer pursue her in the third scene of Act 4, he has become an object of ridicule ? the comic relief from the seriousnes of the maters at hand. His is a character role meant to incite laughter ? un amour fou or un amour ridicule. We should not look at these comic pasages as part of the central plot since Polydore has litle or no efect on the outcome of events. Polydore does not realy pose a threat to Agathon, the opponent. He simply disappears before he can make trouble for the lovers. A character type similar to Polydore appears in Pascal?s one act play l?Amour Extravagant. Philon, a poet, is in love with Cloris, who is already spoken for by Tyrsis. Although he has no chance of winning her heart, he sits writing amorous poetry to her making her and the other characters laugh. In the end, Cliton, a valet, swindles a substantial amount of money out of him by convincing him that the object of his afection is dead and that he can retrieve her from the underworld if he would only agre to pay him. In the end, the fool learns that it has al been a joke. Cliton, the valet, now has enough money to mary Dorinde, Cloris? maid. Like the fanfaron, he makes the spectators laugh as wel as the characters. Although these types of comic character roles are what define a tragicomedy, they are unusual in sacred drama because they distract the spectator, pulling his or her atention away from the religious content. Fulfiling the role of rival alongside the tyrant father and the vieilard amoureux are other opponents which would include other family members who naturaly support the decision of the parent. 86 Triphine?s brother Euple fulfils that particular character role 70 since he atempts to convince her to go along with the mariage that their father has aranged for her. In Act 3, Scene 4 he tels his sister to dry her tears and submit to their father?s wil: ?Tachez de diverter cet exc?s de douleur, tachez de vous r?soudre aux vouloirs de mon P?re.? In the tragicomedy, the servants and confidants, who would normaly play a very pasive role, also fulfil the function of rival since they expres opinions which oppose those of their Mistreses. For example, in Corneile?s Ilusion Comique, Isabele?s servant Lise rises above her social station by controlling Clindor?s destiny. Since Clindor is interested in her Mistres Isabele, and Lise is his only intermediary, Corneile gives her the role of meteur-en-sc?ne. Lise takes revenge on Clindor with whom she is in love, by having him emprisoned. It is only when she fals in love with the jailor that she alows him his fredom. Contrary to Lise who opposes her Mistres because of her jealousy, Pascal?s C?liane opposes her Mistres because of her self-righteousnes. C?liane not only abandons her Mistres but then also chooses to act as an informant to Agathon?s friends in order to warn them of his predicament. It is not surprising that Pascal would give her servant such a noble character in that she herself served as a domestic in the home of the Vileroy family. That C?liane is instiled with such superior morals and the audacity to stand up to her Mistres represents a departure from the traditional theatrical servant role. Pascal?s rebelious servant C?liane is perhaps also influenced by Moli?re?s comedies and farces featuring insubordinate servants who often demonstrated more wit and wisdom than their masters evoking the theme of the ?f?te des fous? or the ?monde ? l?envers? 87 in which master and servant exchange roles. This violation of the code of 71 biens?ances often invited criticism. His first succesful comedy, L?Etourdi (The Bungler) which Pascal would have most likely sen, was first performed in Lyon in 1655 (the same year that Agathonphile martyr was published) by his troop l?Ilustre Th??tre. This play, which is said to have boosted Moli?re?s carer, features a cunning valet named Mascarile who helps his master L?lie try to win the heart of the girl he loves whose name is C?lie. While Mascarile plans ruse after ruse in the interests of his master, L?lie manages to stupidly blunder each and every one of them unintentionaly. In the end, they are finaly reunited by a stroke of good fortune much to the relief of the frustrated valet. Unlike Moli?re?s servants and valets who demonstrate their superior wit and wisdom, Pascal?s servant demonstrates her moral superiority. Moreover, although Moli?re?s servants often expres their utter disgust with their masters, they never abandon them. C?liane however, is so disgusted by her mistres?s atempts to seduce her son-in- law, that she leaves her permanently. Could this perhaps have evoked laughter from her audience? CELIANE. H? bien, Madame, h? bien, Je n?en parleray plus, si je n?avance rien, Mais adieu, je vous quite. IRENE. Et quoy, tu m?abandonne? Est-ce l? le secours que j?ay de ta personne? Ingrate C?liane, ne m?abandonne pas, Quoy, tu voudrois ainsi me causer le tr?pas? H?las! Escoutes-moy, ne t?enfuys pas si viste. CELIANE. Non, non, j?ay trop d?horreur d?ouyr ce que vous dites. (1.1) Triphine?s would-be confidant, Carist?e, whose loyalties remain more so with Triphon than with her Mistres Triphine, also fulfils the role of opponent. Carist?e tries to convince her to acept her father?s decision: ?Madame, au nom des Dieux soyez plus raisonnable, & contentez Triphon, recevez c?t Espoux, & quoy, s?il est ?g?, c?est le 72 meileur pour vous?? (3.4). Carist?e?s atitude towards the aranged mariage makes it impossible for Triphine to confide in her and she thus escapes from the palace in Act 4 unbeknownst to her. Themes The contrast in social clas, one of the major conflicts behind the central plot in Agathonphile martyr, is another obstacle that the couples often encounter in the tragicomic world. Acording to Guichemere, the frequency of this theme would indicate that this was an isue at the heart of 17 th century society (151). The resistance or conflict of interests is embodied in the father ?since the Sovereign figure is not present in this play. In the tragicomedy, it is quite often the father who acts contrary to the wishes of his children, which provides the necesary resistance or conflict of interests. Triphon is a powerful Roman Senator whose daughter, Triphine, is in love with Agathon, a Roman gentilhomme. Triphine realizes that the fact that the social and economic disparity betwen them poses an obstacle to their relationship: TRIPHINE. Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil, Son merveileux esprit qui n?a rien de pareil: Ses beles qualitez supplent ? la fortune, Qui la fait moins que moy, c?est ce qui m?importune; C?est le plus grand obstacle ? mon contentement, Mais neantmoins mon coeur l?ayme si constament?(2.4) Even Agathon realizes that Polydore?s hopes of winning her heart are in vain since she is a member of the royal family, encumbered with numerous wealthy suitors and admirers: Agathon: Que ton espoir est vain, tu ne s?ais pas encore, Si Triphine est d?humeur ? souffrir des Amants, Cete aymable Beaut?, qu?on voit ? tous moments, Aym?e & recherch?e de toute la Noblese 73 Des plus digne Seigneurs qui font gloire sans cese (2.5) When Triphine proposes that they pursue a romantic relationship, Agathon is flatered, but hesitates to transgres their social markers: AGATHON. Ha! Madame, c?est trop, vostre bont? m?acable, Helas, vous s?avez bien que j?en suis incapable, Non, Madame, c?est trop, non, c?est trop, je ne puis, Songez ce que vous estes, et moy ce que je suis; Songez que je ne suis qu?un simple Gentil-homme (3.1) And finaly, in Act 4, when Cevere, a powerful Senator, finds out that Triphine has chosen Agathon over him, he is not only completely flabbergasted and offended, but becomes angry and seks to punish the young couple for their insolence. TRIPHON. Ce jeune audacieux, enfin je vous le nomme, C?est le fils de Sabin, un simple Gentil-homme. CEVERE. Quoy, j?avois un rival, se faut-il estonner Du refus qu?ele a fait: mais quoy s?abandonner A ce petit gar?on qu?ele estoit aveugl?e Que son afection me semble desregl?e, Imprudente Triphine. (4.4) In most tragicomedies, this isue would be resolved by a sudden twist of fate in which the hero or heroine learns that he or she is truly of equal status, alowing the couple to mary. However, in this case, there is no scene of reconnaisance. Triphine poses an economical threat to her family and indirectly to the State in choosing a husband-to-be who is beneath her station. Since he is not royalty, Agathon would have nothing of value to contribute to the family?s wealth and status. Pascal sems to propose a religious treatment of this theme. In Christianity, love knows no boundaries. ?Tout commence avec Jesus de Nazareth. En mati?re du rapports sociaux, il ne faisait pas de distinction? (Duby and Perot 142). Riches and Christianity 74 are incompatible acording to Jesus himself: ?Then Jesus looked and said to his disciples, ?How hard it is for those who have riches to enter the Kingdom of God!? (Mark 10.23). This concept is echoed by Pascal herself in the Grande Bible renouvel?e: ?Donnez-moy, doux Jesus, le m?pris des richeses et faites que mon c?ur aime la pauvret?? (155). It is significant that Triphine loses al of her riches and finery in the shipwreck since they would separate her from God and keep her from entering the heavenly realm - a world in which the heroine and hero wil never be separated by the existence of a social hierarchy. For in the heavenly realm, there are no social markers. This concept stems from Paul?s words in Galations 3:27-8: ?For al of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is neither Jew nor Grek, slave nor fre, male nor female, for you are al one in Jesus Christ.? The theme of vengeance, so prevalent in most tragicomedies of the 1630s, is also present in Agathonphile martyr. 8 However, in the context of a religious martyr play, Pascal is able to introduce the concept of forgivenes. Iren?e, who has falen in love with her own son-in-law, in Act 1, Scene 2 has decided that she wil use her sword to murder Agathon if he rejects her amorous advances. IRENE. Mais, quoy, c?est trop souffrir, il te faut donc vanger, Suis ton premier desein, garde bien de changer, Il vaut mieux le perir, que te perir toy-mesme, S?il refuse les dons de ton amour extr?me, S?il m?prise mes feux, qu?il les aye en horeur, Mon amour ? l?instant se va metre en fureur, Et je m?en vay chercher un fer pour c?t office. Ele prend un fer, & cherche Agathon. Il faudra que tu m?ayme, ou bien que tu perise. It is true that jealous women who are rejected by men or betrayed, wil normaly sek vengeance in the tragicomedy. They strike out not only against their rivals, but also 75 against the men who rejected them. For instance, in Le Prince D?guis?, by Scud?ry, M?lanire, whose afections are not returned by the gardener, spies on him while he is talking amorously with the Princes Arg?nie. To get revenge, she goes to the Queen to tel her what she observed. However, it is rare that a female character would take up the sword (often sen as a phalic symbol of masculine strength) with the intentions of burying it in her lover?s breast. For example, in Corneile?s Le Cid, Chim?ne acknowledges her impotence in refusing to take Don Rodrigue?s sword to avenge her father: XIMENA. Despite the love that I- For al my burning rage ? am tortured by, I?l do al within my power to satisfy My father?s honor. Yet despite the hard Demands of justice, deep within my heart I pray I lack the power to punish you. (3.4) Since Agathon is able to escape from her, Iren?e is forced to avenge herself in a more indirect manner. She decides to tel her husband, Sabin, that his own son tried to rape and kil her, knowing that Sabin wil not let his crime go unpunished. However, it is not until the final scene of the play when Sabin finaly has the chance to avenge his wife for the crimes commited against her. Instead of alowing her husbad to kil him, however, Iren?e reminds him that he must alow the authorities to determine his fate: IRENE. N?en faites pas, Sabin, vous-mesme la Justice, Il faut un?autre main pour faire c?t ofice (5.2) Since Richelieu had made the duel ilegal in order to reinforce the King?s authority, this kind of political progaganda is not at al unusual in plays of the clasical period which tend to discourage acts of private vengeance and encourage submision to authorities in al judicial maters. 89 Therefore, Sabin listens to his wife and gives his son a chance to 76 defend himself against the crime of which he has ben acused. However, when Agathon acuses Iren?e of lying, she has a change of heart and admits to her licentious behavior: IRENE. Non, non, ne cachons rien, Non, il est innocent, & moy je suis coulpable; Enfin, de quel tourment ne suis-je pas capable? Ce fut moy, que brusl?e par des charmes si doux, Me laisant emporter ? ses aymables coups. (5.2) Ilustrating exemplary Christian conduct, Agathon is quick to forgive her: AGATHON. Madame, levez-vous, Quoy, je pourois souffrir de vous voir ? genoux? Non, non, je vous pardonne. (5.2) Contrasing with these Christian themes found in Agathonphile martyr, are the themes of youth and beauty. Agathon and Triphine correspond to the traditional couple featured in the tragicomedy. Always described as being young and beautiful, they are logicaly the most wel-suited for each other. Euple describes their mutual atraction for one another: EUPLE. Quand ils ont reconnus l?un & l?autre leurs charmes L?innocence ? l?amour a rendues les armes, Triphine est toute bele, Agathon tout parfait. (4.4) Even Triphon admits that Agathon is handsome: TRIPHON. Il est vray qu?il n?est que trop bien fait? (4.4) Similarly, Polydore emphasizes Triphine?s beauty in his monologue: POLYDORE. Qui ne seroit charm? de ses divins regards? Qui peuvent alumer des feux de toutes parts, Au moment que je vis cete bele Triphine, Je fus ravy des traits de sa face divine: The characters speak often not only of Agathon?s atractivenes but also of his wit and eloquence. For instance, Polydore is admiring of Agathon?s fine qualities that have won him the respect of a noble household: 77 POLYDORE. Te peux-tu pas servir de ce jeune Agathon, Qu?on favorise tant au Palais de Triphon? Autant par sa beaut?, comme par son addrese, Et par son bel esprit, & par sa gentilese (2.2) Triphine is also enamored of both Agathon?s physical traits and inteligence: TRIPHINE. C?t aymable Agathon possede tant d?appas, Et des traits si charmants, que pour ne l?aymer pas, Il faut estre insensible, Il n?est rien qui le seconde, Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil, Son merveileux esprit qui n?a pas rien de pareil (2.4) The originality of Pascal?s treatment of this theme is her emphasis on the idea that eloquence is just as important as beauty in a woman. Here Agathon admires Triphine?s expresion in addition to her beauty: AGATHON. Je me crois seulement son indigne subject, Encor que je ne puis souffrir tant de merveiles, Sans en estre charm?, mes yeux & mes oreiles Sont ravis ? l?aspect d?une tele beaut?, (2.5) In Act 5 of the play Agathon celebrates Triphine?s beauty, but also her mouth which serves as an instrument of love: Agathon. Il n?est que trop certain, mon Amante est perd?e, Sans espoir que jamais ele me soit rend?e; Ha perfide ?l?ment, jaloux de nos beaux feux, Tu trompes donc ainsi les chastes amoureux? Puisque mon beau Soleil s?est ?clyps? dans l?onde, Je ne souhaite plus de vivre dans le monde, O? sont donc ces beaux yeux tout remplis de clart?, Ces beaux astres d?amour qui m?avoient enchant?? Cete bouche o? l?amour faisoit son plus beau Temple, Ne vous veray-je plus, merveile sans exemple, Bele bouche, c?est vous que par vos doux acents M?aviez nomm? l?objet de vos feux innocents (5.1) Note Agathon?s use of the metaphor ?beau Soleil? to describe Triphine?s great beauty and describes her eyes as ?beautiful stars of love? or ?beaux astres d?amour.? Her ?bele 78 bouche? or beautiful mouth is what she uses to declare her love for him. This verse is highly reminiscent of Benserade?s sonnet which praises the mouth of his lover who is beautiful and wel-spoken: Bouche vermeile au doux sourire, Bouche au parler d?licieux. Bouche qu'on ne s?auroit d?crire, Bouche d'un tour si gracieux. The importance female eloquence is echoed in Pascal?s poem ?La Bele Stupide,? published in Diverses Po?sies, in which she makes fun of women who focus too much on their appearance rather than on their speech: La nature est digne de bl?me, D?avoir embeli votre corps De tous les plus rares tr?sors Sans avoir enrichi votre ?me. Cete in?galit? nous ?pouvante tous; Cependant vos d?fauts vous les croyez des charmes. Mais ils ne font rendre les armes Qu?? des stupides comme vous. D?s que vos beaut?s sans pareile Eclatent de tous les c?t?s, Et tiennent les yeux ar?t?s, Vos discours choquent les oreiles. Vous plaisez beaucoup mieux quand vous ne dites rien? The ?Bele Stupide?s? tendancy to ?choquer? or ?to shock? the ?oreiles? (ears) of her admirers with her lack of eloquence is in direct opposition with Triphine, the ideal galante, who is able to ?charm? the ears of her admirers with her refined speech. In Agathonphile martyr, the lovers? beauty and youth become fatal flaws since it is these qualities which draw the rival?s atention. The fact that Iren?e is maried to Agathon?s father does not stop her from lusting after him: CELIANE. Madame, au nom des Dieux, esteignez cete fl?me, Qui vous feroit paser ? jamais pour infame, 79 Le fils de vostre Espoux! IRENE. C?est en vain que je veux Esteindre le brasier de mon coeur amoureux, Je ne puis resister ? de si fortes armes, S?ais-tu pas qu?Agathon possede tant de charmes [?] CELIANE. Il est vray qu?il est beau, que ses charmes sont doux, Mais vous. IRENE. Que me dis-tu? Je ne suis pas sa mere. CELIANE. Mais ne s?avez-vous pas que Sabin est son pere? (1.1) C?v?re?s old age makes the prospect of a young and beautiful wife al the more tempting: CEVERE. H? bien, Monsieur, alez, car mon amour me prese D?aler voir aujourd?hui cete bele Maistrese, Que mes longues ann?es font tort ? mes amours! Puis-je bien esperer de me voir quelques jours Posseseur d?un objet le plus parfait du monde? Une jeune beaut?, qui n?a point de seconde (2.6) In order to discourage him from pursuing her, Triphine considers disfiguring herself, a tactic heroines must resort to from time to time in the tragicomedy: 90 TRIPHINE. A quoy bon conserver mes beautez pour Cevere, Non, chere Carist?e, je voudrois au contraire Me rendre bien hideuse, afin qu?il eut horeur: Ha! Fatale beaut?. (3.4) Carist?e of course discourages her from taking such rash action. But Agathon encourages her to profit from her looks, a suggestion which is surprising in the context of a Christian martyr play. He suggests that she mary the old Senator whose heart wil grow weaker and more feble at the sight of her beauty. His inevitable death wil alow her to live out the rest of her days as she wishes. AGATHON. Madame croyez-moi, calmez cete tristese, Vous voyez que C?v?re est charg? de vieilese, Et qu?il ne poura pas faire ici long s?jour, La mort lui ravira la lumi?re du jour, Ne pouvant pas souffrir que cet Epoux avare Soit longtemps posseseur d?une beaut? si rare: Il mourra tout combl? de ses f?licit?s, 80 Ne pouvant supporter l??clat de votre beaut?, Son coeur d?j? tout faible, et ses longues ann?es, Par une prompte mort s?en vont ?tre born?es, Alors vous serez libre, et pourrez disposer Mieux de vos volont?s. This kind of trickery is certainly not consistent with the way a saint should conduct him or herself! Spectacularity The motifs of insanity, slep, and unconsciousnes, often exploited in the traditional tragicomedy for their ?spectacular? qualities as wel as their abilitiy to ilustrate the various spiritual states are al found in Agathonphile martyr. Let us first examine the motif of slep as it is sen in the play. The scene in the play in which Iren?e observes Agathon while sleping is entirely gratuite, having litle or no efect on the central conflict- pure entertainment, inserted at the beginning of the play to grab the spectator?s atention. The spectator knows that the sleper can wake up at any moment and that his imobility/silence wil be transformed into action/words. 91 The spectator awaits Agathon?s reaction to Iren?e?s violently amorous gestures having been forewarned by Celiane in Act 1, Scene 1 of his likely aversion to his step-mother?s advances. Slep permits voyeurism, amorous gestures, and sometimes even acts of violence as we se in Act 1, Scene 2 in which Iren?e relishes the thought of burying her sword in Agathon?s chest if he wil not return her kis. This scene is similar to Act 2, Scene 2 in Rotrou?s L?hypocondriaque, ou, le mort amoureux, tragi-com?die (1631) when Lysidor, who is in love with Cl?onice, steals a kis from her while she is sleping. His voyeurism, like Iren?e?s, turns into violence when his 81 advances are rejected. Like her, he atempts to justify his criminal intentions by the suffering that Cl?nice?s charms has caused him: LYSIDOR. Ha! C?est trop discourir, il faut ame de souche, Que la force aujourd?hui les consacre ? ma bouche! Inutiles respects, autheurs de mon tourment, Si je vous suis encore, je souffre justement. Son coeur est trop injuste et cete ingrate amorce Qui me charme l?esprit authorise la force? (2.2) In the same ?seduction scene? discussed above in Agathonphile martyr, we also find the tragi-comic motif of insanity exploited by the author. In Act 1, Scene 2, we se that Iren?e?s pasion has driven her to the point of schizophrenia. She sems to be engaged in an internal debate with her other more dangerous ?self? who convinces her amorous les aggresive ?self? to sek revenge in the case that her advances are rejected by Agathon: IRENE. A quoy te resous-tu, malheureuse Iren?e? N?es-tu pas sous le Ciel, la plus infortun?e? Mais quoy, c?est trop souffrir, il te faut donc vanger Suis ton premier desein, garde bien de changer, Il vaut mieux le perir, que te perir toy-mesme. The antanaclase on the word ?p?rir? describes her somewhat delicate state of mind brought on by her pasion which has slowly driven her mad. Her more psychotic self would rather kil Agathon than drown in the sorrows of an unrequited love. Her ?two selves? take up a sword on her way to Agathon?s bedchambers prepared to kil him if necesary: IRENE. Suis, alons maintenant, suivons notre desein? Ne perdons point courage, alons dedans sa chambre, Entrons tout doucement, afin de le surprendre, Mais, Dieux, cachons ce fer, qui le peut alarmer?(2.2) 82 The use of the first-person plural for the verbs ?aler, perdre, suivre, and entrer? emphasizes her multiple personality. The sight of her sleping victim gives her lucidity of mind and Iren?e becomes a spectator of her own insanity, or criminal behavior, dropping her weapons as her ?fury? subsides: IRENE. Criminele Iren?e, quite, quite ces armes, Mais quel est mon transport, & mon ravisement, Eles me sont glis?es, mais insensiblement, Eles me sont tomb?es sans m?en estre apperceu? [?] Vos douceurs ont chas? la fureur de mon c?ur (2.2) In Agathonphile martyr, the author also utilizes the motif of fainting- imitating the pasage from life to death. In Act 3, Scene 2, Triphine?s fainting foreshadows her own death when her father vows that he wil mary her to C?v?re against her wil: TRIPHON. Il faut que l?Hymen?e s?acomplise demain, Resolvez-vous bien-tost, car quoy qu?il en avienne J?ay donn? ma parole, il faut que je la tienne. TRIPHINE. Ouy bien, si je ne meurs. TRIPHON. Ha! vous ne mourrez pas. TRIPHINE. Si mon rigoreux sort ne me le permet pas [?] TRIPHINE. H?las! Je n?en puis plus. CARISTE. O Dieux, ele se pasme! Soutenez-la, Seigneur. EUPLE. Ha, ma s?ur? Triphine?s physical reaction is one of shock which imobilizes her body. The loss of consciousnes permits her lifeles body to be in full view of the spectators ? in a state which leaves her spirit somewhere betwen presence and absence. Her fainting, which is symbolic of her future death in this scene, is symptomatic not only of the tragicomedy, but also of baroque literature in general: Si l?inspiration fun?bre marque l?art et la lit?rature baroques, si le traditionnel reproche de est en partie motiv? par un certain ?talage de cr?nes, de tibias, et de squeletes, si la mort est volontiers mise en speactacle, c?est sans doute qu?? l??poque ele est r?element spectaculaire? Mais la violence 83 ind?niable des calamit?s n?explique pas tout; leur place en lit?rature rel?ve aussi d? manifest? par quelques caract?res sp?cifiquement : emphase et th??tralisation; fascination pour la mort en action, agonies et martyres?(Gibert 85) The theme of love is perhaps the most spectacular in Agathonphile martyr since the spectator witneses the development of the love betwen Agathon and Triphine. This is typical of the ?pre-clasic tragicomedy: Si, dans le pi?ces, plus ?clasiques?, repr?sentant une ?crise?, l?amour existe d?j? entre les protagonistes, quand l?action commence ? citons Laure pers?cut?e, Edouard, Cariste, Th?odore-, beaucoup de tragi-com?dies des ann?es 1630, qui aiment ? raconter une histoire ab ovo, nous font asister ? la naisance de l?amour (Guichemere 56). In the second act of Agathonphile martyr, Triphine realizes that her felings for Agathon are no longer those of a friend: TRIPHINE. Ha! que j?ay de soucis du depuis le moment Que l?Amour me fit voir Agathon si charmant: Je l?ay plus regard? avec cete innocence Dont je le regardois dans nostre jeune enfance, Un certain feu nouveau commence ? m?emfl?mer? (2.4) The ring therefore becomes a preuve d?amour, or the visible proof of their true afections towards one another when their love is finaly declared in front of the spectators. 92 In Act 3, Scene 1, Triphine presents Agathon with a ring which proves her love for him which cannot be spoken. TRIPHINE. Mon frere, c?est asez, je vous donne ma foy, En fin, je suis ? vous, soyez donc tout ? moy, Et soyez bien secret, gardez qu?on nous soup?onne, Recevant c?t anneau que Triphine vous donne. In the tragicomedy, the spoken word alone is not enough to ensure the progresion of the action. Triphine?s gage d?amour seals her fate which she utters just before the presentation of the ring: ?Je vous dis que la mort seulement n?auroit pas le pouvoir de 84 rompre mon serment? (2.1). The ring, given as a promise of her undying love, foreshadows her own death since their love wil be rejected in a society that privileges the mariage de convenance. The leter also, which is at the same time discourse and object, becomes more authentic, more truth-like in its writen form, and more spectacular. As in the case of the ring, when the spoken becomes material or object it is this representable form that drives the action forward. For example, the suicide leter that the servants find in Act 4 is imediately acepted as truth, leading directly to the obstacle of the false death. Al believe Triphine to be dead. CARISTE. Montrez voir cete letre. TRIPHON. Alphonse, lisez-la. CARISTE: Dieux, o? me dois-je metre! Helas! Pourquoy la mort, quand le sommeil m?a pris N??teint-ele d?un temps mes sens et mes esprits? ALPHONSE lit. Le Tibre m?a receue au milieu de son onde, Pour finir mes langeurs, et pour me s?parer Du plus grand ennemy que j?ay dans le monde: Vos rigeurs m?ont contrainte ? me desesperer, Quand j?ay vu que mes cris, ni mes pleurs, ni mes larmes Ne pouvoient amollir vostre coeur de diamant, Je m?estois resolue ? perir par les armes, Mais les ondes me font mourir plus doucement: Du moins si vous pleurez une mort si funeste, Il n?en faut accuser personne autre que vous, Et Cevere vera comme je le deteste, Puisque je vay l?-bas chercher un autre Espoux. TRIPHON. Ha Pere malheureux! EUPLE. Quoy, ma soeur est donc morte? O Dieux! On l?a contrainte ? mourir de la sorte? (4.2) Rh?torique amoureuse Agathonphile martyr is a spectacular play which appeals to the spectators? eyes as wel as their ears. While the theater of the 1630s often represents realistic and crude images of physical violence, such images begin to disappear after 1636. It is through 85 rhetoric, and more specificaly rh?torique amoureuse, inspired by d?Urf??s pastoral novel and the po?sie amoureuse of the 16 th century, that playwrights wil atempt to stimulate the imagination and the emotions of the spectators in the tragicomedy: C?est en efet une v?ritable rh?torique pasionnele, si l?on peut dire, qu?utilisent les auteurs de tragi-com?dies, rh?torique qui exprime les sentiments exalt?s des personnages et cherche ? faire partager au public leurs ardeurs, leurs violences, leurs douleurs. Ce langage qui ne craint ni l?outrance ni la surcharge pour mieux entra?ner ou ?mouvoir l?auditoire, emploie avec pr?diliction un certain nombre de tropes et de figures de style- m?taphores, hyperboles, antith?ses-, tandis que reviennent constament quelques formes d??criture th??trale ? monologues douloureux et stances lyriques; tirades pasionn?es o? abondent apostrophes, interogations oratoires, anaphores et r?p?titions amplificatrices; duos path?tiques ou stichomyties haletantes (Guichemere 198). For instance, one finds the use of interogation and r?p?tition throughout the play. Largely used in the deliberative discourse, interogation is used to convey the speaker?s pasion, who atempts to persuade his or her interlocuteur, taking an opposite position in a mater. Here, in Act 1, Scene 1 through the repetition of the inversion of the verbs ?croire? and ?savoir? C?liane tries to convince Iren?e that her son-in-law il not return her felings: CELIANE. Mais ne s?avez-vous pas que Sabin est son pere? Encor il est Chrestien, Croyez-vous que les Dieux N?ayent pas en horreur c?t amour odieux? Croyez-vous qu?un gar?on si prudent & si sage, Qui ne regarde pas une feme au visage, Aye d?amour pour vous? We find more repetition of interogative words in Act 1, Scene 4 where Albin tels Agathon that he has just sen his lover with another man and that he is prepared to fight him in a duel. Agathon atempts to convince Albin that he may be jumping to conclusions about the infidelity of his lover. Here he repeats the verb ?croire? to persuade Albin that his lover is not acting like a woman ?caught in the act?: 86 AGATHON. Ha, quel esprit jaloux, Dieu que tu t?imagine, Crois-tu bien qu?ele osast faire si bonne mine A ce nouvel Amant, encore devant toy? Crois que cela n?est pas, je t?engage ma foy We find an instance of the anaphore, or the repetition of the interogative ?quand? at the beginning of Polydore?s monologue in Act 2, Scene 2 which he uses to expres his impatience to reveal his love to Triphine: POLYDORE. Quand d?couvriras-tu le feu qui te devore? Quand approcheras-tu cete aymable beaut?, Quand en oseras-tu prendre la libert?? In Agathonphile martyr, as wel as in other tragicomedies of the 30s, we find short pasages caled stances which are constructed in another meter besides alexandrin. 93 This lyrical poetic style is more or les atributed to the influence of the pastoral (Baby 221). Act 4, Scene 1 marks a rupture in meter from alexandrin to octosyllables. In this scene, which is strikingly romantic, a mournful Agathon atempts to find solace in nature. Acording to Hilgar, the forme plate or the alexandrin, is normaly spoken within the confines of the palace or the prison while the stances, are uttered in open spaces offered by nature ? the fields, the forests, and rivers: ?Objet clos, la forme singuli?re se d?veloppe volontiers dans le lieu ferm? de la prison, du temple, ou de la chambre. Mais forme ouverte, ele se d?veloppe ?en plein air? dans les for?ts, sur les rivages, et les d?serts [?] l?ext?rieur vaut l?int?rieur: la souffrance morale trouve des recours ext?rieurs? (234). In an apostrophe, a figure in which ?un homme ?tant extraordinairement ?mu, se tourne de tous c?t?s, il s?addrese au ciel, ? la tere, aux rochers, aux for?ts, aux choses insensibles [?]. Il ne fait aucun discernement dans cete 87 ?motion; il cherche du secours de tous c?t?s: il s?en prend ? toutes choses?? (Lamy 212). Agathon expreses his desire for death to come and take him so great is his suffering for his lost love. In his madnes, he senses that the wind, the echos, and the brook are responding to his torment. Lost in his emotions, Agathon directly addreses the Echo: STANCES J?entends le zephyr qui souspire, Comme de mon tourment surpris, Les Echos respondent ? mes cris, Mais le sort ne fait que s?en rire: Escoute, impitoyable sort Ce petit ruiseau qui murmure, Chaque chose fait un efort Pour guerir le mal que j?endure: Mais Echo respond-moy, console mes douleurs, Dis moy qu?il m?adviendra apres tant de mal?heurs (5.1) The monologue in stances alows the hero to exteriorize that which is interior. His emotions become a perceptible object. He expreses his love, his hopes, his disilusionment, and his regrets. Agathon refers to his pasion for Triphine as a sicknes for which death is the only cure, or ?gu?rison.? Triphine?s ?fausse mort? engenders suicidal tendencies in our hero. Not only does he cal upon the flora to help in his despair, but he also addreses the fauna. He invites the tigers, lions, and wild animals to put an end to his grief. He asks the Echo to tel him what his destiny is after having suffered a separation from the object of his love. La mort, & pourquoy ne vient-ele, Quand je la souhaite si fort? Je ne demande que la mort, Mais quoy, ma peine est imortele, Tygres, Lyons, fiers animaux, Venez ? moy, je vous en prie, Si vous metez fin ? mes maux, Je beniray vostre furie: 88 Mais que feray je encor pour mon plus grand bonheur, Respond-moy, cher Echo, contente mon humeur. (5.1) As in Rodrigue?s famous monologue in Le Cid, the internal dialogue is deliberative ? signaling an imediate decision to be made. In the third stance, Agathon asks the echo whether he should expect to live or to die? ?Dis moy, que dois-je atendre, ou la vie, ou la mort?? He answers his own question in the last stance where he resolves to ?mourir sans mourir? or to die without dying. The use of the antanaclase on the verb ?mourir? emphasizes the inextricable link betwen life and pasion. Helas, cher Echo que je meure, Je le voudrois, & ne peux pas, Tu dis bien, mais tu ne s?ais pas, Le destin veut que je demeure, Et que je meure sans mourir, Qu??ternelement je languise, Et toujours me plaindre & souffrir. Sans que mon tourment se finise, Tes discours innocents ne font rien esperer, Et tout ce que tu dis me fait desesperer. Stances are poetic ? meant to be a pause in the action. However, the interuption that occurs in the action when Triphine arives unexpectedly is mirored in the versification itself which returns to its regular meter. In addition to the stances, one wil not fail to observe themes inspired by Petrarchan images which appear throughout Agathonphile martyr; the cruel lady whose eyes shoot fiery darts and pierce the heart of her lover and the consuming fire of pasion. While these figures are often used to describe the female object of desire, in Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr, this code is often reversed and it is the female who describes the male?s physical beauty. For example, the sun is a figure typicaly used to describe a woman?s beauty in Rotrou?s plays. In Rotrou?s L?Hypocondriaque in Act 5, Scene 1, 89 Cloridan who goes to Hel to search for his lost Perside, begs Cl?onice to find his ?beau soleil.? And in C?liane Act 1, Scene 2, Pamphile, who offended his lover Nise because he did not recognize her in cognito, addreses her as such: PAMPHILE. Cher soleil que j?adore, Tu ne peux ?tre ?teint, puisque je br?le encore. Triphine in Agathonphile martyr however, compares the male hero Agathon to a sun whose physical and intelectual perfection makes him an object of adoration to be worshipped by al: TRIPHINE. Il faut estre insensible, Il n?est rien dans le monde De plus parfait que luy, ny rien qui le seconde, Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil, Son merveileux esprit qui n?a rien de pareil (2.4) Throughout Agathonphile martyr, the metaphors that expres the mal d?amour, are not only used by the heroes, but also by the heroines to describe their violent pasions. 94 The metaphor, defined by Lamy as ?nom que l?on transporte de la chose dont ils sont le nom propre, pour les appliquer ? des choses qu?ils ne signifient qu?indir?ctement? (165) is used in amorous discourse as an exaggerated expresion of one?s sentiments for another. From the very first scene of the play the use of the words ?flame?, mon coeur embras?, brasier, and feu? as metaphors for Iren?e?s lustful desires for her husband?s son Agathon are exploited by the author. The flame and its synonyms symbolize ?la toute puisante emprise de l?amour sur l??me? (Pelous 81). Like Ph?dre who would later sek to ?extinguish? the burning flame of pasion in her heart, Iren?e suffers from her unquenched pasion and begs her servant Celiane to act as her confidante : IRENE. Que ma flame est contrainte, & qu?il m?est mal-ais? 90 De cacher les ardeurs de mon c?ur embras?: Ce divin Agathon qui cause mon martyre A si bien dans mon ame ?tably son Empyre. Que je br?le pour luy depuis le premier jour Que je consideray ce prodige d?Amour: Je n?ay jamais os? luy d?couvrir ma fl?me, J?ay gard? si long-temps ce brasier dans mon ame (1.1) Iren?e ?burns? for Agathon and hopes that her pasionate words wil fal on sympathetic ears. She insists that it cannot be her own fault that she burns with pasion for her husband?s own son by hyperbolizing or exaggerating his great efect of the women of Rome: ?S?ais-tu pas que dans Rome mile jeunes beaut?s br?lent pour ce jeune homme?? (1.1) Her servant C?liane however, wil not hear of it and demands that she ?extinguish? this raging fire when her Mistres asks her what she should do about this ?feu si violent.? CELIANE. Ha! Madame, estouffez ce brasier aveuglant; Madame, au nom des Dieux, esteignez cete flame (1.1) Iren?e insists upon her utter helplesnes to rise above her own weaknes stating that ?Plus je veux ?teindre et tant plus il s?alume.? Additionaly, she refers to her pasion as ?sicknes? to convince C?liane of the gravenes of her situation: ?tu ne connais pas bien quele est ma maladie.? In Polydore?s monologue in the second scene of Act 2 in which he expreses his love for Triphine, we find the same metaphorical figures. Polydore, like Iren?e speaks of the pasion that ?burns? in his heart and ?devours? him like a wildfire: POLYDORE. Jamais je n?ay tant veu de beaut?, ny de charmes, Ny l?amour n?a jamais alum? tant de fl?mes Dans le c?ur d?un Amant, comme il a dans le mien: Mais ne pourrois-je pas trouver quelque moyen D?aborder cete Bele, Amoureux Polydore, 91 Quand d?couvriras-tu le feu qui te devore? He as wel speaks of his pasion like a ?sicknes? for which he must find a cure: POLYDORE. Et faites-luy s?avoir que mon mal est extr?me: Mais, que dis-je insens?, que j?ay peu de raison, Que de vouloir ainsi chercher ma guerison, Ne peux-je pas trouver quelque meileur remede Pour soulager un peu le mal qui me possede (2.2) Triphine expreses her love for Agathon in similar terms in her monologue in Act 2, Scene 4. Her love for Agathon burns like a flame: TRIPHINE. Un certain feu nouveau commence ? m?emfl?mer, Avec tant de douceur, il me fait presumer, Que mon c?ur est ateint d?une flame amoureuse The violence of love is often expresed through such petrarchan figures as arows and darts that pierce that heart of the lover. In Polydore?s monologue in the second scene of Act 2 in which he expreses his love for Triphine, we find the same kind of Petrarchan metaphorical figures. He describes the ?wounds? that have been made by the eyes of his beautiful lover and the ?fire? that is ignited by her every glance: POLYDORE. Qui m?a fait dans le c?ur cete playe nouvele? Quoy, ne seroit-ce point les yeux de cete bele? Qui ne seroit charm? de ses divins regards? Qui peuvent alumer des feux de toutes parts? Agathon?s monologue exploits similar imagery in Act 2, Scene 5 in which he speaks of the power of Triphine?s ?regard? to set his heart aflame. The fire from her eyes enters his heart and enslaves him: AGATHON. Encor que je ne puis souffrir tant de merveiles, Sans en estre charm?, mes yeux & mes oreiles Sont ravis ? l?aspect d?une tele beaut?, Ses discours seulement ostent la libert?, Les moindres de ses traits peuvent brusler les ?mes Insensibles ? l?amour, & luy rendre les armes: Un seul de ses regards enchaisne tous les c?urs; De ses admirateurs, ces aymables vainqueurs, 92 Lancent de si beaux feux, que j?ay beau m?en defendre Il faut que malgr? moy mon c?ur s?y laise prendre? As in the previous example we have sen, it is traditionaly the female who is the object of the male gaze in Petrarchan poetry. It is she whose eyes shoot fiery darts lighting the heart of her lover on fire. However, in this case it is the female who is consumed with fiery pasion upon gazing at the object of her desire. Triphine describes how Agathon?s charms have pierced her heart: TRIPHINE. Malgr? ma resistance, amour est mon vainqueur, Il a tant decoch? de fleches dans mon coeur, Que la derniere en fin a fait une bleseure, Que malgr? mes eforts il faut qu?ele y demeure. (2.4) Iren?e also fals victim to the Agathon?s regard. In this pasage, Agathon is the object of desire, and the victim of voyeurism: IRENE. Mais ? Ciel, parlons bas, le voila qui sommeile, Il est desus son lict, cete douce merveile, Il dort, ce bel object, il ferme ses beaux yeux, Dont les premiers regards me mirent toute en feux; Doucement, mon amour, n?esclate pas encore, Ne romp pas le sommeil de celuy que j?adore: Crois-tu bien que ce fer, que dans mes mains j?ay pris, Execute le coup que j?avois entrepris? Non, non, j?ay trop d?amour, & suis trop pitoyable, Pour defaire si tost un object tant aymable! Ha! qu?il est ravisant, Dieux que d?atraits nouveaux! Qui ne voudroit brusler pour des charmes si beaux? Je me sens consumer par des nouveles flames? (1.2) Agathon is clearly placed in a vulnerable pasive position and furthermore, the adjectives that describe his traits are those that might be used to describe a female: une douce merveile, aux beaux yeux, charmant, ravisant, etc, etc? While Louise Lab?, in which Pascal was most likely to have found inspiration, was the first to reverse the petrarchan 93 code in her poetry, Pascal may have been the first to implement this practice in the genre of the tragicomedy. 95 Another figure related to Petrarchism found in Agathonphile martyr is love personified. When Agathon finaly awakens to discover his step-mother by his bedside, he atempts to leave but finds himself pinned down. Iren?e, in the atempt to seduce him, enters into a galant debate with him on the topic of love, in which she inquires as to whether or not he can resist Love?s flames: IRENE. Amour ne sera-il jamais vostre vainqueur, Le vera-on jamais entrer dans vostre c?ur? Quoy, vivrez-vous tousjours dans cete indif?rence? Ne voulez-vous donner jamais point d?esperence? Se peut-il que l?amour vous aye fait si beau, Sans vous faire sentir l?ardeur de son flambeau? (2.2) After Agathon embarasingly asks that she refrain from entering into such ?discourse?, she repeats her original question: ?Crois-tu bien que l?amour jamais ne te surmonte? Ton coeur resiste en vain, crois-tu d?en eschapper?? Agathon responds with the sentence or maxim stating that ?Those who believe they can (escape love) deceive themselves:? Agathon: Ceux-l? qui le croiroient, se pourroient bien se tromper, Quoy, n?ay-je pas un coeur sensible comme un autre? (1.2) Iren?e, playing off of his response that he has a sensitive heart just like any other states that she has never sen one as ?hard.? The oxymoron, or the union of contrasting terms in one word, is also a trope favored in petrarchism since it expreses the duality of sentiments brought upon by the Lady?s cruel rejection. In the second scene of Act 1, Agathon?s handsome traits force Iren?e?s more violent self to abandon her arms and to return to her more amorous self: IRENE. Criminele Iren?e, quite, quite ces armes, Mais quel est mon transport, & mon ravisement, 94 Eles me sont glis?es, mais insensiblement, Eles me sont tomb?es sans m?en estre apperceu?. Ha! c?l?stes atraits vous m?avez donc vaincu?, Vos douceurs ont chas? la fureur de mon c?ur, Ouy, je vous rends les armes, adorable vainqueur? Note the oxymoron ?adorable vainqueur? which Iren?e uses to describe Agathon?s ability to render her defenseles. At the end of the scene when Agathon finaly manages to escape her clutches, Iren?e in her utter despair cries out that she wil take revenge upon this ?bel inhumain.? This oxymoron acurately describes the duality of her felings for Agathon who sems both charming and cold at the same time contrasting with the constant fiery pasion which ?burns? in her heart. A tragic ending? While tragicomedies typicaly end happily with the removal of the obstacle, Pascal?s play ends unhappily with the deaths of not only the hero and the heroine, but also of al the other characters who convert to Christianity. Could it be that the ?perspective chr?tienne supprime le malheur et la souffrance?? (Fischer 36). In Christianity, if anyone dies in the name of Christ, he or she wil be rewarded in heaven. ?Blesed are those who are persecuted for righteousnes? sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven? (Mat 5:10). From this point of view, Pascal was perhaps right to clasify her play as a tragicomedy since the Christian death is a pasage to eternal blis and happines. *** With the exception of the problematic tragic ending, Pascal?s tragicomedy does in fact resemble the tragicomedy of the 30s. The po?me compos? is however quite rare in the 1650s at a moment in theater when the po?me simple is becoming an important 95 determining factor in a play?s succes. Corneile?s Polyeucte sets the bar very high since his work is the first po?me simple with a Christian subject. Clearly the 1650s represents a transition period in theater that marks the beginning of the end for both the religious tragedy and the tragicomedy. The tragicomedy begins to disappear after 1652, and the Christian tragedy wil not be far behind it after the querele de la moralit? du th??tre. Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr is a curious m?lange of these two genres - having both a religious inventio and an iregular romanesque dispositio reminiscent of the tragicomedy of the 30s. Pascal?s decision to return to the romanesque tragicomedy highlighting the adventures of two lovers may be explained by the gaining popularity of the novel in the second half of the century and the influence of Scud?ry?s Carte du Tendre so appreciated by the soci?t? mondaine published in 1654 just one year before Pascal?s play was published. The influence of this work in Agathonphile martyr may explain in part the reversal of the male and female roles in the actantial schemas that we observed in the analysis. The female inclination posed a threat to the stability of social hierarchy particularly with the Carte du Tendre because it developed the idea that women can follow their own hearts, rejecting the concept of an aranged mariage, a subject that wil be addresed in more detail later on. 96 96 17 th century gallantry Like Pascal?s other tragicomedies, Agathonphile martyr is a witnes to the growing popularity and appreciation of the contemporary novel, which was becoming more cherished within the aristocratic circles, specificaly in the Salons primarily among female readers in the second half of the 17 th century. 97 Madeleine de Scud?ry, a grande pr?cieuse, had just published her 10 volume work Artam?ne ou le Grand Cyrus in 1649- 53 and the first instalement of her novel Cl?lie, histoire romaine which first appeared in 1654, just one year before Pascal published her first play. A symptom of the new lit?rature galante, various alegorical maps of love appeared throughout fictional works in the second half of the 17 th century. L?Abb? d?Aubignac?s Nouvele Histoire du temps ou Relation veritable du Royaume de Coqueterie, had first appeared in 1654 just before La carte du Tendre. La carte du Tendre, published in the first volume of Mle de Scudery?s Cl?lie, distinguishes itself from its predesesor since it was used in real life before it made its literary debut. Invented in Mle de Scudery?s Salon on the rue de Beauce where her vistors came on Saturdays, it has been proven that the context for the creation of the map is the relationship that developed betwen Mle de Scudery and Pelison. 98 More importantly, it is the first of such alegorical maps to explore the realm of ?tender friendship,? a concept which would pervade the literary scene for the remainder of the century. With Agathonphile martyr, Pascal targets the soci?t? mondaine particularly through her exploitation of both the themes and language emphasized in Mle de Scud?ry?s Carte du Tendre. The concept of tendrese which defines the relationship 97 betwen Cl?lie and Aronce in the novel is echoed in the initial relationship betwen Agathon and Triphine. However, Pascal?s efort to enlist the notion of inclination asociated with the Carte du Tendre afects in particular the female protagonist in her play. Triphine?s bold declaration of love marks a rejection of the traditional female character role and an embracement of the new system of courtship favored by the young court of Louis XIV. Furthermore, the blending of Christian rhetoric with galant rhetoric found in Agathonphile martyr alows Pascal to juxtapose two divergent themes ? spirituality and romance. The theme of ?tender friendship? Agathonphile martyr corresponds thematicaly to the theme of ?tender friendship.? In Mle de Scudery?s novel Cl?lie, ?tender friendship? is described as a noble, intimate but platonic relationship that requires the same amount of devotion that lovers would give to one another: ?Mais pour bien d?finir la tendrese, je pense pouvoir dire que c?est une certaine sensibilit? du coeur, qui ne se trouve presque jamais souverainement, qu?en des personnes qui ont l??me noble, les inclinations vertueuses, et l?esprit bien tourn?, et fait que lorsqu?eles ont de l?amiti?, eles l?ont sinc?re, et ardente?? (1: 118). Aronce, in love with Cl?lie, defines tendrese as the foundation of true love which opposes a relationship based on physical atraction: ?Puisque vous me le permetez Madame, dit alors Aronce, je dirai hardiment que la tendrese est une qualit? encore plus n?cesaire ? l?amour, qu?? l?amiti? [?] mais pour l?amour; Madame, qui est presque toujours incompatible avec la raison [?] ele a absolument besoin de tendrese pour l?emp?cher d??tre brutale, grossi?re et inconsid?r?e?? (1:119). 98 In the 17 th century, the concept of tendre amiti? inspired by Scudery?s Carte du Tendre is closely asociated with the literary and social phenomenon of preciosit?. The pr?cieuses sought to replace the dangerous pursuit of pasion with the gentle ?safer? pleasures of friendship: Non contentes de r?duire l?amour ? l?ombre de lui-m?me, eles voudraient encore en supprimer le nom. Si les Pr?cieuses songent ? retirer du monde c?est qu?eles n?aceptent pas les risques auxquels une feme y est expos?e et qu?eles souhaitent vivre ? leur maniere en go?tant ? l?abri des pasions, les plaisirs calmes de l?amiti? [?] Les Pr?cieuses ont de nombreuses ataches du c?t? du Tendre. (Pelous 340) Although the term pr?ciosit? was not widely used until the 17 th century, its origins date back to the literature of the Middle Ages. The term pr?cieux was first used in the 12 th century, in le Voyage de Charlemagne en Orient to describe jewels. 6 It was not asociated with being ?prudish? until the 14 th and 15 th centuries. For example, Eustache Deschamps (1346-1407), in a balad, curses the pr?cieuse who swould reject the pursuit of love: ?viele contagieuse, Voulez vous donc gouverner la contr?, En beguinant a faire la precieuse, Pour empescher toute vie amoureuse? Ardoir puist l?en feme de tel merien! 67 The term pr?cieuse in the 1650s, could be used in a complimentary manner or in a pejorative manner. Fureti?re afirms this ambiguity: Pr?cieuse est aussi une ?pith?te qu?on donnoit autrefois ? des files de grand m?rite et de grande vertu, qui s?avoient bien le monde, et la langue: mais parce que d?autres ont afect?, et outr? leurs mani?res, cela a d?cri? le nom, et on les a appel?es fausses Pr?cieuses, ou Pr?cieuses ridicules: Moli?re en a fait une Com?die, et de Pures un Roman, pour faire sentir le faux m?rite des Pr?cieuses. 99 Originaly, pr?ciosit? was used to designate a woman who was virtuous, beautiful, chaste, wise, honest, civil, wel-spoken, wel-read. However, with the popularity of Moli?re?s play Les Pr?cieuses ridicules and other satires, the substansitives pr?cieuse and pr?ciosit? had become somewhat pejorative by the end of the century, designating women who were overly prudish, or who rejected mariage. 68 Both pr?ciosit? and the code tendre preach rejection of amorous love and mariage which was believed only to lead to enslavement of women. Pascal herself, who never maried, and her aristocratic and bourgeois colleagues semed to resent the fact that they had to mary for the sake of convenience. Similarly, mariage is deemphasized in the ?Pays du Tendre? where erotic love is masked by the more spiritual concept of platonic love ? or friendship. It is a land ?from which sexuality, mariage, and love have been banned? (Orenstein 55). ?Pure love? can only be atained by following the itinerary outlined in the Carte du Tendre. This civil country of ?Tender? enforces very strict rules of conduct for each sex. The ?perfect? male lover must practice thre very dificult virtues: constance, discretion, and submision. L?amour tendre forces him to practice both silence and obedience, characteristics which are traditionaly asociated with the female. While the notion of inclination gives the female the right to choose the suitor to whom she wil give her heart, the code tendre imposes on the woman the task of indiference. She must resist and ignore as long as possible the advances and amorous declarations of her lover. The female is placed in a position of empowerment so long as she holds her lover at bay. Therefore the mastering of the code tendre is clearly asociated with feminist ideals. 100 The code tendre, has its roots in la fin?amour which developed in the provincial courts of the 12 th and 13 th centuries in France. This notion is emphasized in secular literature including lyric poetry sung by the troubadours and the longer chivalric romances, such as the famous Arthurian tales (1160-1190) writen by Chr?tien de Troyes recounting the adventures of Lancelot and Guinevere, and the tragic love story of Tristan and Isolt writen by B?roul and Thomas in which love is the sole motivating force behind the hero?s actions. A code of love is established through these works including the Roman de la Rose writen by Guilaume de Lorris. This model code of love found in literature mirored that found in real life betwen the men and women of the courtly society, and is naturaly a reaction against the conventional mariage and justifies inevitable relationships betwen unmaried men and women. There are basicaly four main ideas which defined the code of love in the 12 th century; 1) if one were in love, one would be sick with love thinking only of one?s love day and night without sleping or eating; 2) one?s love is always a secret love; 3) true love cannot exist in a mariage which is a contractual love or a political move; and 4) One?s lady is highly respected and estemed. Therefore, true love became inacesible ? an ideality. It was this concept which inspired galant debates among courtly men and women. In these debates, the ability to expres one?s ideas on love became an art form to the point where sentiment became second to eloquence. Therefore galantry became asociated with the art of speaking love rather than the true felings themselves. This code of love was recycled in the 14 th and 15 th centuries with Platonism and Petrarchism. Petrarchism is inspired by Italian poet Petrarch, (1304-1374) who is the ?dernier et le plus sublime repr?sentant? of courtly love, acording to Festugi?re. 69 His 101 Canzoniere, (1342) renewed the concepts of courtly love and platonic love inspired by Plato. These Italian sonnets, the first of their kind in Italy, featured the central protagonist Laura, who inspired felings of frustrated love in her lover both before and after her death. The author exploited both metaphor and oxymoron to expres his biterswet torment. The concept of Platonism was developed in the Acad?mie platonicienne de Florence by Marsile Ficin who wrote Commentary on the Banquet of Platon (1469 and 1475). For Ficin, true love is inspired by the lover?s soul, body, and voice. Her inteligence, appearance and the sound of her voice are what atract as opposed to the grotesque ? physical touch and scent. Platonism opposes courtly love in which the subject is always seking a physical connection with his Lady: ?L?Amant courtois veut enlever la Dame ? la brutalit? grossi?re d?un lien conjugal impos?; il la place ? un degr? id?al d?honneur et de beaut?, il fait d?ele une m?ditation n?cesaire de son asc?se esth?tique et spirituele; mais il ne perd jamais de vue son but: obtenir l?union des corps? (Charpentier Preface 10). Inspired by her beauty, the lover is able to reach a more spiritual level through conversation and the exchange of ideas: ?L?Amant ?lit sa Dame pour avoir aupr?s d?ele, par ele, ac?s ? une Beaut? , premier d?gr? d?une asc?se spirituele qui doit le mener, selon un parcours platonicien bien connu, ? la contemplation du Beau en soi, des Id?es? (Charpentier 11). The concept of platonism actualized in Courtly society as wel as in literature dictated a specific code of conduct for men and women, as in courtly love. Women did not initiate but they controlled the outcome of the relationship, punishing their lovers by inflicting silence upon them. The poetry itself was 102 embedded with violent antithesis and metaphors expresing the lover?s conflict betwen body and soul. These ideas would inspire the first ?French Petrarch,? Ronsard, in his Amours de Cassandre (1552) and Les Sonnets pour H?l?ne in which the same variations on the image of fire are used to describe the narator?s amorous frustration and the lady?s inacesibility. Other imitators including Sc?ve and Louise Lab? would follow suit. The p?trarquistes described the lady as always perfect in her beauty. Her eyes are stars, her hair is gold, and her eyes are flowers. The lover always fals in love with her at first sight but she remains statuesque and almost always is described as the bel inhumain. Maurice Sc?ve remained particularly imitative of Petrarch?s style. For example, in ?En sa beaut? g?t ma mort et ma vie? we find almost al of the same petrarchan formulas; the personification of the soul or l??me, the lady whose eyes shoot fiery arows into the eyes of her beholder, and the antithesis to show the double aspect of her dangerous charms which both enslave him and set him fre: Libre vivais en l?Avril de mon ?ge, De cure exempt sous cele adolescence, O? l?oeil, encor non expert de dommage, Se vit surpris de la douce pr?sence Qui par sa haute, et divine excelence M??tonna l?Ame, et le sens telement, Que de ses yeux l?archer tout belement Ma libert? lui a toute aservie; Et des ce jour continuelement En sa beaut? g?t ma mort et ma vie. (D?lie 1544) From the poetry of Petrarch, to that of the p?trarquistes in the 16 th century, to that of the auteurs mondains of the 17 th century, the same images have been exploited. Let us look briefly at an extract from the poem ?L?Amour sous sa loy? by Vincent Voiture, (1597- 1648) a pr?cieux who frequented the Chambre bleue: 103 A tous ses martyrs L'Amour donne en leurs maux de secrets plaisirs ; Je cheris ma douleur, Et dedans mon malheur, Je suis amoureux, Et le Ciel ne voit point d'Amant plus heureux. Les yeux qui m'ont pris, Payeroient tous mes maux avec un so?ris, Tous leurs traits me sont doux, Mesme dans leur courroux, Je suis amoureux, Et le Ciel ne voit point d'Amant plus heureux. Note that he like Sc?ve, exploits the very same antithetical figures to expres the duality of emotions felt by the narator. Love personified gives him pleasure through pain (L?Amour donne en leurs maux de secrets plaisirs) He as wel uses the old familiar theme of the lady?s eyes who shoot arows (traits). But even in their fury (couroux) he stil fels love. As we observed earlier, Pascal exploits the very same figures throughout Agathonphile martyr. After the 1650s, there are two schools of thought concerning the code of love which often conflict. While Mle de Scud?ry and other pr?cieuses hold fast to the ?itin?raire courtois,? emphasizing pure platonic love, the new lit?rature gallante seks imediate pleasure. The coexistence of these two modes is symptomatic of a courtly society made up of two opposing factions. The joyous royal celebrations, parties, and amorous afairs of young Louis XIV and his court counters the group of courtiers which surrounded the virtuous and pious queen mother. In Thomas Corneile?s Amour ? la mode (1651) translated into English as The amorous gallant, Oronte afirms the new art of love: CLITON. But, is not Love, Sir a controling heat, (For I?m a Scholar since I serv?d Lyset 104 A frying in the Frost, frezing in Fire, Which storms the Brain, and Feters the Desire To one alone; Pleading, tho Incommode? ORONTE, It was of old, but now ?tis out of Mode. (4.1) Even the soci?t? pr?cieuse cannot help but give into the temptation of galantry to a certain extent: For example, Charles Sorel, in his ?Mascarade d?Amour? tels how a young widow named Amaranthe surrounds herself with young people to form an order of prude and beautiful pr?cieuses who having entirely renounced coquetry, do not believe that it is forbidden for them to indulge in the practice of galantry, ?provided that it is les physical than spiritual? (Oeuvres Diverses 59). Betwen ?tender friendship? and gallantry Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr is a reflection of both tendrese and galantry. Agathon and Triphine?s initial relationship is comparable to the fraternal-like bond betwen Cl?lie and Aronce which ensures a platonic relationship betwen them. Raised together by Cl?lie?s father, they naturaly cal each other brother and sister: ?Cl?lie, qui savait combien son p?re aimait Aronce, le re?ut avec autant de t?moignages d?amiti? que s?il e?t ?t? son fr?re; aussi Cl?lius avait-il voulu qu?ele l?appel?t ainsi, et qu?Aronce la nomm?t sa soeur? (1: 106). Similarly, the platonic love expresed by Agathon and Triphine in their dialogues when they refer to one another as ?fr?re? and ?soeur? corresponds wel with the principles of amour tendre, echoing those of courtly love from the 12 th century which deemphasize physical desire and celebrate platonic love existing outside the bonds of mariage. Since ?tender friendship? places the females having admirable qualities in the position of power, Agathon finds himself in the position of subject. Like Aronce in Cl?lie, Agathon sems to embrace his role as the amant parfait exhibiting a surprising 105 timidity towards the object of his afection. ?By contrast heroic lovers tend to refuse to make any kind of demands of the woman; they are reluctant to do or say anything that might imply that they have any kind of rights over her or she any obligation to them. It is for this reason that heroic lovers typicaly are the complete reverse of the asertive, prefering when circumstances permit to suffer in silence rather than declare themselves, asking nothing in return for their love? (Munro 70). Both Agathon and Aronce, amants parfaits, are prepared to suffer in silence. In Agathonphile martyr, Agathon declares himself Triphine?s slave: ?Je me crois seulement son indigne sujet? (2.5). For the tendre amant, to admit his unworthines is his starting point: ?Pour un amant tendre, avouer son indignit? est un point de d?part oblig?; apr?s quoi il devra atendre beaucoup du hasard ou d?une possible faiblese de cele qu?il aime tr?s peu de ses m?rites personnels. Paralys? par la crainte de d?plaire, l?amant est contraint ? une longue et silencieuse expectative?(Pelous 42). Aronce expreses his hesitancy to pursue Cl?lie: ?Il comprit si bien que cete amour lui donnerait beaucoup de peine, qu?il fut tr?s aflig? d?s qu?il sentit qu?il en avait; car encore qu?il f?t fort estim? de Cl?lie, et que Sulpice et Cl?lius l?aimasent tendrement, il ne jugeait pas qu?il p?t jamais ?tre heureux. En efet, il savait qu?ele ?tait la pasion de Cl?lius pour Rome, et il n?ignorait pas qu?il ne savait point qu?ele ?tait sa naisance, et qu?il semblerait avoir de la pr?somption, s?il tournait les yeux vers Cl?lie?(1: 111). In the same way, Agathon expreses his unworthines towards Triphine and his hesitancy to leave the protective confines of a platonic relationship: AGATHON. Madame, c?est asez, non, non, n?en dites plus, Je me jete ? vos pieds tout honteux & confus, En fin, je vous consacre un?amour eternele, Mais ne banisons point c?t amour fraternele, Ce nom de frere encor vous continuerez, 106 Dont vostre bele bouche a tousjours m?honor? Nous pourrons sous ce nom vivre tousjours ensemble, Sans qu?on s?ache jamais que l?amour nous asemble? (3.1) Guided solely by her female inclination, Triphine embodies the nouvele galanterie by refusing to follow the arduous itinerary of Tender. Just as L?Abb? Cotin in his Oeuvres galants (1663) confirms that ?c?est aujourd?hui la mode que les femes fasent les avances? (244), Triphine initiates an amorous relationship betwen herself and Agathon, rejecting her role of ?playing hard to get.? The nouvele galanterie disregards the code of conduct recommended by the code tendre including the tradition of the cruel Lady whose role is to reject her lover?s advances in order to keep him in a position of disempowerment. In contrast to Cl?lie, who is content to remain within the confines of tendrese, Triphine is impatient to escape to a place where she and Agathon can love without constraint. She begs Agathon to take her away and to demonstrate his abilities as a ?real lover:? TRIPHINE. Ha! s?il est v?ritable Que vostre amour soit tel, soyez donc secourable A cele qui ne vit que pour vous seulement, Faites voir que vous estes un veritable Amant. (3.6) Agathon finaly gives into her demands, recognizing her as the more capable lover: AGATHON. C?est trop, en fin, c?est trop, Meurs Agathon de honte, De souffrir qu?une file en amour te surmonte, Ceste aymable beaut? t?ayme si constament, Qu?ele fait aujourdhuy l?office d?un Amant. (3.6) Here, Agathon sems to acknowledge that it is their romantic relationship which must take precedence. Furthermore, dropping the ?e? at the end of the word ?Amant,? he sems to own up to his own shortcomings as her lover. 107 The River Tiber, the water route by which Triphine and Agathon escape, is a river which becomes the symbol of love for Cl?lie and her friends during the course of a long discussion on tendrese en amour later on in the novel. As we examined earlier, Aronce fels that tendrese is more important in love than in frienship since without it, love is vulgar and selfish. Herminius echos this theme, ?likening love to the River Tiber, which, he says, receives the waters of forty-two tributaries; if it merely consisted of the waters of its source, it would be nothing more than a paltry stream. In the same way, he argues, love in its proper sense, that of the atraction betwen the sexes, would be by itself a very litle thing, shalow and quickly dried up; it only becomes a broad majestic river when joined by ?tout ce qui est n?cesaire aux grandes et beles amitiez? (5. 323f). Thus the Tiber River in the play symbolizes Agathon?s and Triphine?s pasage from tendrese en amiti? to tendrese en amour. Nurtured by a long platonic friendship, Agathon and Triphine are ready to preced to the unexplored land of love. Triphine and Agathon?s flight to unknown teritory recals the region located north of Tender, which in Cl?lie, is a land representing pasionate, sensual love. Cl?lie explains that that it is dangerous for a woman to venture outside of ?tender friendship:? ?la rivi?re d?inclination se jete dans une mer qu?ele appele la mer dangereuse, parce qu?il est asez dangereux ? une feme d?aler un peu au-del? des derni?res bornes de l?amiti?; et ele fait ensuite qu?au del? de cete mer, c?est ce que nous appelons Teres inconnues, parce qu?en efet nous ne savons point ce qu?il y a?? (1: 184). To leave Tender and to venture into unknown lands is dangerous for a woman because in maters of love and mariage she has litle power. While the female can rule in the land of Tender, the land of pasions is unpredictable. 108 Triphine and Agathons? hasty retreat results in the shipwreck of their vesel on the Tiber River, perhaps symbolizing the impossibility of their unity. The conclusion of their amourous adventures marks a rejection of the solutions found in d?Urf??s l?Astr?e in which the lovers are able to be whisked away to some far away magical land to live in blisful happines. With this conclusion of their amorous adventure, Pascal underlines the ireconcilability of idealistic romantic love with a galant society, in which true love cannot be realized. Agathon and Triphine, unable to find perfection in love on earth, are only able to find it in death. Pascal?s ending may suggest that true love can only be found in God, or in the heavenly realm. The ?Carte du tendre? in ?Agathonphile martyr? The map of Tender is echoed in Pascal?s Agathonphile martyr through the language spoken by the characters. Mle de Scud?ry?s map is often compared to a board game of love in which the objective is to get from ?new friendship? to ?tender friendship.? Cl?lie, the female protagonist, draws the map (se fig. 5) upon the request of her male suitors who would like to know the way to her heart. 109 Fig. 5. La Carte du Tendre, ilustration, Madeleine de Scud?ry, Cl?lie, histoire romaine (1654). Paris, B.N.F One can reach Tender, or Clelie?s heart, via thre routes. To reach Tendre-sur- Estime, one would follow the route of Estem: "En efet vous voyez que de Nouvele Amiti? on pase ? un lieu qu'ele appele Grand Esprit, parce que c'est ce qui comence ordinairement l'estime ; ensuite vous voyez ces agr?ables vilages de jolis Vers, de Bilet Galant et de Bilet Doux, qui sont les op?rations les plus ordinaires du grand esprit dans les comencements d'une amiti?. Ensuite, pour faire un plus grand progr?s dans cete route, vous voyez Sinc?rit?, Grand Coeur, Probit?, G?n?rosit?, Respect, Exactitude et Bont?, qui est tout contre Tendre, pour faire conna?tre qu'il ne peut y avoir de v?ritable estime sans bont?, et qu'on ne peut ariver ? Tendre de ce c?t?-l? sans avoir cete pr?cieuse qualit?" (Cl?lie 1. 183). Fureti?re defines estem as ?la bonne ou mauvaise opinion qu?on a de la valeur, du merite d?une personne, ou d?une chose.? 110 The term estem is used in Act 2, Scene 2 of the play where Polydore, in love with Triphine, reveals his plan to ask Agathon, who is respected in her household, to speak to her on his behalf: POLYDORE. Il s?est acquis l?estime, & d?Euple, & de sa soeur, Mesme leurs amitiez, En fin j?en suis trop seur, Je m?en vay le prier qu?il parle de ma fl?me A cet aymable objet? In this context however, the use of this word is ironic, since we know that Agathon is a false confidant. If Polydore knew of Agathon?s true intentions, he certainly would not have confided in him or considered him as a person of great estem. Grand coeur is also a concept which is refered to in Agathonphile martyr. Acording to Fureti?re the term grand is used ?en choses spiritueles & morales? and he lists several examples: ?un grand esprit, une grande ame, un grand c?ur?? In Cl?lie grand coeur refers to a ?nobility? of heart. In Agathonphile martyr however, this term is used to describe a person of higher rank. Agathon evokes this characteristic when he learns that Triphine has captured the hearts of more ?worthy? suitors in Act 3, Scene 6: AGATHON. H? quoy, l?on vous marie? Ha fortune cruele! Je s?avois bien, ma soeur, que vous estiez trop bele Pour demeurer long-temps ? captiver les coeurs Des plus grands de la tere? Although Triphine has already admited her admiration of Agathon?s qualities, Agathon stil exhibits felings of unworthines vis-?-vis these ?grands.? G?nerosit?, also a stop along the way to Tendre-sur-Estem, sems to be more in line with the 16 th century definition given in the Robert Electronique since one of the most important aspects of ?tender friendship? is the capacity to forgive one?s friend of his flaws: 111 G?n?rosit? : - 3. (1564). Sp?cialt. Sentiment d'humanit?* qui porte ? se montrer bienveilant, charitable, ? pardonner les injures, les fautes, ? ?pargner un ennemi.. - Bienveilance, bont?, cl?mence (cit. 4), indulgence, magnanimit?. G?n?rosit? d'une ?me ?prise d'?quit? (cit. 9), r?volt?e par l'injustice, acesible ? la piti? (- Calamit?, cit. 3). Avoir la g?n?rosit? de ne pas abuser de sa victoire. Il en a parl? sans g?n?rosit?. - 4. (1677). Cour. Disposition ? donner plus qu'on n'est tenu de le faire. - Bienfaisance, largese, lib?ralit?, magnificence, munificence. La g?n?rosit? des donateurs. Faire preuve de g?n?rosit?. Rivaliser de g?n?rosit? (- Factice, cit. 8). Il l'a r?compens? avec g?n?rosit?. G?nerosit? in Agathonphile martyr is used by Agathon in its adjectival form to describe Triphine?s heart when she declares her love for him: AGATHON. O Dieu, dois-je respondre, ou bien me dois-je taire? En quel degr? de gloire, ? coeur trop genereux Vos bontez veulent rendre un pauvre malheureux! (3.1) In making reference to Triphine?s c?ur g?n?reux Agathon emphasizes her wilingnes to overlook his poverty. For here as wel in the very next line he underlines her ?goodnes? or her bontez which Fureti?re asociates with ?Christian morality: ?se dit de la vertu, & particulierement de la charit?, de la douceur, des m?urs, de l?inclination ? asister son prochain?? Agathon expreses the fact that his social status makes him undeserving of Triphine?s indulgent heart, or her ?goodnes?: AGATHON. Ha! Madame, c?est trop, vostre bont? m?acable, Helas, vous s?avez bien qu ej?en suis incapable, Non, Madame, c?est trop, non, c?est trop, je ne puis, Songez que ne ne suis qu?un simple Gentil-home? (3.1) And finaly, respect found along the way to Tendre-sur-Estem is defined by Fureti?re as consid?ration or ?gard and notes ?il ne faut jamais perdre le respect devant les Dames? or ?leur manquer de respect.? In Act 1, Scene 2, Agathon expreses his lack of respect for his mother in law ho atempts to seduce him: AGATHON. Ha! Madame, Que pourriez-vous juger de mon peu de respect? 112 In this case, it is Iren?e who breaks the rules by making incestuous advances. Agathon?s demonstration of a lack of respect for his mother-in-law is only natural. Cl?lie explains that Tendre-sur-Inclination, which is reached via the route of inclination, is the fastest flowing river and the surest way to reach her heart: ?Cependant comme ele a presuppose que la tendrese qui nait par inclination, n?a besoin de rien autre chose pour etre ce qu?ele est, Cl?lie, comme vous le voyez Madame, n?a mis nul vilage, le long des bords de cete riviere, qui va si vite, qu?on n?a que faire de logement le long de ses rives, pour aler de Nouvele Amiti? a Tendre? (1. 183). Inclination is defined as such in the Robert Electronique as: Inclination . (Mil. XVIe). Lit?r. (Cour. dans la langue clas.). Mouvement qui porte ? aimer qqn. - Afection (cit. 2), amiti?, amour, sympathie. Inclination aveugle d'un p?re pour certains de ses enfants (- Efet, cit. 2). Se prendre d'une tendre, d'une vie inclination pour qqn. - Sp?cialt. Fait de se sentir atir? sentimentalement par qqn. Inclination amoureuse. In Act 3, Scene 1, Triphine reveals Agathon as the object of her afections: TRIPHINE. Ouy, mon frere, je veux dire que c?est moy-mesme, Qui vous ay fait l?object de mon afection, Et qu?on ne peut changer mon inclination? The diference betwen Triphine?s inclination and that of Cl?lie?s is that the former is declared and the later is stifled. Eventualy Triphine openly declares her love while Cl?lie does not dare violate the rules of the game. In the land of Tender, inclinations are not voiced. If the suitor does not make the right choices, it is possible for him to make a wrong turn and end up in the Lake of Indiference, or into Forgetfulnes, Luke Warmth, or Negligence. In the 17 th century, indif?rence is defined in the Robert Electronique as: Indif?rence :- 3. (D?b. XVIe). Absence d'int?r?t ? l'?gard d'un ?tre, des homes. - Froideur. L'indif?rence que lui a montr?e, t?moign?e son entourage l'a 113 profond?ment d??u. L'indif?rence des enfants ? l'?gard des adultes (cit. 6). Artiste, novateur qui bataile (cit. 2) au milieu de l'indif?rence g?n?rale. - Inatention. In Act 1, Scene 2, Iren?e uses this term to describe Agathon?s coldnes towards her: IRENE. Amour ne sera-il jamais vostre vainqueur, Le vera-on jamais entrer dans vostre coeur? Quoy, vivrez-vous tousjours dans cete indiference? In the land of Tender, it is always the female who acts indiferent. In this context, the roles are reversed. It is Agathon who acts indiferent towards the female suitor. However, the fact that he does not demonstrate any afection towards his mother-in-law should not be surprising! In Act 1, Scene 4, the term indiference is used again. Albin, Agathon?s friend and confidant, describes his lover?s coldnes towards him, now that she has found a new suitor: ALBIN. Que je l?ay veu heureux ? ce meschant rival: Ele se sousrioit, voyant ma contenance, Me regardant tousjours avec indiference; In this instance however, Albin?s perception of his lover?s conduct wil prove to be incorrect, ilustrating that love is sometimes deceiving. Indiscretion, another stumbling block in the land of Tender, is defined by Fureti?re as ?imprudence.? Pascal?s use of this term in Agathonphile martyr suggests that discretion is just as important in friendships betwen males. Agathon, who knows that Albin wil not betray him, fels that he can share with him the secrets of his heart: AGATHON. Albin, je te diray Le secret de mon coeur, mais au moins prens bien garde De trahir ALBIN. Ne crains point pour ce qui te regarde, J?aymerois mieux mourir que trahir ton secret, Car je t?honore trop. 114 AGATHON. Je te crois trop discret? (3.5) La perfidie, also to be avoided in ?tender friendship? is defined by Furet?re as a ?manque de foy, de parole, trahison.? Iren?e, after having ben rejected by her son in law, vents her anger and frustration in Act 1, Scene 2: IRENE. Helas! Je vay mourir, ce perfide me quite In this case however, Iren?e?s reaction is of course unwaranted, especialy since it is she who wil betray him by teling her husband that he tried to kil her. Iren?e is unworthy of Agathon?s frienship. To reach Tendre-sur-Reconnaisance, one would follow the route of Reconnaisance: Apr?s cela, Madame, il faut, s'il vous pla?t, retourner ? Nouvele Amiti?, pour voir par quele route on va de l? ? Tendre sur Reconnaisance. Voyez donc, je vous prie, coment il faut aler d'abord de Nouvele Amiti? ? Complaisance, ensuite ? ce petit vilage qui se nome Soumision, et qui en touche un autre fort agr?able, qui s'appele Petits Soins. Voyez, dis-je, que de l? il faut paser par Asiduit?, pour faire entendre que ce n'est pas asez d'avoir durant quelques jours tous ces petits soins obligeants, qui donnent tant de reconnaisance, si on ne les a asid?ment. Ensuite vous voyez qu'il faut paser ? un autre vilage qui s'appele Empreseent et ne faire pas come certaines gens tranquiles, qui ne se h?tent pas d'un moment, quelque pri?re qu'on leur fase, et qui sont incapables d'avoir cet empreseent qui oblige quelquefois si fort. Apr?s cela, vous voyez qu'il faut paser ? Grands Services, et que, pour marquer qu'il y a peu de gens qui en rendent de tels, ce vilage est plus petit que les autres. Ensuite il faut paser ? Sensibilit?, pour faire conna?tre qu'il faut sentir jusqu'aux plus petites douleurs de ceux qu'on aime. Apr?s, il faut, pour ariver ? Tendre, paser par Tendrese, car l'amiti? atire l'amiti?. Ensuite, il faut aler ? Ob?isance, n'y ayant presque rien qui engage plus le coeur de ceux ? qui on ob?it, que de le faire aveugl?ment ; et pour ariver enfin o? l'on veut aler, il faut paser ? Constante Amiti?, qui est sans doute le chemin le plus s?r, pour ariver ? Tendre sur Reconnaisance (Cl?lie 1. 183-4). Of al of these stops along the way to Tendre sur Reconnaisance, the only thre which are refered to in Agathonphile martyr are tendrese, ob?isance, and constance. Tendrese is defined by Fureti?re as such: TENDRESE. f. f. Sensibilit? du c?ur & de l?ame. La delicatese du siecle a renferm? ce mot dans l?amour & dans l?amiti?. Les amans ne parlent que de 115 tendrese de c?ur, soit en prose, soit en vers;& m?me ce mot signifie le plus souvent amour; & quand on dit, J?ay de la tendrese pour vous, c?est ? dire, J?ay beaucoup d?amour. In the seduction scene, Iren?e expreses the love and afection that she has in her heart for her son in law: IRENE. Etre si circonspect Pour moy qui vous cheris avec tant de tendrese? (1. 2) Of course, here, her use of the term tendrese is exploitive since she only seks a physical relationship with her son-in-law. As in the world of ?tender friendship? invented by Mle de Scud?ry, sensibilit? can be applied to friendships betwen women as wel. Sensibilit?, used both in the afirmative and the negative forms in Agathonphile martyr is described by Fureti?re as a figurative expresion used ?en parlant de l??motion de l?ame & des pasions [?] Cete feme a l?ame tendre & sensible: ce qui se dit tant de l?amour, que de la compasion, & de la reconnaisance.? In Act 3, Scene 4, Triphine?s suivante, Carist?e, tries to convince Triphine that she has her best interests at heart by encouraging her to acept C?v?re?s mariage proposal. Here she vainly tries to show her compasion for Triphine, despite the fact that she does not agre with her plan of action: CARISTE. Pleust aux Dieux, visiez-vous dans mon interieur, Ou plutost visiez-vous dans le fonds de mon coeur, Combien il est sensible au tourment qui vous prese Triphine, however, is unconvinced by her display of emotions: TRIPHINE. C?t exc?s de tendrese Flate bien peu mes maux, puisque tu daigne bien Me preser 116 For Triphine, Carist?e?s words are empty. A true ?tender friend? must be able to fel everything that his or her friend is feling. Carist?e, however, atempts to bend Triphine?s wil to her own. In Act 1, Scene 2, Iren?e has convinced herself that Agathon?s tender heart wil cede to her advances once he learns of the pasion that has tormented her for so long: IRENE. Mais aymable Agathon, seroit-il bien possible; Qu?avec tant de douceur vous fussiez insensible A l?exc?s de mon mal lorsque vous le s?aurez? When Agathon refuses to give into her lustful demands, she asks him if he believes his heart can escape from Love. Agathon?s wity response signifies that while his heart is capable of sensibilit? it is not inspired by Iren?e?s declarations of love: AGATHON. Ceux-l? qui le croiroient, se pourroient bien tromper, Quoy, n?ay-je pas un coeur sensible comme un autre? Sensibilit? is also used in its negative forms in Agathonphile martyr. In Act 3, Scene 4, Triphine laments the fact that her brother Euple and others do not sem to sympathize with her horor at the idea of having to mary the old Senator, C?v?re: TRIPHINE. Escoutez moy, de grace, Puis que c?est donc en vain que je verse des pleurs Et que personne n?est sensible ? mes douleurs, Il faut donc Triphine also acuses Agathon of having an ?insensitive heart? when his hesitations prevent him from responding to her declaration of love: TRIPHINE. Ha, cruel Agathon, ? coeur trop insensible! 117 In Polydore?s monologue in Act 4, Scene 3 where he learns of Triphine?s aranged mariage, sensibilit? takes on the meaning of ?extreme? which is used to modify the word ?malheur? or ?unfortunate event:? POLYDORE. De ce funeste hymen, il me fit resentir Un deplaisir si grand, qu?il me fut impossible D?apprendre sans regret un malheur si sensible Ob?isance, which is defined by Fureti?re as ?so?mision aux volont?s d?autruy,? in the context of tendrese describes the male lover?s atitude of humility he must show towards the object of his afection. Agathon, who has agred to speak to her on the behalf of Polydore, demonstrates his submision to Triphine?s wil when she begs him to never speak of Polydore ever again with whom she is not in love: AGATHON. Madame, j?obeys ? vos commandements. (3.1) Fureti?re defines constance as ?la plus bele qualit? qu?on demande ? un amant.? In Agathonphile martyr, constance is used most often to describe one?s fidelity in love. For example, Polydore, having litle succes in his amorous pursuits, bemoans the fact that despite his ?constancy? he has not won the heart of Triphine: POLYDORE. Jamais je n?ay ces? de souspirer pour ele: H? quoy, sera-il dit, qu?entre les amoureux Je sois le plus constant & le plus malheureux? (4.3) Triphine first uses the term in its adverbial form in Act 2, Scene 4: TRIPHINE. Mais neantmoins mon coeur l?ayme si constament? And again in Act 3, Scene 1 when she becomes impatient with Agathon?s hesitancy: TRIPHINE. H? quoy, pouriez-vous douter de ma constance? Vous en verez l?efect par ma perseverance. Further in the last scene of Act 3, Agathon commends her ?constancy? in her love for 118 him: AGATHON. Ceste aymable beaut? ayme si constament? In Act 3, Scene 4, Triphine reafirms her desire to demonstrate her ?constant love? to Agathon: TRIPHINE. Ouy, je veux qu?Agathon connoise ma constance? Later, constance is used in its adverbial form by Agathon to describe Triphine?s faithfulnes and perseverance in her love for him: AGATHON. Ceste aymable beaut? t?ayme si constament, Qu?ele fait aujourdhuy l?office d?un Amant. (3.6) ?Un galimatias:? gallant rhetoric and Christian rhetoric In Agathonphile martyr, galant rhetoric is often juxtaposed with Christian rhetoric, emphasizing the cooexistance of two contrasting themes ? spirituality and romantic love. We have sen in the examples above how the word ?constance? inspired by the Carte du Tendre is used most often by Triphine to describe her unwavering love for Agathon. However, in the context of a religious drama, this term becomes problematic since it alows for divergent interpretations of the ending of the play. Fureti?re?s definition of this term in the context of religion sharply contrasts with his definition of this term in the context of love: CONSTANCE. f. f. Force d?esprit qui entretient toujours l?ame dans une m?me asiete, en une m?me fermet? quelque ?branlement que souffre le corps par la douleur, l?afliction, la necesit?, ou autre causes semblables. La constance des Sto?ques leur emp?choit d?avo?er que la douleur fust un mal. La constance des Martyrs est ce qui a augment? la Religion Chr?tienne. In the very last scene of the play, after Triphine confeses her conversion to Christianity, one cannot be sure whether she is refering to her constant love for Agathon or her constant love for God: 119 TRIPHINE. Que je sois expos?e Aux plus cruels tourments qu?on pourroit m?inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l?on peut m?apprester N?auront jamais pouvoir d?esbranler ma constance. Other clich?s asociated with galantry create a similar efect. For example, in a prayer spoken directly to God, Agathon speaks of Triphine?s religious fervor in the same way that he speaks of his pasion for her: AGATHON. Grand Dieu qui commandez par desus l?Univers, Qui me voyez courir dans ces afreux deserts, Permets qui cele-l? pour qui mon c?ur souspire Puise me recevoir dans ton celeste Empire, Car cete ch?re S?ur m?avoit donn? sa foy, Qu?ele ne connaisoit point d?autre Dieu que toy. C?est pourquoy, mon Seigneur, je crois que sa bel?ame Qui n?a jamais brusl? que d?une Saincte fl?me, Doit estre maintenant au rang des bien-heureux (5.1) In this case the metaphor of the flame often used by Agathon to describe his love for Triphine, is being used to describe Triphine?s spiritual love for God. Fureti?re confirms these conflicting usages of the term ?flame:? FLAME. Subst. fem. On dit figur?ment, la flame de l?amour; & se dit premierement de l?amour divin. une flame celeste. Seigneur, que je brusle de vos flames. The same term is used by Pascal in her dedication of the play to describe the ?burning hearts? of the two protagonists: Escoutez donc, MESIEURS, ces Amants trop heureux, Et souffrez qu?ils vous disent les deseins amoureux Qui ont brusl? leurs c?urs d?une flame divine. The word ?divine? used to modify the word ?flame? does not clarify as to whether or not she is refering to their love for God or their love for eachother. Fureti?re gives two definitions for the adjective ?divine:? 120 DIVIN,INE. adj. Qui est, ou qui vient de Dieu. Les trois personnes divines ne font qu?un seul Dieu. DIVIN, se dit figur?ment de tout ce qui est excelent, extraordinaire, & qui semble estre au desus de la force de la nature, ou de la capacit? des hommes [?] Une beaut? divine. Thus, we can interpret Pascal?s verses in two ways: one, their hearts burn with a love which comes from God or two, their hearts burn with a love that is extraordinary or superior to al other love. The word ?divine,? used in galant poetry to describe a woman who is extraordinarily beautiful, is found several times in the play. For example in the last scene of the play, Agathon refers to Triphine directly as ?Divine beaut?.? Furthermore Agathon refers to her hands as ?divins? in Act 3, Scene 1 when she gives him the ring as a token of her afection for him. The term ?martyr? is often used in its poetic sense, rather than in a religious sense in Agathonphile martyr. Fureti?re defines the term in each context: MARTYR, YRE. subst. masc. & fem. Celuy qui souffre des peines, des supplices, & m?me la mort pour la defense de Jesus-Christ & de son Eglise, pour rendre t?moignage de la verit? de son Evangile. MARTYR, se dit po?tiquement & frequement de la souffrance des amans. Il luy a cont? son martyre sous un nom emprunt?. Ayez piti? de mon martyre. For instance, when Agathon learns that Triphine plans to reject Polydore?s proposal of mariage, Agathon refers to his ?martyre? in the poetic sense: AGATHON. Mais Polydore, encor que luy pouray-je dire? O? pourra-il aler soulager son martyre? Iren?e also uses this term in its figurative sense to refer to her unrequited love for Agathon: IRENE. Ce divin Agathon qui cause mon martyre A si bien dans mon ame ?tably son Empyre. (1.1) 121 Note that she as wel refers to Agathon as ?divine? not in a spiritual sense, but in reference to his handsome features. *** In conclusion, Pascal?s play atempts to combine elements of the romanesque tragicomedy with the Christian tragedy. We have sen how the rhetoric in particular is altered by this fusion of genres. In Agathonphile martyr, the secular world and the heavenly realm are juxtaposed in the way that the language spoken by both pagan and Christian characters, painted with the metaphors, hyperboles, and romantic imagery favored by the gallants spils over from amorous speech into sacred discourse. Nicole, in his Trait? de la com?die (1667) emphasizes the incompatability betwen Christianity and the language of the pasions: ?le langage des pasions, c?est ? dire l?art de les exprimer et de les faire para?tre d?une mani?re agr?able. [?] Plusieurs personnes ?touffent de mauvais deseins, parce qu?ils manquent d?adrese pour s?en ouvrir? (XI). Therefore, for Nicole, the language of love that is spoken on stage is taken in by the spectator who absorbs it and uses it for his own imoral purposes. Pascal, on the other hand, demonstrates that the language of love can be an authentic expresion of one?s pasion for Christ as wel as for those who share that common bond. If galantry ?n?est autre chose qu?un commerce d?esprit, o? le c?ur & les sens ne doivent prendre aucune part? (Trotti de la Ch?tardie 101-102), Triphine and Agathon have broken al of the rules of the game having found true spiritual love rooted in their tendre amiti? and their love for God. Pascal?s world is thus a reconciliation of both the secular realm and the spiritual realm. In the next portion of our study I wil demonstrate how Pascal?s Triphine, who embodies these two contrasting spheres, diverges from the traditional female martyr who must deny 122 pasion in order to pursue her spiritual objectives. Triphine represents a new and improved female martyr heroine whose more ?human? character traits alow the spectator to identify with her. 123 The Female martyr in 17 th century drama In legends and sacred dramas recounting the stories of brave Christian martyrs, it is often the female characters who are most celebrated. For example, even today most Lyonnais would be proud to recount the story of Blandina, the first female Christian who was martyred in France in 177 AD in the ?amphith??tre des trois Gaules.? Acording to the legend recounted by Eusebius, a mob scene in the strets ended in public interogation by the tribune and town magistrates. After the Christians confesed their faith, they were taken to prison until the Legate of Lugdonensis arived and gave the order to have them executed. Al were driven to the ?amphitheatre des Trois Gaules? and delivered to ferocious beasts. Approximately forty Christians were beheaded and tortured in the public amphitheater in the slopes of Croix-Rousse. Those martyred included Bishop Pothinus, Doctor Atalus, the Deacon Sanctus of Vienne, and a female slave named Blandina, who appears to have suffered longer and more horibly than the others, acording to the leter previously mentioned which was originaly translated by the Abb? Pourrat. 9 After having been tortured and burned, Blandine?s ashes were thrown into the waters of the Rhone River. Her courageous death would inspire thousands of Christians to follow her example: ?Ce que les pers?cuteurs de Blandine n?avaient pas pr?vu, c?est que ces cendres, alaient, comme la semence enfouie dans le silon, asurer la moison future d?une foi profonde et parer la douce France, file a?n?e de l??glise, de ces ?mouvantes et merveileuses cath?drales, t?moins sublimes de cete foi qui, de si?cle en si?cle deviendrait de plus en plus n?cesaire aux hommes pour croire en leur ?ternit?? (Bideau 32). 124 Should it be so unusual that the Lyonnais would stil remember Blandina today while the other martyrs that were executed that tragic day are forgotten? The point that I make here is that while the martyr is perhaps the religious icon ?par excelence? of the Counter Reformation, the image of the female martyr is even more so. Most often in religious drama the spectator is more emotionaly moved by the female martyr than the male martyr because she is known to be physicaly weaker. ?Her pasion, being more pathetic, is supposed to have greater audience appeal? (McInerney 50). Perhaps this idea explains why the later half of the 17 th century, a period marked by newfound religious fervor, sems to highlight a substantial number of martyr plays featuring female martyrs, including Agathonphile martyr. 10 The fascination held for the female martyr is undoubtedly linked to the idea that through her faith in God, she is able to transcend her physical weaknes, exhibiting characteristics which are traditionaly asociated with masculinity. In the preface to Richard Alestr?e?s The ladies calling (1673), the author notes ?How many women do we read of in the Gospel, who in al the duties of asiduous atendance on Christ, liberalities of love and respect, may even in zeal and courage, surpased even the apostles themselves? [?] The Martyrologies are full of Female sufferers of al ages and conditions who by the fervor of their Zeal had overcome the timorousnes of their Nature, and wearied the cruelty of their Persecutors.? The Christian female voice is empowered through the fredoms given to her by her faith in the authority of spiritual equality ? the notion that men and women are the same in the eyes of God. This concept stems from Paul?s words in Galations 3:27-8 who became very influential in Christian doctrine as early as the first century: ?For al of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is neither Jew nor Grek, 125 slave nor fre, male nor female, for you are al one in Jesus Christ.? These verses suggest that ?becoming a Christian somehow elided one?s other social markers? (Casteli 30). For the sake of my hypothesis, it is important to distinguish religion as an institution from Christianity. Although the Church has historicaly been sen as a misogynist institution, contrastingly Christianity in its purest esence has always suggested that one?s gender is imaterial. To be ?in Christ? is to be primarily subject to the laws of God. Mysticism, which had been revived in 12 th century Europe, was one religious practice which did not recognize gender diferences. The objective of mysticism was a ?spiritual union with Christ, which could be reached by ascetic practices, suffering and mortification of the flesh, meditation, and opennes to the revelatory experience? (Lerner 67). This discourse maintains that God prefers to speak through women, whose weaknes and lack of education makes them privileged receivers of the word. Godineau cites some of the most wel-known female mystics in 17 th century; Antoinete Bourignon, Claudine Moine, Armele Nicole, Marie des Val?es, Marie Martin, Catherine de Bar, Barbe Acarie, Marie de Valence, Jeanne de Chantal, Marie Rousseau, and Mme Guyon (113). Fran?ois de Sales, bishop of Geneva and Roman Catholic saint (b1567-d1622), is perhaps one of the first religious fathers in France to acknowledge feme d?votes in his religious writings. In the preface to his Introduction to the devout life, writen for both men and women alike who sek to live a spiritual life, he specificaly addreses Philothea which ?signifies a soul loving, or in love with God? (35). Thus, for de Sales, when addresing the soul, there is no distinction betwen genders. He believed that the strength of a Christian woman should not be underestimated: Women were not incidentaly included in this democratic spirituality. Woman, no les than man, enjoys the favour of having been made in the image of God: the 126 honour is done equaly to both sexes; their virtues are equal; to each of them is offered an equal reward [?] I would not want woman to say: I am frail, my condition is weak. 101 We might conclude then that in the 17 th century, the religious realm is perhaps the only space in which behavioral codes for women are suspended. The female martyr in 17 th century drama naturaly violates the rules of biens?ances by demonstrating courage that goes beyond expectations for female conduct. In Le martyre de Sainte Catherine, by La Sere (Paris 1642) Hermenigilde, by La Calpren?de, (Paris 1641), Indegonde by Montauban (Paris 1654), Natalie ou la G?nerosit? Chrestienne by Montgaudier (Paris 1654), Corneile?s Th?odore (Paris 1646), and Val?e?s La Forte Romain en vers fran?ois (1654-1655), the female martyr?s spiritual authority gives her the right to transgres sexual boundaries. In my analysis of Pascal?s female martyr, I wil demonstrate that compared to other female martyr protagonists whose religious fervor makes them sem almost inhuman, Triphine?s refusal to choose betwen pasion and Godly duty makes her a more believable character. Despite her appeal, the female martyr poses a problem in 17 th century clasical theater because she does not correspond to the rules for female characterization. Aristotle had set forth a specific model that playwrights were to respect when depicting females on stage in Poetics where he explicitly states that ?it is possible for the character to be courageous, but this to be an inappropriate way for a woman to display courage or clevernes? (24). La Mesnardi?re, in La Po?tique, echos his ideas, advising playwrights to respect specific rules in regards to female characterization. He explains that a poet should never present a valiant feme forte or educated woman in creative works. On the contrary, a woman should always be depicted as gentle, pasive, and modest. A strong 127 heroine contradicts the principles of verisimilitude as this type of woman does not correspond to the public?s vision of reality: Pour la propri?t? des moeurs, le po?te doit consid?rer qu?il ne faut jamais introduire sans necesit? absolue, ni une file vailante, ni une feme savante, ni un valet judicieux. Car encore que ces parties se rencontrent quelquefois en ce sexe, et dans ce m?tier, il est n?anmoins veritable qu?il y a peu de Sapphons, encore aussi peu d?Amazones, et fort peu de sages valets; et qu?ainsi de metre au Th??tre ces trois esp?ces de personnes avec ces nobles conditions, c?est chocquer directement la vraisemblance ordinaire. (137) The characteristics that define both the 17 th century female character and the 17 th century female are derived from the ?natural law? in the writings of Aristotle whose philosophy is based on a division betwen ?male? and ?female? principles. While the male is inclined to be ?active? the female is more inclined to exhibit ?pasive? behavior. In Generation of Animals, Aristotle states on the defectivenes of woman: ?Now a boy is like a woman in form, and the woman is as it were an impotent male, for it is through a certain incapacity that the female is female, being incapable of concocting the nutriment in its last stage into semen [?] owing to the coldnes of her nature.? And on the concept of pasivity: ?It follows [her pasivitiy] that what the female would contribute to the semen of the male would not be semen but material for the semen to work upon.? 102 Adhering to Aristotle?s theories, early modern intelectuals and philosophers believed that beings were composed of diferent humors that determined their physical and mental capacities. While man was characterized by ?warm? and ?dry? humors, demonstrating great courage and strength, woman was composed of ?cold? and ?humid? humors leading to instability, weaknes, and deceitfulnes (Godineau 10). Le Sieur de Vaux writes in 1629 in La Madeleine au d?sert regarding women, ?Remarque le trouble de mile diverses pasions qui l?agitent, la 128 foiblese du sexe, son inconstance, et son infidelit? n?oublie pas ses tromperies, ses malices ses cruautez?" (105-7). In keeping with these stereotypes, women are often explicitly depicted as frail in many dramas of the 17 th century (Maclean 184). For instance, the female protagonists in the most celebrated martyr plays, Corneile?s Pauline in Polyeucte (1642) and Rotrou?s Marcele in Le V?ritable Saint Genest (1645), play the role of the weakest link. Corneile?s Pauline is eventualy won over by her Christian husband Polyeucte, but she falters in her decision to convert. It is only at the very end of the play, upon seing her husband?s execution, that she embraces Christianity. She expreses her own frailty of heart when she says ?Je suis feme et je sais ma faiblese? (Polyeucte 1. 4). Pauline?s speech conforms to the model she is expected to emulate as a female character. Similarly, Marcele the actres in Rotrou?s Le V?ritable Saint Genest, demonstrates her own frailty. In Act 3, in the role of Natalie, she boldly proclaims her desire to follow in the footsteps of the virgin martyrs that have gone before her: NATALIE. En cete ilustre ardeur mile m?ont d?vanc?e; D?obstacles infinis mile ont su triompher, C?cile des tranchants, Prisque des dents de fer, Fauste des plombs bouilants, Diph? de sa noblese, Agathe de son sexe, Agn?s de sa jeunese, T?cle de son amant, et toutes du tr?pas; Et je r?pugnerais ? marcher sur leurs pas? (3.7) However, she fals short of the courage she expreses in her monologue when Genest, who has been imprisoned after converting to Christianity on stage, invites her to join him in death. Her unwilingnes to make such a self- sacrifice inspires Genest to cry out against the weaknes of womankind: ?O faible coeur de feme!?(5.2) By acenting female stereotypes such as weaknes and instability, the playwright respects the rules of 129 characterization, permiting only the male protagonist to play the role of the hero. As we have sen, in the most celebrated martyr plays, the female protagonists sem to fit the molds to which they are expected to conform. In theater, the more virile female martyrs like Saint Catherine, however, transcend Aristotle?s law and reverse the male-female aggresive-pasive strong-weak polarities. The image of the female martyr denotes non-adherence to the rules of ?biens?ances? in that she rises above her station and becomes more heroic than the male figure. ?Le d?ploiement de courage et de force manifest? par la condamn?e sont des qualit?s qui l??l?vent au-desus de son sexe et jusqu?au rang de h?ros: certaines autorit?s consid?raient que la faiblese ?tait le propre de la feme.? 103 As in the topsy-turvy ?monde ? l?envers? of the tragicomedy where few rules apply and servants disguise themselves as masters and vice versa, female martyrs are transgresors. 104 Rules concerning ?unity of tone? in which a character must exhibit the speech and behavior that reflect her social clas are not respected by the female martyr. She abandons the character traits normaly asociated with her sex for those asociated with the male figure. Although her physical traits remain feminine, she exhibits exhibits a behavior usualy asociated with male characters. 105 She is an androgynous figure or a fusion of opposites: ?The heroic woman is not only fre of al the unworthy atributes of womankind, nor simply possesed of masculine virtues; she also retains the qualities asociated with the frailty of women (beauty, gentlenes, clemency, compasion), thus forming an antithesis of woman in moral atributes, and a fusion of man and woman in her entirety, superior to one and the other sex?? (Maclean 249). The female martyr is unafraid to speak the doctrine of the Lord or rebel against the silence inflicted upon her sex. She uses her 130 voice as an instrument of power, alowing those around her to witnes her faith. Maud Burnet McInerney shows in her article, ?Rhetoric, Power, and Integrity in the Pasion of the Virgin Martyr? that the virgin martyr?s weaknes becomes strength, and feminine discourse ?defined as deceptive? since the days of Eve, becomes truthful, eloquent, possesed of the power both to inspire and to threaten? (50). Her words are threatening to the male patriarch. The only way to contain her or to silence her is to force mariage upon her or kil her if necesary. Significantly, these characteristics appear in 17 th century theatrical works as wel as in paintings of the same period. In Figure thre, sen below, Saint Catherine has been painted by Diego de Borgraf in the clasical style. Acording to hagiographic texts, Catherine was beheaded in 305 in Alexandria, Egypt for her faith. Born into the nobility, she was taught science and oratory. She was then converted to Christianity after she received a vision. When she was 18, during the persecution by Maximus, she offered to debate with the pagan philosophers. Many were converted by her teachings, and were eventualy martyred. Maximus had her scourged and imprisoned. The Empres and the leader of the army who were curious went to se her in prison and were also converted and martyred. Maximus ordered her body to be tortured and broken on the wheel, but she destroyed it by touching it. After she was finaly executed, her body was taken away by the angels. Borgraf?s painting brings out many of the elements found in the legend of this Saint as wel as many of the characteristics of the virgin female martyr we discussed above. In the background of the painting, we se Catherine kneeling with her arms outspread as the torture wheel splinters into pieces. In the forefront of the painting, the broken wheel at her fet symbolizes God?s victory over evil and corruption through her. 131 The rich, royal blue color of her gown and her gold jewelry ilustrates her nobility. The artist emphasizes her beauty and her purity through the white palor of her skin and the delicatenes of her hands. Her lips are slightly parted as though she continues to speak the word of God - represented by her sword. Her eyes are turned toward heaven, seking relief and the pasage to heaven, as the angels come to bring her a wreath of roses, perhaps symbolizing her innocence and youth. Her delicate hand is raised to receive the gift. Fig. 3. Diego de Borgraf, Saint Catherine of Alexandria (1656) Denver Art Museum 132 Saint Theodora has also inspired artists in the 17 th century. In the ilustration of Saint Theodora sen below, done by Italian master, Bernardino Capiteli, many elements of the hagiographic elements are depicted as wel. The legend of Saints Theodora and Didymus (d. 304) is based on a 4 th century acta and the second book of Saint Ambrose of Milan?s Vierges (Liber de exhortatione virginitatis). Both were martyred during the reigns of Roman Emperors Diocletian and Maximianus. The prefect of Alexandria, Proculus, made aware of Theodora?s vow of celibacy caled her before him. He reminded her that she was of noble Roman blood and since she was quite beautiful, could have her choice of husbands. She, in turn, reminded him of her vow. His responded by teling her that she would be taken to a brothel if she did not comply. Since she refused mariage, she was taken to a brothel. However, Didymus, a Christian soldier, came to save her. He made her exchange clothing with him so that she could escape. Didymus was then taken prisoner and brought to Proculus, who condemned him to death. Theodora joined him, and they were both beheaded. In the ilustration below, Theodora is featured as she is most often in representations of her ? wearing the clothing of Didymus. The fact that she is wearing men?s clothing underlines her androgynous character traits. Her masculine clothing does not diminish the beauty of her facial features and her youth ? her golden hair, her long roman nose, and her rosebud lips. Her gaze is directed downward, perhaps suggesting her modesty or her pudeur. Yet, her beautiful hair, often a symbol of femininity, is partialy covered. And she is also shown reading a book ? perhaps the sacred scriptures, which demonstrates her desire to become more knowledgeable in the Christian doctrine. Furthermore, she appears to be instructing a young boy, which is not an occupation 133 normaly taken up by young woman. The halo above her head emphasizes her innocence and purity and announces her approaching martyrdom. Fig. 4. engraving, Bernardino Capiteli, Saint Theodora (17 th cen) The Ilustrated Bartsch. Vol. 45, Italian Masters of the Sevententh Century Representations of some of these virile female martyr protagonists featured in martyr plays published betwen 1641 and 1654 are often similar, as shown by La Sere?s 134 Saint Catherine, La Calpren?de?s Indegonde, Montauban?s Indegonde, Montgaudier?s Natalie, Corneile?s Th?odore, and La Val?e?s Saint Susanne. In those plays featuring female virgin saints, the female heroines expres an aversion to to romantic love and earthly pasion, and inspire desire and lust in their adversaries because of their youth and beauty. Furthermore, their youth is emphasized in order to inspire admiration on the part of their spectators since they are able to demonstrate such fidelity and strength of character at an impresionable age. In al of these plays the female martyr heroines sem to expres a death wish, or a desire to be with Christ which takes precedence over their mariages or love interests, if any. And finaly, al of these female protagonists demonstrate great wisdom and knowledge of Christian doctrine. Some, such as Saint Catherine and Saint Susanne inspire male heroes to convert to Christianity. La Sere?s Saint Catherine Although La Sere?s tragedy Saint Catherine is not often studied today, his play enjoyed relative succes after its first performance at the H?tel de Bourgogne in 1641. It was first published in 1642 and performed again betwen 1642 and 1647. It was reprinted in 1647 and translated into Dutch. 106 It is unique for two reasons; first, it is writen in prose and secondly, the first edition includes engravings which alow us to determine how the scenes were staged. In this dramatized version of the legend of Saint Catherine, which is one of at least five from the 17 th century, 107 the Empres is depicted as sympathetic to the suffering of the Christians who wil be sacrificed to the Roman gods by the Emperor as an expresion of gratitude for his succes in the expansion of his Empire. The Emperor, impresed with Catherine?s beauty, ofers her the crown if she wil renounce Christianity but Catherine refuses to betray her conscious. They enter into 135 a debate. The Empres, jealous of Catherine?s influence over the Emperor, visits her in her cel to interogate her in order to determine her real intentions. Catherine succeds in converting her to Christianity. In Act 4, the King who is troubled by Catherine?s beauty and power of persuasion, sends Lucius, the philosopher to debate with Catherine, but she succeds in converting him as wel. It is only after Catherine?s execution upon hearing the music of the angels that the Emperor decides to convert to Christianity as wel. In comparison with the original legend, the supernatural element is greatly reduced and it is truly Catherine?s eloquence that convinces the others to convert ? not the light from the angels or the miracles that occur in the legend such as the breaking of the wheel or the sudden deaths of 4000 pagan spectators. One by one, the Imperatrice and the Emperor?s philosophers succumb to her influence confesing their desire to be martyred along with Catherine. This patern is repeated in Pascal?s play except it is more sudden and simultaneous in her case. With the exception of Triphine?s conversion, al of the others take place one after the other in the final scene of the play. In Sainte Catherine, the conversions are gradual. What is significant about Saint Catherine is that besides her companion Emilie, her family members are never mentioned. She does not sem to have a father or a brother to act as a patriarchal authority. This does of course give her more fredom to make her own choices. But as Fischer points out, this also sets her apart from more realistic protagonists who cannot avoid this obstacle: ?Le fait qu?ele soit enti?rement ma?trese d?ele-m?me et de son destin ?limine d?une part les obstacles qui pourraient na?tre d?un d?sacord entre le p?re et la file et d?autre part contribue ? donner ? ce personnage une certaine ir?alit?? (8). 136 Catherine?s fatal flaw, her beauty, plays an important role in the development of the action. The power and influence of her beauty over the Emperor is almost supernatural, although Catherine chooses not to abuse her natural gifts which she ses as fleting and worthles: PORPHIRE. M?priserez-vous encore cete grande beaut? dont la Nature vous a pourveu?. CATHERINE. Ma beaut? est un ?clair qui ne luit que pour disparestre. In a monologue at the end of the second act, the Emperor reveals to what extent Catherine?s beauty influences his decisions: L?EMPEREUR. il faut regner absolument si l?on veut porter la qualit? de Souverain, les Sceptres et les coronnes ne relevent que d?eux-mesmes. Mais que dis-je? Cete inhumaine se rit de mes deseins, s?achant que le pouvoir des ses charmes s?estend beaucoup plus loin que celuy de mon authorit?. Cete bele idolatre me persuade de le devenir; Car ? mesure que le feu de la cholere embrase mon coeur, je sens que celuy de l?amour s?alume dans mon ame. Quel party doisje prendre? Fuiray je les sentiments de la Justice ou ceux de l?amour. Another traditional hagiographic detail encountered in this play is the theme of youth, a topos linked to epideictic discourse, which was used in clasical rhetoric to emphasize the qualities and merits of an individual. Throughout the play La Sere underlines Catherine?s great faith and strength which exceds al expectations, given her young age. For example, in Act 2, Scene 5, the Emperor hesitates to put her to death because of her young age, but Catherine protests: L?EMPEREUR. Et c?est ele-m?me (la raison) qui se declare vostre partie, puisqu?ele me contraint malgr? les persuasions de vostre jeunese, de punir vostre impiet?. CATHERINE. Si vostre fureur a fait des Martyrs dans le berceau, ma jeunese ne doit point arester le cours de ces violences? 137 In the second scene of Act 4, the Emporer is stil undecided, and claims that Catherine?s youth ?blinds? her to reason: ?Je voy bien que vostre desespoir l?emporte sur ma raison. J?ay compasion toutesfois de vostre jeunese, vous estes aveugle aussi bien que moy ?? In the fourth scene of the third Act, Porphire who is atempting to convince Catherine to abandon Christianity asks her to consider her youth or ?jeunese? to which Catherine replies ?Ele vieilit ? toute heure.? (She is continualy aging) Yet another characteristic that defines Catherine, is her supernatural gifts of divination, a form of inteligence that betrays what is expected of her sex. In Act 4 she is able to predict Corvin?s eventual conversion and martyrdom: L?EMPEREUR. Le philosophe que j?ay envoy? querir vous instruira en ma presence, pour vous faire connoistre vostre ereur. CATHERINE. J?espere que luy-mesme confesera bien tost la sienne ? vostre confusion & ? son avantage, puis que les larmes de son repentir, & le sang de son martyre en ?teignant les foudres du Ciel, luy en feront acquerir la gloire. (4.2) She also predicts Porphire?s conversion in the fourth scene of Act 3: PORPHIRE. Je crains que la cholere de l?Empereur n??clate sur vostre teste. CATHERINE. Et j?espere que la Bont? de Dieu fera bien-tost coronner la vostre. PORPHIRE. (Il parle tout bas) Fuyons promptement, je sens ma foiblese comme si mon coeur tenoit d?j? son party? Catherine?s ?superhuman? eloquence alows her to convince al of the pagan characters to convert to Christianity. Like other female martyr heroines, Saint Catherine expreses a death wish, demonstrating absolute control over her mind and body, which is not in line with the 17 th 138 century definition of a woman. She fels great happines at the thought of dying for Christ and voices this desire to the Imperatrice in Act 3: CATHERINE. L?heure de notre retraite sonnera bient?t, Madame, mourons fideles aujourd?huy, pour vivre eternelement heureuses. (3.5) God dwels within Catherine?s heart to the point where she sems emptied of al characteristics that would alow us to se her as human: ?Sainte Catherine est pr?sent?e comme un personnage ? la sup?riorit? ?crasante, parce qu?ele conna?t la v?rit? de la religion chr?tienne, qu?ele a surmont? avec un courage qui presque plus rien d?humain la crainte de la mort et toutes les pasions terestres? (Fischer 10). Even Catherine?s death is miraculous. In the last act of the play, as in the legend itself, Catherine manages to break the chains that bind her to the wheel that is being used to torture and stretch her body. When she is finaly kiled, her veins spil milk instead of blood and her body is caried up to Mount Sinai by the angels. Her only real moment of ?weaknes? is when she prays to God to give her protection and courage in Act 3: CATHERINE. Eschaufez ma volont? du feu de vostre amour, et animez mon courage de la force de vostre protection. However, even Jesus Christ himself revealed his own weaknes when he prayed to God in the garden of Gethsemane on the Mount of Olives just before his crucifixion: ?Father, if it is Your wil, take this cup away from Me; nevertheles not My wil, but Yours be done? (Nelson Study Bible, Luk. 22. 42). After that, the Angel of the Lord came and strengthened him. Just as he demonstrated, reliance on God rather than on ?self? is proof of strength in one?s own faith. Catherine is a stagnant character in that she does not hesitate in her faith nor resist punishment or torture. Therefore it is impossible for the spectator to fel pity or teror 139 towards her. Laurent Thirouin in L?Aveuglement salutaire (1997) raises the same isue in regards to Corneile?s Th?odore who is ?une martyre toute d?une pi?ce, enti?rement pr?occup?e de sa vocation religieuse, [et qui] n?a pas sa place dans le cadre d?une trag?die. Il faut que l?amour divin soit combatu par un atachement humain pour ?mouvoir le public.? 108 La Calpren?de?s Hermenigilde La Calpren?de?s Hermenigilde was published in Paris in 1641, one year before Corneile?s Polyeucte. This play takes place in Sevile where Hermenigilde, the Prince of Spain and his wife Indegonde have taken leave from the royal court without his father the King?s permision. To avenge his wife, who was tormented by the Prince?s stepmother Goisinte for her religious beliefs, Hermenigilde has armed his own father?s royal army against him. While Hermenigilde has sworn to destroy his father, Indegonde warns him against such acts of violence and begs him to forget his injuries and reunite with his family. She goes to se the King to plead on his behalf, but unles he is wiling to abandon the religion of Indegonde, he refuses to alow him to return. Indegonde, void of human ambitions, unlike her husband, easily forgives and forgets the insults of her enemies. She begs her husband to do the same: INDEGONDE. Chasez de grace ce souvenir de vostre esprit, et considerez qu?avec les ereurs de l?Arianisme vous devez avoir banny de vostre ame tout ce qui vous pouvoit rendre indigne de la grace que vous avez receu? du Ciel. Celuy qui vous a visiblement d?fendu contre des forces qui vraysemblablement vous devoient acabler, en vous recevant dans le giron de son Eglise, a voulu que vous estouffasiez le resentiment de nos communes injures, et que vous luy donnasiez une ame soumise et des-interes?e. J?ay oubli? ces offenses, oubliez-les de mesme si vous m?aimez. (1.2) 140 She demonstrates complete faith in God to avenge the righteous and punish the wicked: HERMENIGILDE. Le Ciel ne condamne point les actions de justice, il n?approuve pas moins la punition des crimes que leur tolerance. INDEGONDE. Laisez-en le soin au Ciel, et pardonnez apr?s moy Des injures qu?on n?a faites qu?? moy seule. (1.2) Like Catherine, she also expreses a death wish. Fearful that Hermenigilde is giving in too much to his desire for vengeance, Indegonde relishes the idea of dying for Christ, especialy if she were to sacrifice herself to save Hermenigilde?s soul and his life: INDEGONDE. J?ayme Hermenigilde, ma soeur, et je ne croy pas qu?il doute de mon afection, mais je l?ayme pour luy mesme, et non pas pour moy seule, et j?ayme mieux qu?il separe de moy pour jamais que s?il se separe de Dieu pour la querele duquel il va combatre qu?on en voulut ? ma teste, et que la perte de tout mon sang peut afermir sa vie sans esbranler sa foy, avec quele joye la donnerois-je ceste fresle et malheurese vie pour la conservation de la sienne, et avec quele gloire abandonnerois-je ceste teste ? la rage de ses ennemis pour la destourner de sur la sienne? (3.1) When Atalaric informs Hermenigilde and Indegonde, that Hermenigilde wil be executed while Indegonde wil be sent back to France, her country of origin, Indegonde expreses disappointment at having escaped martyrdom: INDEGONDE. O naisance fatale ? ma gloire, et ennemie de mon bonheur, faut-il que tu me prives de l?honneur qu?on acorde ? mon espoux, et que je ne sois n?e Fran?oise que pour n?avoir point de part ? l?avantage que je luy ay procur?. (5.2) The only moment of weaknes she demonstrates is the third scene of Act 5 on the way to her husband?s execution when the fear of separation consumes her: INDEGONDE. O Dieu il ne m?entend plus, et je l?ai perdu de veu? pour jamais, ah foiblese de nostre nature: c?est maintenant que tu te fais recognoistre, ah forces de mon ame! C?est maintenant que vous m?abandonnes, helas je cede a la violence de ma douleur. Hildegarde je n?en puis plus. Alez Sigeric acompagner vostre Prince jusqu?? la fin, 141 alez observer ses dernieres actions, et ven?s s?il vous plaist quand il aura rendu l?ame nous en faire le rapport. Indegonde?s words ?ah foiblese de nostre nature? reinforce female stereotypes which we discussed above. She also demonstrates her weaknes when she prays to God to take her soul so that she does not have to suffer the pain of separation from her husband: INDEGONDE. Je ne puis vivre sans toi, je ne puis aler ? toy sans ceser de vivre, et je ne puis ceser de vivre sans la grace de celuy avec qui ton sang t?a reconcili?. Il me defend de la conserver sans toy, atire la donc ? toy comme une chose qui fut tousjours tienne?Mon ame est si lase de la compagnie de mon corps qu?ele ne la souffre plus que comme cele d?un ennemy, ou comme un obstacle qui s?oppose ? la derniere gloire, fais que je le franchise mon cher espoux, et que par une intercesion qui maintenant doit estre considerable au ciel je me reunise ? toy pour jamais?(5.6) In this light, her death is much les heroic than that of Saint Catherine. Montauban?s Indegonde Another play based on the legend of Hermenigildus was published in 1654 by Montauban. He however, unlike La Calpren?de, decided to name his tragedy after the female protagonist, Indegonde. Furthermore, his play is in verse rather than in prose. Chappuzeau ranks Montauban in his list of ?autheurs qui ont so?tenu le The?tre, et qui ne travailent plus?, specificaly refering to this martyr-tragedy (Chappuzeau, Le Theatre Fran?ois 111). Acording to Scott, this is the only other playwright besides Corneile and Rotrou to be acknowledged by this critic for a religious drama (155). The play takes place in Madrid. Hermenigilde has fled his father?s kingdom and taken the city of Sevile in reaction to the cruel tortures inflicted upon his Christian bride, Indegonde ?File de France.? In the first scene, Hermenigilde expreses his wilingnes to comply with his father?s wishes in order to end the conflict. His brother Recarede 142 manages to convince him to restore the city of Sevile to his father. Hermenigilde agres to do as his brother advises but at the end of the act he has doubts about whether his mother-in-law the Queen wil be as generous. In the next act, his misgivings are confirmed. Cleonte, ?gentilhomme Espagnol,? brings news that the Queen has intercepted a leter supposedly writen by Hermenigilde to the Greks, expresing a plot to kil both the King and the Queen. Hermenigilde is tried and found guilty of treason. Levigilde announces that he wil spare his eldest son should he renounce Christianity. Recarede atempts to convince him to abandon his faith in Act 4, but Hermenigilde is wiling to suffer martyrdom. In the last act of the play, Indegonde does not wil herself to die as she does in La Calpren?de?s version. She remains to console her father-in-law ho discovers that his wife deceived him. He has her exiled and Recarede inherits the throne. As Scott notes, this play would appear to have political implications: "The couple?s pledge of loyalty to the king, and faith in the King?s word, can be viewed in the light of Louis XIV?s restoration of order and his promise of amnesty made to prominent frondeurs? (156). Indegonde serves as an example of the model courtisan: INDEGONDE. Seigneur, esperez mieux de la fin de nos peines, Les paroles des Rois font toutes souveraines, Le Prince est oblig? de nous garder la foy, Et quand il a parl? sa parole est sa loy. Mais si pour ces raisons vous ne quitez les armes, Si vous voulez combatre au moins voyez mes larmes? (1.4) By her words ?Je suis foible? in Act 1, Scene 2, she, like La Calpren?de?s Indegonde, conforms to the Aristotelian model female character who expreses her own weaknes and inability to control her emotions when she fears in scene two that her husband would resort to going to war against his own father: 143 INDEGONDE. Je suis foible. Seigneur, pardonnez ? mes pleurs, J?ay sceu jusques icy combatre mes douleurs: Mais ce desein m?estonne? Despite her initial show of emotions, Indegonde remains somewhat ?statuesque? throughout the remainder of the play. Similar to La Calpren?de?s dramatic character, Montauban?s Indegonde demonstrates exemplary Christian virtue. Despite her mother- in-law?s vicious treatment, she refuses to sek vengeance. Moreover, she disuades her husband from going to war against his own father in order to avenge her and strongly encourages him to make amends with his father: INDEGONDE. Ce que depuis long-temps un pere veut de vous, Demandez-luy pardon, embrasez ses genoux, C?est ce que veut de nous notre sort d?plorable Vous estes malheureux et n?estes point coupable (1.2) Indegonde never sways in her faith, even while her husband is about to be executed in the fifth scene of Act 4 when she states ?Courage Hermenigilde, et meurs ferme en ta foy.? She remains somewhat emotionaly detached even after the death of her husband. She forces herself not to give into human emotions: INDEGONDE. Ne versez point mes yeux de larmes sur son sang Retenons des soupirs qui se seraient entendre. (5.1) In Montauban?s version, Indegonde does not pray to God to take her life. Instead, she remains a pilar of strength, administering to her father in law ho mourns the loss of his son. Indegonde preaches the Christian faith to the King. In the last act when the King expreses his desire to kil the Queen for her treachery, Indegonde reminds him of his duty as a Christian to ?love his ennemies.? Corneile?s Th?odore Th?odore, vierge et martyre trag?die chr?tienne (1646), Corneile?s les 144 succesful martyr-play, is specificaly mentioned by d?Aubignac in his Pratique du Th??tre as an example of a subject that does not respect the rules of biens?ances. He states that a plot that centers on the prostitution of a female martyr cannot be pleasing to an audience. As mentioned earlier, another reason for the failure of this play appears to be notably the female heroine?s ?froideur.? In Corneile?s dramatic version of the legend of Th?odore, Marcele, the wife of Valens, governor of Antioch, wants Placide, the governor?s son to mary her dying daughter Flavie in the hopes that they would stil produce an heir to the throne. However, Placide is in love with Th?odore, Princes of Antioch. Marcele, whose daughter?s hand is rejected by Placide, seks revenge when she finds out that the object of Placide?s afection is a Christian. Marcele condems her to prostitution but Didyme saves her from her fate by helping her escape the brothel in disguise. After the death of her daughter, Marcele becomes furious and executes both Didyme and Th?odore who are more than happy to die for their religion. Marcele is asasinated and Placide, who holds her father acountable, commits suicide to punish him. At the end of the last act, the governor is left alone in his misery. Throughout the play, like Catherine, Th?odore never shows any weaknes in her faith in God and sems to revel in the thought of dying for her faith. In Act 2, Scene 2, Cl?obule can come to speak with Th?odore on his friend Placide?s behalf. Th?odore expreses the joy she fels at the thought of her martyrdom: THEODORE. Et s?il me faut p?rir, dites-lui qu?avec joie Je cours ? cete mort o? son amour m?envoie, Et que, par un exemple asez rare ? nomer, Je p?rirai pour lui, si je ne puis l?aimer. Placide is unable to win her afections. In Act 3, Scene 3, Th?odore remains unmoved by Placide?s atempts to seduce her with his words. She remains dedicated to her cause: 145 THEODORE. Un obstacle ?ternel ? vos d?sirs s?oppose. Chr?tienne, et sous les lois d?un plus puisant ?poux? Mais, seigneur, ? ce mot ne soyez pas jaloux. Quelque haute splendeur que vous teniez de Rome, Il est plus grand que vous; mais ce n?est point un homme: C?est le Dieu des chr?tiens, c?est le ma?tre des rois, C?est lui qui tient ma foi, c?est lui dont j?ai fait choix? Her only apparent flaw, would semingly be her felings for Didyme which she reveals ever so subtly to Cl?obule in Act 2, Scene 2: THEODORE. Si cete fermet? dont ele est annoblie Par quelques traits d?amour pouvait ?tre afaiblie, Mon coeur, plus incapable encor de vanit?, Ne ferait point de choix que dans l??galit?; Et rendant aux grandeurs en respect l?gitime, J?honorerais Placide, et j?aimerais Didyme. These felings do not sem to squelch her religious fervor however since in Act 5, Scene 6, Didyme and Th?odore argue as to who wil be the one to be martyred: THEODORE. Oui Didyme, il faut vivre et me laiser mourir; C?est ? moi qu?on en veut, c?est ? moi de p?rir. Rends, Didyme, rends-moi le seul bien o? j?aspire C?est le droit de mourir, et l?honneur du martyre; A quel titre peux-tu me retenir mon bien? DIDYME. A quel droit voulez-vous vous emparer du mien? C?est ? moi qu?appartient, quoique vous puisiez dire, Et le droit de mourir, et l?honneur du martyre. When Marcele expreses her intention to avenge her daughter?s shame Th?odore gloats to Didyme: THEODORE. J?ai donc enfin gagn?, Didyme et tu le vois. L?ar?t est prononc?; c?est moi dont on fait choix Th?odore and Marcele represent two sides of a coin. Both female protagonists are incapable of alowing the felings of others to dictate their actions. Th?odore chooses 146 death over love while Marcele does not hesitate to kil to get what she wants. Neither of them is wiling to acept a compromise. Interestingly enough, the underlying political mesage of this play is similar to that found in Racine?s Bajazet, which is that in the hands of a woman, a kingdom is apt to fal to utter ruin. In the last act of the play, Valens is distraught when he realizes to what extent he has alowed his wife to control the situation. Paulin reminds him of the danger that can come of alowing a woman to be in control: PAULIN. La Syrie ? vos lois est-ele asujetie Pour souffrir qu?une feme y soit juge est partie? Montgaudier?s Natalie Yet another sacred tragedy from the same time period featuring a female martyr is Sieur de Montgaudier?s Natalie ou la Generosite Chrestienne published in Paris in 1654. Throughout the play Natalie displays unwavering faith which compares favorably with her husband?s, a strong desire to be martyred, and like Catherine, an ability to debate religious doctrine. The action takes place in Nicomedia. The first act opens as Natalie is praying for the conversion of her husband Adrian. Her prayer is soon answered since in scene thre Faust arives to announce that his master has been imprisoned for having converted to Christianity. Natalie?s response is anything but mournful: NATALIE. Je n?ay plus rien ? craindre et ne pr?tends plus rien, L?exez de ce bon-heur a mon ame ravie; Ha mon cher Adrian vous me rendez la vie! (1.3) In the fourth scene, Martian expreses his intentions to seduce and mary Natalie once she becomes a widow. In the following act, Martian confides his secret love to the Emperor and convinces him to have Adrian executed so that he can have Natalie for himself. Maximian agres to support his cause and orders Adrian to be beaten to death. 147 In Act 3, Maximian orders the criminal couple to come before him in order to try to convince them once more to abandon their faith but he is unsuccesful. Martian tries to convince the Emperor that it is Natalie?s sex which condemns her to emotional instability: ?Le sexe la condamne ? l?instabilit??? (3. 2). Maximian even offers the couple a high ranking position in his court if they wil renounce Christianity, but they wil not relent. Natalie remains particularly steadfast in her faith: NATALIE. Il faut vivre infidele ou mourir pour son Dieu Et trouver en la mort la source de la vie. (3.3) Like her felow female protagonists, she as wel desires death instead of life: NATALIE. Je ne crains point la mort, tant s?en faut je l?espere, C?est l?objet glorieux de mon ardent d?sir. (3. 3) In Scene 4, we find Natalie already rejoicing in her husband?s pending execution: NATALIE. Enfin, ? cher objet de mes saintes delices, Je puis en libert? baiser vos cicatrices, Et prendre dans ce sang qui coule ? gros boisilons, Pour relever mon tein d?ilustres vermilons, Je puis en recueilir les gouttes precieuses, Je puis en recevoir les taches glorieuses, Je puis me consoler de mes longues doueurs, Et jouir d?un bon-heur qui couste tant de pleurs. In Act 4, Natalie and Theodore disguise themselves as men in order to visit Adrian in prison. Natalie tries to convert Theodore by preaching the birth, crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus Christ. When they enter the prison, Natalie deems Adrian to be dead already judging by Faust?s mournful state. When Adrian appears to her in perfect health Natalie is shocked. Asuming that he has found a way to get out of his execution, she shows herself to be brutaly insensitive, acusing him of being weak: NATALIE. Mais le voicy le lasche il n?en faut plus douter, Luy qui n?ose mourir s?ose bien presenter Il peut bien sans rougir paraistre dans la rue? (4.3) 148 Adrian however asured her that it had not taken place yet and that he would like her to atendance. Despite his readines to suffer martyrdom, Adrian cannot help himself from considering financial maters. He asks Natalie about how his estate wil be handled after his death. Natalie reproaches him for not keeping his mind on the treasures he wil find in heaven: NATALIE. A de trop bas pensers votre ?me s?est ouverte Magnanime Adrian, fermez ces yeux du corps Et ne recevez plus ces objets de dehors In the very last scene, Natalie recounts Adrian?s glorious martyrdom to Theodore, who decides to convert to Christianity. Natalie holds up Adrian?s severed hand and declares that she wil build churches in the name of her martyred husband. In the fifth and final act, Martian atempts once more to seduce Natalie but she afirms her eternal devotion to her martyred husband and to God. He threatens to have her tortured unles she succumbs to his advances. In the second scene a verbal dual takes place betwen the Emperor and Natalie who demonstrates both wit and inteligence. She openly criticizes the Monarchy stating that often ?leur pasion s?y trouve asez contraire? (5.2). When the King responds with threats of torture and death she states ?Donnez-moy promptement ? vos boureaux en proye. Plus ils seront cruels, et plus j?auray de joye? (5.2). Similar to the Emperor in Corneile?s Th?odore, Maximian threatens to have her sent to a brothel before her execution in order to disgrace her unles she abandons Christianity and maries Martian. Natalie asks for period of thre days to meditate and consider her options to which Maximian approves. She prays to God for clarity. In the fourth scene, Adrian appears to her in a dream and tels her that his body along with those of other martyrs in on a ship headed for Grece. He tels her that she too wil soon follow 149 him in martyrdom. In the following scene Faust confirms her prophetic dream. The remains of the martyred Christians are on a boat headed for Grece. The final scene of the play ends with Natalie praying to God to send a Christian Emperor. La Vall?e?s Saint Susanne La Forte romaine en vers fran?ois, writen by La Val?e first appeared without publishing information sometime betwen February 1654 and May 1655. 109 In 1656 the work was reisued by Rocolet in Paris under the title Saincte Suzanne martyre. Curiously enough, the entire play is divided into five ?parties? with ?entretiens? instead of five ?acts? with ?scenes.? 10 In the first entretien, Susanne converts Claude, a Roman senator and ?parent? to Susanne, who sems to be in love with her. When he asks her what he must do to become a Christian, Susanne directs him to the priest of her church. Meanwhile, the Emperor Diocletian encourages his ?gendre? who is stil grieving the loss of his wife and the daugher to the Emperor, to pursue Susanne. In the second partie, Maxime, one of the Emperor?s favorites tels Claude about his sovereign?s desire to mary Susanne to Maximian. The Senator asures him that Susanne wil not acept such an arangment since she is determined to remain a virgin. In the third partie, Susanne succeds in converting Maxime to Christianity as wel. The Emperor is angry when he learns that Susanne has converted both of his most dedicated men to Christianity. In the fourth partie al of the Christians are brought into be judged by the Emperor, Prevost and Roman officials. They are found guilty and condemned to be roasted alive and their ashes scatered in the river. After Susanne refuses to mary Maximian, she is executed along with the Emperor?s favorites in the final act. 150 From the beginning to the very end of the play, Susanne expreses joy at the thought of dying for her Christian beliefs. In her soliloquy, in the deuxi?me partie, Susanne afirms that there is nothing on Earth that compares to the joys of the afterlife. To die for Christ is a smal price to pay for the eternal glory and happines which await her in the heavenly realm. Thus her only desire is to abandon this ?sejour odieux? or this detestable life in order to gain aces to the Kingdom of God where she wil remain in the presence of God: SUSANE. Et pour combler les siens d?une gloire supr?me, Sa charit? l?oblige a se donner soy-mesme. Tout ce que l?Univers possede de plus beau, Est moins qu?une ?tincele au prix de ce flambeau; Flambeau, dont la lumiere en ?clairant une ame, L?embrase de l?ardeur d?une divine flame, Et luy faisant trouver ce s?jour odieux, L?ilumine au chemin qui nous conduit aux Cieux. C?est l?, que la douceur se go?te sans meslange, Que la f?licit? n?est point sujete au change, Et qu?on a des plaisirs, dont la solidit?, Ne s?auroit prendre fin, qu?avec l?Eternit?. C?est l?, charmant objet, que j?ay ferme esperance, De posseder bien-tost vostre auguste presence; Even in the very final entretien of the play in which Macedone describes Susanne?s execution, we learn that she dies with a smile on her face, bringing al of the spectators to tears. Like the other virgin martyrs we have explored including Th?odore and Catherine, Susanne expreses an aversion to love or earthly pasion because of her wishes to remain pure. In the very first entretien of the play betwen Claude and Susanne, Susanne squelches his eforts to seduce her: SUSANE. J?ay de l?aversion pour les baisers d?un homme: Mon visage ne fut jamais touch? d?aucun? 151 Furthermore, Susanne sems opposed to anything pleasurable that might distract her from her devotion to God: SUSANE. Ilustres dignit?s, grandeurs, mondaine pompe, De qui le faux ?clat en nous charmant nous trompe; Delices, volupt?s, abondance, plaisirs, Appas, qui nous perd?s, en gaigant nos desirs, Funestes rejetons d?une fatale souche, Vos fruicts paroisent beaux; mais n?ont rien qui me Touche. (2.2) Like Catherine, Susanne?s great beauty, emphasized by the male protagonists throughout the play, is a force which contradicts her desire to remain pure and virginal, driving men to lust after her. She is refered to as ?cete bele Chrestienne? by Diocletian in the second entretien of the second partie and a ?soleil? by Maxime in the last entretien of the second partie. For Maximian who would like to make her his bride, her beauty is made even greater by her noble birth: MAXIMIAN. Ces beles qualitez, que la Nature donne, Sont des droits de naisance, acquis ? la personne [?] Ses parents, apres nous, tiennent le premier rang. Et Rome n?en a point d?un plus ilustre rang, En ele, la Nature a mis son industrie, Pour rendre les humains suspects d?idolatrie? (2.3) It is her beauty which causes Diocletian great inner turmoil as to whether or not he should follow through with her execution in the first entretien of the last partie: DIOCLETIAN. Mon esprit agit? de mouvements ?tranges, A peine ? se resoudre en de si grands m?langes, Si je dois pour les Dieux punir l?impiet?; La Nature qui veut conserver sa beaut?, De toute sa vigeur ? ce desein s?oppose? At first, the Emperor does not condemn Susanne as he does Maxime and Claude. He stil hopes that Maximian wil be able to convince her to acept his mariage proposal. Like Catherine, Susanne ses her beauty as a stumbling block. 152 DIOCLETIAN. Vostre beaut?, ma file, excuse vostre crime. Alons. SUSANE. Ha! que j?aurois de funestes appas Si j?evitois par eux un semblable trepas (4.2) Similar to Catherine and Natalie, Susanne demonstrates great wisdom of Christian doctrine and inteligence. Her privileged relationship with God gives her the authority to preach Christianity to Claude and and Maxime in order to convert them in the first entretien of the third partie. We can conclude that in the plays that we have examined featuring female martyrs from the period betwen 1642 and 1655, La Mesnardi?re?s rules for female characterization are not respected. In fact, some depict the female protagonists as having superior moral strength and often great inteligence as in the case of Natalie, Catherine, and Susanne. The fact that these women have a priviledged relationship with God alows them to go beyond the traditional standards for feminine roles. Saint Catherine, Saint Th?odore, and Saint Susanne in particular are not subject to the rules of biens?ances since they are empowered by a Godly force that does not have bend to the wil of men. Saintly women who often exhibit supernatural forces are an exception to the rules of biens?ances as they are considered to be the very image of an al-knowing and perfect God. Their desire to be martyred for their beliefs in God and to preserve their virginal purity gives them the right to resist unjust corrupt rulers. However, as Corneile indicates in his Examen of Th?odore, the female martyr on stage, who demonstrates litle pasion towards anything other than her God ?n?a ni jambes ni bras.? Most of the hagiographic female protagonists that we have examined here including Catherine, Natalie, and Susanne sem incapable of shedding a tear or exhibiting the slightest weaknes. They are 153 full of the spirit and sem joyous about the idea of suffering for Christ. In turn, it is almost impossible for the spectator to sympathize with them. They oppose the Aristotelian model in that they are able to inspire perhaps admiration from their readers and spectators, but incapable of inspiring pity. A virgin female martyr who remains humble, pious, and void of any emotion simply cannot be succesful on stage. For Nicole, in order to be pleasing to the spectators, the hero or heroine, whether he or she is caled to martyrdom or sainthood must manifest or expres himself or herself in a galant manner: ?Il faut que la d?votion de ces Saints de th??tre soit toujours un peu galante. C?est pourquoi la disposition au Martyre n?emp?che pas la Th?odore de M. de Corneile de parler en ces termes.? Si mon ?me ? mes sens ?tait abandonn? Et se laisait conduire ? ces impresions Que forment en naisant les beles pasion 11 Corneile seks to move the spectators to pity by alowing them to witnes her inner struggle betwen divine love and romantic love. Th?odore however resists galanterie. The love she harbors in her heart for Didyme is never declared and her conduct is not afected. But as we saw in the 1660 edition of his Examen, Corneile admits failure in having unsuccesfully atempted to combine the two ireconcilable worlds ? that of sainthood and the tragedy. Pascal?s Triphine, however, represents the author?s atempt to give the female martyr heroine a much-needed makeover. Pascal?s Triphine In terms of character, Pascal?s female martyr Triphine fits the profile of a tragic Aristotelian heroine more so than the other female martyrs since she exhibits both negative and positive character traits. As for her negative traits, she has a tendency to 154 fle from opposition as she does in Act 4 when she runs away with Agathon to avoid an aranged mariage. She knows that she must learn to trust God, yet she sems to have dificulty abandoning her wealth at first. For instance, when she runs away with Agathon, she insists on bringing her jewelry. Furthermore she is depicted as coquetish and slightly manipulative. For example, she lies to her father in her leter, teling him that she has commited suicide so that she can run away with Agathon. Moreover, she sems to enjoy making Polydore an object of ridicule in Act 2 when she proposes to Agathon that she pretend to be interested in him so that they can enjoy a good laugh about it behind his back. In comparison to the other hagiographic female martyrs, Triphne?s mischievous nature makes her a more believable and likeable character who best emulates what Aristotle had stipulated in terms of character development. Although in the end, she eventualy embraces Christianity and is wiling to suffer martyrdom, it is only after the shipwreck that she is able to recognize God?s influence in their lives and learns to trust in him. While Catherine?s faith is unwavering from the very beginning, Triphine has to slowly learn to trust in God before she is wiling to acept Christianity. Furthermore, while many of the other female martyrs that we have examined are semingly emptied of romantic sentiment, I contend that in the case of Triphine, it is also her love for Agathon that drives her actions, and not only her desire to be martyred. Even when she is arested by her father and the search party, she confeses her love for Agathon before she confeses her conversion Christianity. Thus, the fact that she has become a Christian is certainly not the only reason for her father to punish her. It is also the fact that she has chosen Agathon as a husband which angers her father. 155 The most striking feature of Triphine?s character in comparison to the other female martyr protagonists is the fact that that she must demonstrate courage by resisting the demands placed on her by her own father who tries to force her into an aranged mariage. Other female martyrs like Saint Catherine are presured by unjust rulers to mary and renounce their faith in order to avoid execution. However, since the central figure of authority is represented by her father, Pascal sems to be explicitly questioning the authority of the patriarchal system and more specificaly the institution of mariage rather than the abuse of royal power. Triphon, the heroine?s father, embodies the authority of the State. It is he who has been given full authority by the Emperor to make the final decision as to whether or not she wil live or die in the final scene. The conflict betwen subject and state thus plays a secondary role to the one betwen father and daughter. This central theme is one that we wil now examine in detail. 156 ?Agathonphile martyr? as Political propaganda? Triphine?s heroic defiance of the patriarchal system in Agathonphile martyr ilustrates how Pascal may have used this genre as a medium through which she was able to voice her criticisms of the society in which she lived. As Wendy Gibson afirms, ?throughout the 17 th century, plays led a subtle protest movement against acts of tyranny in sentimental maters, denouncing trafic in human liberty that pased for mariage, and in claiming the right to bestow love and select a partner without a third party interference? (49). In plays of this time period, heroines tried al kinds of ruses in order to have the husband of their choice, such as Lucinde in L?Amour M?decin who pretended to be deathly il in order to trick her father into alowing her to mary her lover. Many female spectators must have identified with these female protagonists and perhaps that is the reason for their popularity as Gibson suggests. 12 However, even in these plays there were limits as to how far the ruse could be caried out: It was a brave or foolish girl who defied these formidable personages and risked physical violence or incarceration in a convent?Besides, mariage was the one sure way of escaping parental domination since almost everywhere it legaly emancipated a girl from parental authority?The alternative to resignation threatened to place a girl in a frightening no man?s land outside the social and moral structures with which she was familiar. (Gibson 51) Furthermore, in order to restore order and to preserve the biens?ances in these plays, a favorable turn of events almost always alowed for the desired union to take place and for the family unit to resume its normal functionality. For example, in Moli?re?s L?Ecole des femes, it is discovered in the very last scene of the play, much to Arnolphe?s chagrin, that Agn?s is the long lost daugher of the wel-to-do Enrique who had always intended for her to mary Horace. Thus the happy couple?s union is blesed and order is restored. 157 With such intrigues ?Readers and spectators could safely enjoy by proxy, al the thrils of revolt, but no one cared to contemplate the problematic situation of the girl whose rebelion definitely placed her outside the family, or the respectable social pale? (Gibson 51). The female martyr is particularly problematic when sen from this angle since the spiritual authority that is given to her through her faith in God and her desire to remain chaste places her in direct opposition to the patriarchal system. 13 It is the Scriptures themselves which give the Christian woman the right to resist mariage if she chooses to remain a bride of Christ: Le droit de vivre est lit?ralement donn? aux femes par l?Evangile, et c?est dater de l?Evangile aussi que la feme devient une personne ?gal de l?homme, qu?on lui reconna?t le droit de d?cider ele-m?me do son existence, de choisir le genre de vie qu?ele entend mener, alors qu?auparavant ce choix ?tait fait par son p?re ou, au besoin, son fr?re. Il suffit pour en ?tre convaincu de lire le r?cit des ?pasions? ou martyres de ces files dont les noms peuplent notre liturgie la plus ancienne (Lucie, Agn?s, C?cile, Anastasie) pour comprendre que le sort qui leur a ?t? inflig? venait en punition de ce qu?eles afirmaient leur volont? propre ? l?encontre du vouloir paternel et des d?cisions prises ? leur endroit. (Pernoud 171) In the case of Pascal?s Triphine, we have sen that it is not only her faith which motivates her actions. It is just as much her vow to remain faithful to Agathon that leads her to refuse the mariage her father has aranged for her. Thus, it is not only her spirituality that gives her the authority to usurp her father?s role as patriarch, but also her wil to remain ?constant? in her love. Her final act is an act of faith as wel as an act of love. Herein lies the originality of Pascal?s play. Hence Agathonphile martyr is not a play about tyranny or religious intolerance. The real isue that this play examines is whether or not a father should have absolute control over his daughter?s right to follow her own heart. The play makes a political statement in proposing an alternate societal hierarchy; 158 one in which women claim the right to make their own decisions about whom they wil and wil not mary. Marriage in 17 th century France In 17 th century society, mariage and politics went hand in hand. 14 Mariage was a political mater ? not to be left up to the two individuals in question. The choice of husband or wife had definite repercussions for the family?s reputation, material wefare, and perpetuation of the family name. Thus mariage negotiations were almost always conducted by the families of the couple in question. Le Blanc in La Direction et la consolation des personnes mari?es ou les moyens infailibles de faire un mariage heureux, d?un qui seroit malheureux (1664) encourages young people to yield to the wil of their parents: ?Le meileur conseil que je puise vous donner est; [?] de vous informer des inclinations & de la volont? de vostre pere, de vostre mere, & de vos autres parens. Surtout, ne vous mes-aliez jamais, n?y pour ce qui concerne les biens, ny pour ce qui regarde la noblese? (17-8). His final comment underlines the fact that 17 th century mariages were ?endogamous, that is within a goup sharing the same religion, rank, geography and occupation? (Ketering 8). This was to ensure the wealth, property, and titles of the families in question or to perhaps alow them to advance in social status, acquiring new political power, connections, and influence. Echoing Le Blanc, de Vilethiery in chapter six of La vie des gens mariez ou les obligations de ceux qui s?engagent dans le mariage (1694) voices the very same ideas concerning social status: ?Que selon les Saints Peres il seroit ? souhaiter qu?il y e?t ?galit?, soit pour l??ge, pour les biens, & pour la naisance entre ceux qui contractent mariage.? Le Blanc even advises males not to mary a woman who is of higher status since she would be les 159 inclined to be obedient, which is her duty: ?Je vous conseile mesmes, de ne point viser plus haut que vostre port?e. Car si vous avez une feme notablement plus noble, plus riche, & mesme plus bele & plus adroite que vous: vous estes dans un evident peril, qu?au lieu d?une feme qui vous obe?se selon son devoir: vous n?en ayez une qui faste la maistrese & qui vous gourmande? (18). A woman who was honorable was taught to be submisive and obedient and thus, she hesitated to voice an opinion or her felings during the negotiations of a mariage contract. Le Blanc confirms that it is this code of conduct which often causes the female to silence her inclinations and thus enter into an unhappy mariage: ?Il est plus facile, mais plus perileux, de faire consentir les files ? un Mariage desavantageux & desagreable. La crainte & la vergogne leur ferment le c?ur & la bouche: & ne leur permetent pas d?expliquer leurs desirs ny leurs aversions? (19). Her parents could invite her to expres her opinion, but this was not often the case, especialy if their financial status depended upon the match. And she certainly could not offer an alternative choice. Richard Alestr?e, in ?The Ladies caling? (1673) afirms that: ?Tis most agreable to the Virgin Modesty, which should make Mariage an act rather of their obedience then their choice? (20). The rules of social bienseances did not alow young women to choose their own spouses especialy if he represented a lower social clas. A female who came from an elite clas and whose family had the financial asets to arange a mariage for her was obliged to acept their decision even if she did not have any particular atraction for her potential spouse. Le Blanc advises the young bride-to-be to conform to her parents? wishes even if she has no particular inclination for the husband her parents have chosen for her: 160 Que si la demande de vos parens est raisonnable: & que vos amours soient volages, & malfondez: acommodez-vous ? leur volont?: Et generalement parlant, c?est le meileur, & ce que Dieu benit davantage: sil l?aversion n?est point trop grande ou les defauts de celuy qu?on presente trop notables, & qui choquent trop puisament vostre imagination. Ainsi Rebeca acepta Isac, Lia & Rachel acepterent Jacob, & Sara prit pour mary le jeune Tobie? (20-21) Alestr?e emphasizes that it is the parents God-given right to overse the mariage contract, and that one should not be led by one?s inclination, as love is unstable: And this is one of the highest injuries they can do their parents, who, have such a native Right in them, that ?tis no les an Injustice than Disobedience to dispose themselves without them. This right of the parent is so undoubted, that we find God himself gives way to it, and wil not suffer the most Holy pretence, no not that of a vow, to invade it, as we may se his own stating of the case Numb. 30. How wil he then resent it, to have this so indespenible a Law violated upon the impulse of an impotent Pasion, an amorous Inclination? (18-19) In Trotti de La Ch?tardie?s ?Instruction pour une jeune princese,? (1684) he encourages wel-bred women of the court to stifle their inclinations and to alow their parents complete control of their destinies: C?est dans ces occasions, o? il faut estre extr?mement en garde. Les commencemens de l?amour ont quelque chose de si honneste entre deux personnes qui ont du m?rite, il est si naturel d?aimer ce qui nous paroist aimable, quand on s?en croit aim?, & si la vertu ne s?y opposoit, il y auroit tant de justice de le faire qu?on ne s?auroit prendre trop de precautions contre une Pasion, dont il est aussi dificile d?arester le cours, qu?il est ais? de s?opposer ? sa naisance. Le moyen de vous en garantir, c?est de couper chemin de bonne heure ? ces sortes de commencemens d?en regarder la fuite avec frayeur, & de songer que vostre destin?e d?pend moins de vous, que de la volont? de ceux qui vous ont mis au monde (31-2). Neither Le Blanc nor de Vilethiery advise couples to mary for love. Infact, for Le Blanc, love is sen as a dangerous pasion that disappears as quickly as it ignites: Il ne se faut point marier par phantaisie, mais par une meure deliberation [?] L?Amour est un feu de paile qui s?alume dans un clin d?oeil, qui ?leve ses fl?mes fort haut & qui a un si furieux embrasement, qu?il est capable de reduire en cendres les plus beles maisons, & les plus riches Palais. Neantmoins ce feu folet s?esteint facilement, & lors qu?on y pense le moins? (14-16). 161 De Vilethiery discourages young people as wel from being led ?par le mouvement de leurs pasions? (19) and reminds his readers that there are only two reasons for which a couple should mary ? for procreation and to discourage sexual imorality: ?Or l?Ecriture & les Saincts Peres nous apprennent qu?il y a deux fins pour lesqueles les hommes peuvent se porter au mariage: l?une pour entretenir la succesion du genre- humain, & pour avoir des enfans qui benisent & qui servent le Seigneur; & l?autre pour metre leur puret? ? couvert, & pour ar?ter l?imp?tuosit? de leurs pasions? (26-7). Marriage in 17 th century literature Any kind of subversive conduct by a protagonist who violated this code of conduct would have been considered a negative influence on female readers in sevententh-century France. In theater, Triphine directly opposes her female counterparts Chim?ne and Pauline, whose sense of duty and honor forces them to stifle their pasion. It is true that Scud?ry, in ?Observations sur le Cid? (1637), describes Chim?ne as a ?file d?natur?e? and a ?monstre" because of the love that she continued to harbor in her heart for Don Rodrigue, even after he murdered her father: ?l?on y voit une file desnature, ne parler que de ses follies, lors qu?ele ne doit parler que de son malheur; pleindre la perte de son Amant, lors qu?ele ne doit songer qu?a cele de son pere; aimer encor ce qu?ele doit abhorrer; souffrir en mesme temps, & mesme maison, ce meurtrier & ce pauvre corps; & pour achever son impiet?, joindre sa main, ? cele qui degoute encor du sang de son pere? (24). Corneile however, celebrates her honorable and virtuous atempts to ignore the promptings of her heart. Chim?ne does not ?act? on her pasion. Instead, she chooses to honor her father by ?silencing? her heart. In the end she maries Don Rodrigue not by her own choice, but because the King commands it. 162 Pauline in Polyeucte also abandons her own inclination for her father?s honor. In Act 1, Scene 3 she tels her maid how she left S?v?re behind, guided by both reason and her sense of duty: PAULINE. Parmi ce grand amour que j?avais pour S?v?re J?atendais un ?poux de la main de mon p?re. Toujours pr?te ? le prendre, et jamais ma raison N?avoua de mes yeux l?aimable trahison [?] Et malgr? des soupirs si doux, si favorables, Mon p?re et mon devoir ?taient inexorables. Both Chim?ne and Pauline truly conform to the model of submision they are expected to emulate in a patriarchal society: D?pendance et soumision tels sont les caract?res, qu?impliquent l?id?e de la f?minit?, teles sont les normes dont ele ne doit pas s??carter. Se conformer ? l?image typiquement f?minine de faiblese et de pasivit?, r?gler sa conduite sur les valeurs que l?homme a con?ues tele et la t?che de la feme. (Fondi 70) In the world of the novel, the young Mle de Chartres in La Princese de Cl?ves is the model dutiful daughter who respects her Mother?s opinion of the Prince de Cl?ves so much that she would stifle her lack of inclination for him: ?Mle de Chartres r?pond qu?ele luy remarquoit les mesmes bonnes qualitez, qu?ele l??pouseroit mesme avec moins de r?pugnance qu?un autre, mais qu?ele n?avoit aucune inclination particuliere pour sa personne? (87). Valincour, in his Letres, admits his surprise that Madame de Chartres would encourage her daugher to mary someone for whom she admited having absolutely no inclination (133). However, his opinion contradicts his felings stated previously on ?love? in general and how a young woman, or a wel-bred woman, should never be told of its pleasures for fear that she would sek to experience it for herself: ?Mais il ne souvient de vous avoir ou? dire ? vous-mesme, qu?il n?est rien de plus dangereux que d?exposer une file ? apprendre ce que l?amour a de doux; & ? l?apprendre 163 par la bouche d?une personne interes?e, qui bien-loin de luy faire en mesme temps remarquer les malheurs qui suivent presque to?jours cete pasion, n?a point de plus grand soin que de les luy cacher, & de luy en oster la connoisance. Le coeur se laise s?duire si ais?ment, par tout ce qui porte l?apparence du plaisir?? (123-4). Valincour?s opinion is reinforced by an elite society which does not se love as a basis for mariage, which is precisely why he marvels at the fact that M de Cleves loves his wife as her husband and her lover. The questioning of the institution of mariage during the 17 th century was discouraged in both real life and in the literary world. We find examples of historical female figures and literary female heroines who chose to reject mariage. The life of the ?grande Mademoisele? would prove to be an excelent example. The Duches of Montpensier, daughter of Gaston d?Orl?ans, the brother of Louis XII, began expresing her opinions about who she would and would not mary as early as 16 years of age despite Anne of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin?s concern about France?s international relations. She was heavily involved in the politics surrounding the Fronde in 1652 and was exiled from the court. After her return to Paris and the death of her Father, Louis the XIV ordered her to mary the King of Portugal but she refused and was exiled once again. 15 In the realm of literature, Mle de Scud?ry was highly criticized and condemned by such members of the French Academy as Boileau for the feminocentric content in the ?story of Sapho? found in the 10 th volume of Artem?ne. Sapho declares that mariage is ?a long slavery? for women (10: 607) and that ? in order to love each other forever with no loss of ardor, it is necesary never to mary? (10:607). In the end, she and her lover 164 depart for the land of the Sauromates, where the Amazons dwel. Scud?ry?s rejection of the type of ending that traditionaly characterized the novel would later inspire Lafayete?s Madame de Cl?ves to spend the rest of her life in a convent rather than remary in La Princese de Cl?ves. Her final actions become cause for debate in Valincour?s Letres ? Madame la Marquise. Valincour finds that her decision not to mary Nemours is a virtuous one, while a certain female acquaintance with whom the leter?s recipient is asociated, finds the Princese de Cl?ves to be ?la prude la plus coquete, & la coquete la prus prude que l?on ait jamais ve??? for having rejected the Duke?s declaration of love (273). In Tender Geographies, De Jean underlines the fact that the readers of these novels would not have asumed that these departures from traditional plots had implications only for the literary heroines. To write about female heroines who sought an alternative to the institution of mariage during a time in which the Church and the State were both seking to gain more control over its jurisdiction, was, as she states, ?hardly an innocent gesture.? 16 Pascal?s Triphine also violates codes of female conduct by refusing an aranged mariage and alowing her own inclination to guide her to her destiny. The concept of ?following one?s own heart? or ?inclination,? a concept from the Carte du tendre discussed earlier, gave men and women lesons in galantry and the game of courting. Cl?lie was atacked by Boileau who claimed her novel as an example of ?la mauvaise morale? and that the heroes and heroines, who should have imitated the heroic sobernes of the first Romans, ?ne s?occupent qu?? tracer des Cartes Geographiques d?Amour, qu?? se proposer les uns aux autres des questions et des Enigmes galantes?? (Dialogue 445). These criticisms perhaps masked a greater concern for the stability of the patriarchal 165 system since the Carte du tendre developed the idea that women can remain in control of their own destinies. Boileau expresed his distaste of such a system which emphasized what he would cal ?molese? or a lack of masculine virility. DeJean suggests that Boileau?s condemnation of her novel may have been atributed to the idea that ?the carte de tendre? encouraged ?embourgeoisement? in which aristocrats would mary beneath their station permiting the enlargement of the bourgeoisie clas (Tender Geographies 91). Pascal?s treatment of marriage Pascal?s Triphine rejects the rules of decorum related to her social clas by expresing her inclination for Agathon, who is not of royal blood, and violates the Roman law of patria potestas, signifying the power that a Roman father had over his children, by refusing to mary C?v?re. In the sixth scene of Act 2, Triphon aserts his authority over his daughter: TRIPHON. Monsieur, aseurez-vous de ce que j?ay jur?, & croyez que Triphine se soumetra toujours. CEVERE. Ouy, mais je m?imagine Que comme ele est si jeune. TRIPHON. Ha! Monsieur, croyez-moy, En fin, d?s maintenant je vous donne sa foy, Quand bien ele en feroit un peu de resistance, Vous s?avez bien qu?un pere a beaucoup de puisance Sur l?esprit d?un enfant. CEVERE. Faites vostre pouvoir TRIPHON. Croyez que je s?auray la metre ? son devoir. The fact that Triphine?s father would force her to mary someone so much older than her makes him twice the tyrant! Despite Triphon?s asurance that he has nothing to fear and that his word is enough to ensure the bride?s cooperation, even C?v?re who expreses 166 some obvious insecurities regarding his age, questions the severity of the law and Triphine?s wilingnes to submit: CEVERE. S?il est aussi certain, comme ele m?est promise, Que je sois son Espoux, je seray trop heureux, Mais le peu d?aseurance ? mon c?ur amoureux, Qu?une jeune beaut? puise ainsi se soumetre Sous cete dure loy vous la pouvez prometre. In this light, Triphon plays the role of the true tragic character in the play since he exaggerates his ability to control his daughter. His character flaw is his hubris or his excesive pride, which does not alow him to se his own daughter as anything other than his property or an object of exchange. In L?Ecole des femes, Arnolphe is inhibited by the very same flaw. However, the comical irony is that the situation becomes entirely beyond his control when Agnes? true identity is revealed in the end. It turns out that he is neither truly her father nor her guardian, and therefore has no power over her or her inheritance. Triphon, on the other hand, does have the power to exercice his influence over his dauthter?s destiny, but the tragic irony is that he cannot control her wil. And in the end, the only way to bend her wil to his is to kil her. Through Triphine?s active resistance to her father?s authority, Fran?oise Pascal specificaly addreses the problem of woman?s speech in the public sphere. It is Triphine?s outspokenes which chalenges the rules of biens?ances since ?a woman?s modesty is directly tied to her silence, and a man?s control of her to the forfeit of her sexual and her speaking self? (Jordan 47). The refusal to remain silent is a sign of unchastity, which is a woman?s greatest value in traditional patriarchal society. A virtuous obedient daughter did not speak in public as this was considered to be a sign of unchastity. In the chapter ?Of Modesty,? Alestr?e states that A woman?s ?look, her speech, her whole behavior should own an humble distrust of 167 herself; [?] Indeed there is scarce anything that looks more indecent, then to se a young Maid too forward and confident in her talk. [?] Her tongue should indeed be like the imaginary music of the spheres, swet and charming, but not to be heard at distance? and that ?as Modesty prescribes the manner, so it do?s also the mesure of speaking; refrains al excesive talkativenes, a fault incident to none but the bold. And further he notes that ?The ancient Romans thought it so much so, that they alowed not that Sex to speak publicaly?? (6-8). First, Triphine directly violates the code of silence inflicted upon her by making public her opposition to a contractual mariage. In Act 3, Scene 2 Triphine rejects the mariage that her father has aranged for her with Senator C?v?re, a favorite of Emperor D?cie. When she does not have the right to speak, Triphine?s short, incomplete aposiopetic utterances are enough to anger her father: TRIPHON. Ce puisant Senateur, que l?Empire revere, Comme un autre Empereur, en fin le favory De l?Empereur Decie, il sera son Mary. TRIPHINE. N?est-ce pas ma pens?e? ALPHONSE. (? Euple.) Helas! Ele souspire. TRIPHINE. Ha! Seigneur, permetez, TRIPHON. En fin, qu?alez-vous dire? Vous voudriez refuser C?v?re? TRIPHINE. Un tel Espoux! TRIPHON. Quoy, vous ne le trouvez asez digne de vous? Il est d?age, il est vray, mais ses rares vertus Pourroient faire blasmer ton injuste refus, Prepare-toy, ma file, & demeure en ton lustre, Pour paroistre agreable ? cet Espoux ilustre. Secondly Triphine violates the code of conduct by speaking the desires of her heart and being the first to declare her love, normaly a male privilege in 17 th century society. Du Boscq in The Acomplish?d woman discourages women from voicing their 168 pasions first. Here he aludes to Virgil?s Dido whose overt afections resulted in the departure of Aeneas: Why was Dido so surpris?d at the departure of Aeneas? But because, instead of receiving him as a stranger, she let her afections upon him without knowing whether he had any for her, it was an imperfect contract, where the articles were sign?d but by one party. Let her example be a teror to the imprudent and teach them, when they love, not blindly to engage themselves too far, without knowing whether the obligation is reciprocal (233). Yet in the first scene of Act 3, Triphine declares her love and tels Agathon that she has chosen him for a future spouse: TRIPHINE. Ne me proposez point d?autre amour que le vostre, Je vous ayme, mon frere, &d?un amour si fort, Qu?il ne poura jamais finir que par ma mort: En fin, soyez certain que Triphine vous ayme, Et qu?eternelement ele sera le mesme; Je fais voeux de n?aymer jamais autre que vous, Non, je n?auray jamais qu?Agathon pour Espoux. She then seals her words with a ring: TRIPHINE. Mon frere, c?est asez, je vous donne ma foy, En fin, je suis ? vous, soyez donc tout ? moy, Et soyez bien secret, gardez qu?on nous soup?onne, Recevant c?t anneau que Triphine vous donne. Finaly, she reafirms that her spoken word or her ?serments? are a binding contract, and that nothing wil force her to go back on her word: TRIPHINE. Que c?t amour si pur que je vous ay jur? Ne finira jamais, il est trop veritable, S?achez qu?? mes serments je suis inviolable, Et qu?avant que Triphine ayme un autre que vous La nature viendra ? renverser sur nous, Et le Tybre plustost montera vers sa source, Ou plustost le Soleil arestera sa source?(3.6) 169 Triphine?s speech becomes a ?speech act? in that by pronouncing a vow of constant love to Agathon before God in conjunction with the act of giving him a ring, she betroths herself to Agathon. 17 Here she foreshadows her own death which wil be inflicted upon her by her own father not only because of her decision to convert to Christianity, but also because of her own misconduct in pronouncing vows of mariage without the consent of her father. Since a daughter?s honor is dependant on her chastity and her wilingnes to submit to her family?s wil for her, Triphine?s refusal to place her father?s honor above the desires of her heart threatens the stability of the patriarchal tradition. Finaly, Triphine?s public defiance of her father leads directly to her containment. In the final scene of the play, Triphine publicly announces that she has promised herself to Agathon. Furthermore, she also makes it very clear that it was she who was the first to voice her pasions: TRIPHINE. Je ne demande rien qu?un moment d?audience, Pour vous dire, Seigneur, que j?ay donn? ma foy A ce cher Agathon, & vous dis que c?est moy, Qui suis cause de tout, ce fut par ma priere, Qu?il m?osta de ces lieux, & c?est moy la premi?re, Qui descouvrit mes feux, luy disant, que jamais Je n?aymerois que luy. (5.2) TRIPHON. Voila donc les efets, Mais enfin, dites donc TRIPHINE. Qu?autre que je suis sienne, Et qu?il est tout ? moy, je suis encore Chrestienne. (5.2) Here, her profesed conversion to Christianity is meant to fuel the fire that is already raging. Note that here, Triphine cuts off her father, demonstrating her complete disrespect of his authority. 170 Although she admits that she has converted to Christianity, this is not enough reason for Triphon to send her to the Emperor. He ofers to restore her honor if she maries C?v?re: TRIPHON. Ma file au nom des Dieux contente mon envie Tache de conserver ton honneur & ta vie, L?Empereur m?a donn? pouvoir de vous perir, Il m?a dit en un mot de vous faire mourir, Sinon que si tu veux encore te soubmetre. Voil? Cevere prest. Triphine vows that even the most cruel death wil not shake her constancy: TRIPHINE. Que je sois expos?e Aux plus cruels tourments qu?on pourroit m?inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l?on peut m?apprester N?auront jamais pouvoir d?esbranler ma constance As I suggested earlier, the word ?constance? then is both in reference to her faith and to her love for Agathon. In the context of a religious play featuring Historical figures who died for their religious beliefs, Pascal?s reading of Triphine may wel have been sen as sacrilegious by critics such as Nicole, who condemned religious theater in particular for its secularization of the saints. As readers we may be les touched by her martyrdom, than the fact that she was wiling to sacrifice her own life in order to remain eternaly ?constant? in her love for Agathon. Unlike Chim?ne and Pauline who silence their hearts to embrace their dutiful roles, Triphine openly declares her love in defiance of the patriarchal system. If femininity is synonymous with pasivity then Triphine has overstepped her boundaries. Her masculine conduct is threatening to a society which has culturaly constructed women to be pasive and submisive in order to ensure the perpetuation of an elite social clas. Her death then represents not only an act of faith, but also an act of resistance against an unfair law hich would force her to mary for financial reasons rather than love. 171 To conclude, Pascal?s condemnation of the marriage de convenance is in alignment with the mouvement pr?cieux. Like Cl?lie who refuses to go beyond Tender because of the unknown dangers which lie above the region of platonic love, the pr?cieux sought to avoid altogether the risky busines of mariage. Triphine and Agathons? deaths mark the incompatability of love and mariage in the 17 th century. The idealistic happy ending does not have its place in Pascal?s reality nor in what she atempts to show us through the ?selective prism.? Pascal?s play demonstrates that in the 17 th century, the forced mariage is stil an isue, particularly for women, and that it should not always be treated in a comic tone. 172 Conclusion In my analysis I have shown how Pascal?s hybrid play represents a mutation of both the Christian tragedy and the romanesque tragicomedy in the second half of the 17 th century. Like the Christian tragedy, Pascal takes the subject of her play from a religious source. However, Agathonphile martyr diverges from other models since it questions the patriarchal system as opposed to tyrannical governments. Furthermore, Pascal?s heroine does not correspond to the traditional female heroine type since she is equaly drawn to both romance and spirituality. I have also demonstrated that Pascal?s dramaturgy resembles that of the tragicomedy of the 30s with its complicated intrigue and loose adherence to the unities. However, as we have sen, the serious content of Agathonphile martyr compels Pascal to alter the traditional happy ending. Pascal?s po?me compos? with a tragic ending is a rarity in the second half of the 17 th century when the po?me simple is becoming the go?t du jour. Corneile?s Don Sanche (1649), the first po?me simple based on a romanesque source, sets the stage for the tragicomedy?s absorption by the trag?die ? fin heureuse, after which the traditional happy ending wil be the only distinguishing factor. We have also sen how Pascal enlists galantry in her play, in which the female becomes more asertive in her actions, reversing the traditional actantial schemas found in the tragicomedy. Triphine, having chosen to follow her own inclination rejects the traditional mariage de convenance. Her boldnes in maters of love is in keeping with the new lit?rature galante inspired by a utopie amoureuse which the elite sought to create in real life as wel as in literature. Like many other pr?cieuses of the 17 th century, Pascal 173 advocates mariages of love and disdains mariages of convenience. It would sem that Triphine, Pascal?s transgresive female martyr, mirors her own conduct as a female provincial playwright, ignoring that which society claims to be an unaceptable occupation for a female by publishing and supporting herself as a playwright. La vie mondaine offers Pascal a brief window of opportunity to aces the world of theater where she is able to create a space for herself in which her writing is not a slave to the dominant literary models of her time, but a product of her own whimsicality. In Agathonphile martyr, Pascal blends pasionate rhetoric with Christian rhetoric, creating a world that celebrates romance as wel as spirituality. Here the secular realm and the sacred realm collide, ilustrating her desire to appeal to two worlds ? that of the young galant Louis XIV and that of the devout and virtuous Anne of Austria. However, the clasical period of the 1660s, marked by the crowning of Louis XIV wil interupt her carer. As clasicism ?takes center stage? it is the strict adherence to the unities and a simple dispositio that wil determine a play?s succes. Is it any wonder that the querele de la moralit? du th??tre coincides with the reign of Louis XIV? We have sen how theoreticians and moralists alike atack the mixed genre in particular. After 1660, diversity wil no longer be what constitutes pleasure for spectators. Louis XIV, the embodiment of clasicism, and the model Patriarch, takes the throne signifying a return to normalcy, to regularity, and to reason. Pascal?s play, produced at the dawn of his reign wil eventualy pose a problem in a society which is quickly becoming les tolerant of female writers and their ideas. In 1660 with the construction of Versailes, the female- dominated literary world and salons disappear as life centers around Versailes and the Sun King: ?Entre la mondanit? et l?amour, qui a ces? d??tre le plus merveileux jeu de 174 soci?t? jamais invent?, la rupture est consomm?e; ainsi s?ach?ve la parenth?se galante. Paral?lement, le centre de gravit? de la mondanit? se d?place. Le grand projet monarchique qui prend corps ? Versailes transforme peu ? peu les divertisements en devoirs d?al?geance? (Pelous 11). As Louis XIV becomes more authorial, women writers, along with Pascal, retire to their cabinets. 1 Alain Viala, Le th??tre en France des origines ? nos jours (Paris: PUF, 1997). 2 Se Pery Gethner, The Lunatic Lover: and other plays by French Women of the 17 th and 18 th centuries (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1994) 3. 3 Madame de Viledieu?s tragicomedy Manlius was performed in 1662 at the H?tel de Bourgogne and her tragedy Nitetis was also performed there a year later in 1663. Le Favori, tragi-com?die, her most succesful play was performed at Versailes in 1665. Laodamie, reine d?Epire and Brutus, Catherine Bernard?s tragedies were both performed at the Com?die Fran?aise; the first in 1689 and the later in 1690. Se Cecilia Beach, French Women Playwrights before the Twentienth Century: a checklist (Westport: Grenwood Pres, 1994). 4 Chapelain, ? Balzac, 9-10-1639, Letres, ed. Philippe Tamizey de Laroque, vol. 1 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1880-1883) 505. 5 Se Francois de Grenaile, sieur de Chatouni?res (1616-1680), L?honn?te file: o? dans le premier livre il est trait? de l?esprit des files, ed. Alain Vizier, vol. 3 (Paris: Champion, 2003) 223. 6 In the 17 th century the term com?die aluded to al dramatic mediums; the tragicomedy, the tragedy, and comedy. 7 On Mle Barbier se her preface to Arie et Petus in Gethner, The Lunatic Lover 214- 16. 8 Se Dominique Godineau, Les femes dans la soci?t? fran?aise 16e ? 18e si?cle (Paris: Armand Colin, 2003) 113. 9 Ian Maclean, Woman Triumphant: feminism in French literature 1610-1652 (Oxford: Clarendon Pres, 1977) 122. ?It is not necesary to list here the many orders founded for or by women under such directors as St. Francis of Sales, Vincent de Paul, and Coton betwen 1590 and 1650. They form part of the religious Renaisance marked also by a resurgence of mysticism in the Church, in which sphere also women played a preponderant role.? 10 Se Beach. Madame Doroth?e de Croy is the only 17 th century female playwright who composed and published a play prior to 1650. Her tragicomedy, Cinnatus et Camma, published in 1637, is taken from a mythological source. It is not known as to whether or not this play was performed or not. Additionaly, it is believed that Jacqueline Pascal, the sister of Blaise Pascal, who wrote poetry as wel as a book of regulations for novices at Port-Royal, wrote a five act play which was performed privately in 1636, but never published. 175 1 For a complete summary and analysis of this play se Paul Scott, ?Saint Catherine in Sevententh-Century French Tragedy,? Female Saints and Sinners: Saintes et Mondaines (France: 1450-1650), ed. J. Britnel et al., (Durham: Durham Modern Language Series, 2002) 39-58. 12 Se Pery Gethner, Les Femes dramaturges en France (1650-1750): Pi?ces choisies, (Paris: Papers on French Sevententh Century Literature, 1993) and Gethner, The Lunatic Lover. 13 Gethner, Pery, Les Femes dramaturges en France (1650-1750): Pi?ces choisies (Tubingen, 2002). 14 In the Examen of the 1660 edition of Th?odore, Corneile states ?A le bien examiner s?il y a quelques caract?res vigoureux et anim?s, comme ceux de Placide et de Marcele, il y en a de tra?nants, qui ne peuvent avoir grand charme ni grand feu sur le th??tre. Celui de Th?odore est enti?rement froid: ele n?a aucun pasion qui l?agite; et, l? m?me o? son z?le pour Dieu, qui occupe toute son ?me, devrait ?clater le plus, c?est ? dire dans sa contestation avec Didyme pour le martyre, je lui ai donn? si peu de chaleur, que cete sc?ne bien que tr?s courte, ne laise pas d?ennuyer. Aussi, pour en parler sainement, une vierge et martyre sur un th??tre, n?est autre chose qu?un terme qui n?a ni jambes ni bras, et par cons?quent point d?action.? 15 For bibliographic information on Fran?oise Pascal se Fernand Baldensperger, ?Fran?oise Pascal, file lyonnaise,? Etudes d?histoire lit?raire, vol. 3 (Paris: Droz, 1939) 1-31 and Deborah Steinberger, introduction, Le Commerce du Parnase, by Fran?oise Pascal. (Exeter: U of Exeter Pres, 2001) v-xx. 16 ?Francoise Pascal dut sans doute ? cete famile de recevoir une instruction exceptionnele.? Dictionnaire des Letres Fran?aises, ed. Georges Grente (Paris: Fayard, 1954). 17 It is quite possible that Pascal published other tragicomedies. The Biblioth?que dramatique de Soleinne atributes La Mort du Grand et Veritable Cyrus (Chez lean Montenat, 1655) to Francoise Pascal: ?Ne faut-il pas atribuer cete tragi-com?die ? Mle. Fran?oise Pascal?? (v. 1:1281). In addition, Deborah Steinberger?s research at the Municiple Archives in Lyon (Document B217, folio 439), revealed that in 1662, Francoise Pascal was awarded a cash prize for a tragicomedy, La Constance Victorieuse, that she had dedicated to the City Magistrates of Lyon. This play has not been recorded in any bibliographies or documents and acording to Steinberger (Introduction ix) it is likely that the play was performed but unfortunately never published. 18 Se S. Wilma Deierkauf-Holsboer, Le Th??tre de l?H?tel de Bourgogne, vol. 2 (Paris: Nizet, 1968-70) 109-10. 19 Se Claude Brouchoud, Les Origines du th??tre de Lyon (Lyon: N, Scheuring, 1865) for more specific dates on Moli?re?s travels and performances in Lyon. 20 Se Brouchoud, Les Origines 11. ?Le go?t des spectacles s?y ?tait en efet depuis longtemps r?pandu dans toutes les clases de la soci?t?.? 21 For a history on the theater in Lyon se Brouchoud and also Auguste Bleton, ?Moli?re ? Lyon,? Public Lecture, Livre d?Or du Deuxi?me Centenaire de l?Acad?mie des Sciences, Beles-Letres et Arts de Lyon (Lyon, 1900. 2 Se Brouchoud 35-6 and Bleton 8. 23 Se Brouchoud 35. 176 24 Se Gethner, The Lunatic Lover 8. 25 Gethner claims that the play in question is obviously S?sotris. Se The Lunatic Lover 8. 26 For more information on this subject, se Brouchoud 18-19. 27 For example, we know that they created their own ?rh?torique pr?cieuse? refering to a miror as a ?conseiler de la beaut?? and to furniture as ?les commodities de la conversation.? 28 Se Isac de Benserade, Po?sies de Monsieur de Benserade publi?es par Octave Uzanne (Geneve: Slatkine reprints, 1967) 46-52. ?Vers de Mademoisele Pascal, pour une Dame de ses amies, sous le nom d?Amarante, amoureuse de Thyrsis? and ?R?ponse aux vers pr?c?dens, par Monsieur de Benserade.? 29 Thyrsis was a shepherd in Virgil?s seventh Eclogue who lost a singing match against Corydon. Amarante, a kind of flowering herb, is most likely a pseudonym pr?cieux. 30 Se Somaize 247. ?La vile de Milet ?tant une des plus grandes viles de Gr?ce et une de celes o? il se pase le plus de galanteries, je n?ai pas voulu vous priver du plaisir que vous devez avoir en lisant les aventures de tant d?ilustres Pr?cieuses de cete charmante vile.? 31 ?Les r?unions mondaines groupent, ? la promenade de Belecour ou dans les maisons de campagne des magistrats et des riches n?gociants, ceux et celes ? car la place tenue par les femes est considerable- qui ont le souci et le go?t de la culture d?sint?res?e; les petits genres de la po?sie, sonnets, rondeaux, madrigaux, sont fort ? la mode. Cete soci?t? cultiv?e traduit un mouvement ?d?efort intelectuel, d?afinement social et d??mancipation f?minine? et se montre tr?s large d?esprit et tr?s tol?rante, admet des protestants et des religieuses comme Mme Chevry, grande prieure de l?abbaye de Saint- Piere et po?tese?110. 32 Se Bleton 24. ?Claude Baset, avocat, secr?taire de l?Archev?ch? et, plus tard ?chevin, avait ?crit une trag?die: Ir?ne. [?] Moli?re aurait rempli, dans la pi?ce de Baset, le r?le de Mahomet I.? 3 Fran?oise Pascal, Le Commerce du Parnase (Paris: Barbin, 1669) 103-6. Se also Deborah Steinberger?s critical edition of this text. 34 Ian Maclean, Woman Triumphant: Feminism in French Literature 1610-1652 (Oxford: Clarendon Pres, 1977) 122. 35 Natalie Zemon Davis et al., eds., Histoire des Femes en Ocident, vol. 3 (Paris: Plon, 1991) 146. ?Un des aspects les plus inatenus de cete ?vulgarisation" de la vie religieuse fut l?augmentation fantastique du nombre de femes d?votes. Les eforts pour contenir cet acroisment cherchaient avant tout ? ?liminer un ph?nom?ne pr?cis, le mode de vie semi-religieux de celes et de ceux qui se vouaient ? Dieu sans prononcer de voeux solonnels et qui par cons?quent n?appartenaient pas au clerg?. Or ce mode de vie ?tait pratiqu? par des femes teles les recluses b?guines, pinzocchere, soeurs de la vie commune, B?atas tertiares et autres. Aux yeux de leurs d?fenseurs, c??taient eles qui repr?sentaient les v?ritables religieuses, celes qui comme les vierges du christianisme primitif, ne faisaient aucune promese formele, mais vivaient leur d?votion de fa?on existentiele et quotidienne.? 36 Se Baldensperger 24. ?Pour quele raison une Lyonnaise aussi d?terminee a-t-ele tourn? le dos ? sa vile natale pour s?en aler ? Paris? Ses parents n?ont pas quit? Lyon; 177 bon nombre de ses amis, anciens membres de la soci?t? pr?cieuse [?] En revanche, maintes alusions semblent metre en cause, pour la d?fendre ou l?ataquer, son m?rite d?originalit?, et ce sont l? des insinuations p?nibles pour une d?butante, m?me si ele a suivi la mode de son temps.? 37 Se Myriam Ma?tre, Les pr?cieuses: naisance des femes de letres en France au XVIe siecle (Paris, Champion, 1997) who arives at a similar conclusion in the case of Pascal. 38 Michel de Montaigne, ?De la Presumption,? Esais, ?d. M. Rat, vol. 2 (Paris: Editions Garnier Fr?res, 1962) 39. ?Mon langage fran?ois est alt?r?, et en la prononciation et aileurs, par la barberie de mon creu; je ne vis jamais homme des contr?es de de?? qui ne sentit bien evidement son ramage et qui ne blesast les oreiles pures fran?oises. Si n?est-ce pas pour estre fort entendu en mon Perigordin, car je n?a qui ne sentit bien evidement son ramage et qui ne blesast les oreiles pures fran?oises. Si n?est-ce pas pour estre fort entendu en mon Perigordin, car je n?en ay non plus d?usage que de l?Alemand; et ne m?en chaut guere. C?est un langage, comme sont autour de moy, d?une bande et d?autre, le Poitevin, Xaintongeois, Angoumoisin, Lymosin, Auvergnat [?] Il y a bien au-desus de nous, vers les montaignes, un Gascon que je treuve singulierement beau, sec, bref, signifiant, et ? la verit? un langage masle et militaire plus qu?autre que j?entende; autant nerveux, puisant et pertinant, come le Fran?ois est gratieus, delicat, et abondant.? 39 For more in-depth analysis of the dialect?s features consult D.F. Monin, Etude sur la gen?se des patois et en particulier du roman ou patois lyonnais (Paris: Dumoulin, quai des Augustins, 1873); Jaques-Melchior Vilefranche, Esai de gramaire du patois lyonnais (Marseile: Lafite Reprints, 1978); Chaon Gratepiere, Le litr? du Gourguilon (Lyon: Editions Lyonnaises d?Art et d?histoire, 2003); Clair Tiseur, Dictionnaire etymologique du patois lyonnais (Gen?ve: Slatkine, 1970); and Anne Marie Vurpas, Le Parler lyonnais (Paris: Rivages, 1993). 40 Se Monin 16. ?C?est donc du patois, ou du m?lange du latin alt?r?, parl? par le peuple (basa latinitas), et du celte, que s?est form? le parler vulgaire des provinces galo- romaines; m?lang?, il est vrai, de locutions alemandes, pour les peuplades de l?est; mais retenant un bien plus grand nombre de locutions celtiques, pour les peuples de l?ouest et du nord de la Gaule.? 41 Se Henry Carington Lancaster, A History of French Dramatic Literature in the Sevententh Century: The period of Moli?re, 1652-1672, pt. 3 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Pres, 1929; repr. New York: Gordonian Pres, 1966) 159-60. ?In Act I, Scene II she uses the verb p?rir as a transitive verb, in Act I, Scene 5, the pronoun subject is omited with m?estonne, In Act II scene I, que is used for ce que in ?je ne s?ay qu?il d?sire.? And acording to Lancaster ?there are several examples of hiatus and of mute e after an acented vowel and before a consonant; in the later case the e is sometimes not counted as a syllable. In I, 1, a half-line is inserted without forming part of a couplet?? 42 Vies des Saints et des bienheureux selon l?ordre du calendrier: avec l?historique des f?tes par les B?n?dictins de Paris, vol. 7 (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et An?, 1949) 108- 109. 178 43 Text given by Baronius in Martyrologium romanum, vol. 5 (Rome: Coloniae Agrippinaie 1603) 233. ?In Sicilia, Sancti Philippi Argyrionis, qui a Romano Pontifice ad eam insulam isus, magnam ilius partem ad Christum convertit?? 4 Se Piere Sage, introduction, Agathonphile, ou les martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargiryppe, Tryphine et leurs Asociez, by Jean-Piere Camus. (Gen?ve: Librairie Droz, 1951) xxxii. 45 Se Maclean 121-22 who mentions P. Philippe d?Angoumois, Camus, and Du Boscq. 46 Se Jean-Piere Camus, ?L?Esprit de Saint Fran?ois de Sales,? Oeuvres compl?tes de Saint Fran?ois de Sales, vol. 2 (Paris: J.P. Migne, 1861) 1074. 47 Se Sage xxii. 48 For example, in his novel Acident pitoyable de nos jours cause d?une vocation religieuse (1626), P?tronile, who is caled to a life of religious service dies before she is able to realize her caling and inspires her lover to enter the monastery. 49 Se the eloge in Camus, Agathonphile 852. ?Un livre latin qui a pour tiltre L?Arme?re des Fid?les faict un ramas d?histoires des combats que les Chrestiens ont eus, tant contre les Juifs et contre les Payens et infid?les que contre les erans, schismatiques et h?r?tiques; et l? le supplice de nos Martyrs est ? peu pr?s r?cit? selon que je le rapporte au dernier Livre de cete Histoire; ce qui faict naistre ces dif?rens qui se trouveront quant au temps avec le Martyrologe et Baronius: mais tant y a qu?il est tr?s-constant qu?ils ont tous endur? sous Diocl?tian et en Sicile; de la forme de la Martyrologe n?en dict rien, ny Baronius mesmes [?] ouy bien mon autheur Anonyme, lequel, peut-estre, auroit veu ce manuscrit duquel fait mention Baronius en ses Notes sur le Martyrologe, parlant de Philippe Argyrio.? 50 Se Camus 851. Camus combined Philipe Argyrio?s first and last names to form the name of his character in the novel. 51 Camus?s novel is writen in the style of a mise-en-ab?me, in that the reader hears Philargyrippe?s story as it is related to Agathon and Tryphine. Philargyrippe?s story is framed by the shipwreck and imprisonment of the thre Christians on the island of Sicile and their martyrdom at the end. Thus Agathon and Triphine actualy say very litle. 52 Agathonphile ou le martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargiryppe, Triphyne, et leurs asociez was originaly published in 1621 in Paris Chez Claude Chappelet. Later editions appeared in 1623, 1638, and 1641. An abridged version appeared later on in 1712 under the title Agathon et Tryphine. 53 In Les Eclaircisemens de Meliton, vol. 1 (Paris: S.I., 1635) 64, Camus says that the translation had been published with ? l?aveu de l?Inquisition.? 54 Se in particular chapter thre ?The Egyption Background of the Joseph Story? in Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women The Wiles of Men (Albany: State University of New York Pres, 1995). Shalom Goldman suggests that ?the Bible?s is only one teling of the story that appears in the scriptures and folklore of many peoples? and that ?the text of one of these stories, the Ancient Egyptian ?Tale of Two Brothers,? may antedate the text of the Bible?(xii). He makes this claim based on the fact that there are many Ancient Egyptian cultural elements such as dres and eating habits which pervade the Biblical version and serve as background for the cultural bariers betwen the Hebrews and Egyptians in the story. 179 5 This would appear to be a speling eror on Cosard?s part. In Camus?s novel his name is speled ?Philargyrippe.? 56 Paul Scott says of Cosnard?s play that ?there is the explicit recognition that Christians could be anything than completely submisive to torture, or steadfast to their religious beliefs.? Se ?The Martyr-figure in French theatre 1596-1675,? dis., U of Durham, 2001, 133. 57 Speled ?Triphine? in Pascal?s play. 58 For a counter argument se Scott 154-5. ?Apart from this final wave of conversions, the part played by Christianity in the play is minimal. The execution of the couple is not directly related to their faith, but to the fact that they wil not renounce their love. Death becomes the only viable option. With the lack of martyrdom, Pascal has efectively emptied her martyr-play of subversive elements and highlighted the romantic aspects.? 59 ?Mediocre? in the sense ?Moyenne.? Acording to Aristotle, (Poetics, 7.2), in order to move the spectator to fear and pity, the tragic hero must be ?the sort of person who is not outstanding in moral excelence or justice; on the other hand, the change to bad fortune which he undergoes is not due to any moral defect or depravity, but to an eror of some kind.? Se Poetics (London: Penguin Books, 1996) 21. 60 Se Laurent Thirouin, L?Aveuglement salutaire: le r?quisition contre le th??tre dans la France clasique (Paris: Champion, 1997) 15-20. 61 For a history of the Christian tragedy se Simone de Reyff, L?Eglise et le th??tre (Paris: Cerf, 1998); K. Loukovitch, L??volution de la trag?die religieuse en France (Paris: Droz, 1933); and John S Stret, French Sacred Drama from Beze to Corneile (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983). 62 Se the pr?sentation in Rotrou, Le V?ritable Saint Genest, ed. Emanuele H?nin et al (Paris: Flamarion, 1999) 161. 63 Quoted in De Reyff 66. 64 Se Alexandre Louis Varet, De l?education chrestienne des enfans (A Bruxeles, Chez Francois Foppens, 1669) 288. The citation of Tertullien is taken from chapter 10 (n.6) of De Spectaculis. 65 Se Antoine Godeau, Po?sies chrestiennes (Paris: Piere Le Petit, 1654) 6 Se Jean de la Taile, Discours de la trag?die, ?d. Eliot Forsyth (Paris: Soci?t? des textes fran?ais modernes, 1968) 7. 67 Se Aristotle?s Poetics 7.2. ?It follows that a wel-formed plot wil be simple rather than (as some people say) double, and that it must involve a change not to good fortune from bad fortune, but (on the contrary) from good fortune to bad fortune? 68 Se especialy chapter seven in Georges Forester, Pasions Tragiques et r?gles clasiques: Esai sur la trag?die fran?aise (Paris: PUF, 2003). 69 Acording to Lancaster in the ?List of Extant Plays? there are only 32 tragicomedies produced from 1652 to the end of the century. Each year the number of tragicomedies decreases. In 1652, 54, and 55 there are four tragicomedies; in 1656 there are thre; in 1657 there are two tragicomedies; in 1658 there are four tragicomedies; in 1659 there is one; in 1660 there are thre; in 1662 there is one; in 1663 there are two; in 1664 there is one; in 1665 there is one, in 1668 there is one, in 1670 there is one; in 1672 there is one; and the last is produced in 1687. 180 70 Cited in H?l?ne Baby, La tragi-com?die de Corneile ? Quinault (Paris: Klincksieck, 2001) 19. 71 Se the Pr?face ? Jean de Sch?landre, Tyr et Sidon in Giovanni Dotoli, Le Temps des Pr?faces: Le D?bat Th??tral en France de Hardy ? la querele du Cid (Paris: Klincksieck, 1996) 182-3. 72 Se the Pr?face ? Andr? Mareschal, La G?n?reuse allemande in Dotoli 218-19. 73 Se the Letre sur la r?gle des vingt-quatre heures in Dotoli 233. 74 Dotoli 229. 75 Dotoli 231. 76 Se Lancaster?s list of extant plays: from 1610-1634, pt. 1, vol. 2: 760-763; from 1635-1651, pt. 2, vol. 2: 777-781. 7 Se Baby 66. ?Ces bouleversements ne sont pas simple afaire d?appelation, mais traduisent des mutations qui touchent les notions de comique et de tragique, mutations dont le genre tragi-comique est directement afect?.? 78 Se Lancaster pt. 4, vol 2: 132. 79 Only six tragicomedies in her entire corpus have a tragic ending: Alidor et Oronte, Cinnatus et Camma, Les Galantes vertueuses, L?andre et H?ron, Le Grand Timol?on, and Orizele. 80 Se Roger Guichemere, La tragi-com?die (Paris: PUF, 1981) 52-3. ?Une autre forme de tragi-com?die, sans doute la plus fr?quente, qu?on pourrait appeler la tragi-com?die des amours contrari?es, au lieu d??parpiler l?action en une succesion d??pisodes vari?es, se limite ? l?obstacle majeur qui s?oppose au bonheur d?un couple d?amants [?] ici, l?acent est mis sur les amants et sur leurs r?actions devant les pers?cutions dont ils sont l?objet. 81 Se Anne Ubersfeld?s actantial model for the traditional love plot in Reading Theater (Toronto: University of Toronto Pres, 1999) 39. 82 Se Guichemere 90-1. ?Le go?t du public des ann?es 1630 pour les intrigues complexes, mouvement?es, riches en ?v?nements impr?vus, comme celes qu?il trouvait dans les romans d?aventures contemporains. Aussi, les dramaturges vont-ils, dans leurs tragi-com?dies, multiplier les perip?ties et rebondisements, a moins qu?ils n?entrecroisent ou ne fasent se succ?der plusieurs intrigues.? 83 Guichemere 94 84 Baby 110. ?Le rival toujours en position actantiele d?opposant, a pour fonction actoriele d?aimer sans r?ciprocit? et de ruiner le couple. Son proc?s consiste ? ataquer de quelque mani?re que ce soit, la relation amoureuse des h?ros.? 85 Not to be confused with the name ?Polyphile? which means literaly ?One who loves many.? Se the portrait of ?Polyphile, L?amant de plusieurs dames? in Charles Sorel?s Oeuvres diverses (Paris: Par la Compagnie des libraires, Au Palais, 1663) 89. Polydore or Polydorus, in English, is most likely a reference to one of thre characters featured in Grek mythology. Polydorus is the son of Cadmus and Harmonia, and father of Labdacus by his wife Nycteis, daughter of Nycteus. Another acount of Polydorus found in Hecuba recounted by Euripides identifies him as a Trojan, and King Priam?s son who was kiled by King Polymestor during the war. In Homer?s Iliad, Polydore is also a Trojan and the son of Priam, but he is kiled during the war by Achiles. 181 86 Baby 111. ?Comme le rival, l?acteur parental se trouve souvent incarn? par plusieurs personnages qui ont la m?me fonction d?opposant. Il peut s?agir de la m?re, du fr?re, de l?oncle ou d?un tuteur dont d?pendent h?ros et h?roines.? 87 Se Claude Gaignebet, Le carnaval: esais de mythologie populaire (Paris: Payot, 1979). The ?monde ? l?envers? is in reference to the f?te des Fous which was celebrated in medieval times beginning just after Christmas and ending with Mardi Gras. Often these festivities took place in the Church, and were organized by the Priests, deacons, and choir boys. On the ?Day of the Innocents? there ocurred a reversal of the hierarchy in which the choir boys would chase the priests from their places of honor. On the day of Saint-Etienne they would elect their own bishop, who usualy had the least authority in the Church. 8 Se E.C. Forsythe, La trag?die fran?aise, de Jodele a Corneile (1563-1640); le theme de la vengeance (Paris: Nizet, 1962) for a complete study on this theme. 89 Se for example Act 2, Scene 1 in Corneile?s Le Cid where Don Arias tries to encourage the Count to alow the King to setle his dispute with Don Diegue: DON ARIAS. Then let your great heart yield to the King?s command; He is deeply moved, and should you anger him, He might bring down upon you al his power. 90 In C?lid?e, by Rayssiguier, Calirie disfigures herself with a diamond to keep Alidor from making advances. 91 Se Baby 241. ?La repr?sentation du sommeil sur la sc?ne implique en efet au travers du personnage endormi, la pr?sence d?un personnage visible mais absent, qu?un brusque r?veil peut animer d?un instant ? l?autre.? 92 Se Baby 217. ?Lorsqu?il soutient le discours de l?amour ou celui de l?amiti?, l?objet prend la valeur d?un gage: garantie mat?riele du sentiment, il le concr?tise apparaisant, comme des gages de la parole amoureuse le bracelet, des cheveux, la bague, le mouchoir, l??charpe, la letre ?crite avec du sang, et comme gages d?amiti? ou de bonne foi, les bijoux. Dans tous ces exemples, l?objet ?quivaut au support mat?riel du sentiment exprim?. Il peut donc r?conforter les amants et les conforter dans leur pasion car les amoureux ne peuvent douter de la mat?rialit? de l?objet-gage; le signifiant tangible de l?amour prouve la r?alit? du sentiment amoureux, et constitue la promese de l?union ? venir.? 93 For a complete analysis of this stylistic feature se Marie-France Hilgar, La Mode des Stances dans le Th??tre Tragique fran?ais (Paris: Nizet, 1974) and also H?l?ne Baby, La tragi-com?die de Corneile ? Quinault (Paris: Klincksieck, 2001) 220-2. 94 Se Gis?le Mathieu-Castelani, La rh?torique des pasions (Paris: Preses universitaires de France, 2000) 175. ?Non natureles, les pasions sont des maladies de l??me [?] l?amour lui-m?me est une maladie.? 95 Se for example sonnets I and II in Louise Lab?, Oeuvres Po?tiques (Paris: Galimard, 1983). 96 For a detailed acount of this argument se Joan DeJean, Tender Geographies (NY: Columbia U Pres, 1991) 86-93. 97 Maurice Lever states in Le roman fran?ais au XVI si?cle (Paris: PUF, 1981) that women were the greatest consumers of the French novel during that time period. ?Est-il besoin de dire apr?s cela que les liseurs de romans-ou pour mieux dire, les liseuses, car se 182 sont les femes qui en font la plus grande consommation-se recrutent principalement dans la riche noblese de Paris et de province?(14). 98 Se Chapter 1 in James S Munro, Mademoisele de Scud?ry and the Carte de Tendre (Durham: Univ. of Durham, 1986). 9 ?Parmi les martyrs promis au supplice, il y avait une esclave de seize ans, Blandine, fr?le et maladive [?] Apr?s avoir ?t? pr?sent?e dans l?ar?ne, Blandine fut atach?e ? un poteau, tandis qu?autour d?eles d?autres chr?tiens ?taient simplement ?gorg?s, s?ils ?taient citoyens romains ou d?chiquet?s par les b?tes apr?s avoir ?t? br?l?s un peu partout sur le corps. Mais, ? miracle, aucun fauve ne se jeta sur Blandine pour la d?vorer [?] Ramen?e dans sa prison, ele n?y resta que peu de temps et ele fut ? nouveau conduite dans l?ar?ne lors de ces fameuses F?tes Augustales qui venaient de commencer?(Bideau 31-2). 10 Indegonde by Montauban (1654); Natalie ou la Generosit? Chrestienne by Montgaudier (1654); La Forte Romaine by M. Val?e (1654); Le Martyre de Sainte Ursule by Yvernaud (1655); Agathonphile martyr by Pascal (1655); Sainte Suzanne martyre by M. Val?e (1656); La Pucele by Chapelain (1656); Doroth?e ou la victorieuse martire by Rampale (1658); Saincte Doroth?e by N. de la Vile (1658) and Sainte Ursale by N. de la Vile (1658). 101 Quoted in Elizabeth Rapley, ?The D?votes: women and church in sevententh-century France,? McGil-Queen?s Studies in the History of Religion, vol. 4 (Montreal and Kingston: cGil-Queen?s University Pres, 1990) 37. 102 Se Generation of Animals, I, 20, 728aI, 729aI, in The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation, ed. Jonathan Barnes, Bollingen Series LXI (Princeton: Princeton University Pres, 1979) 73-96. 103 Se Antoine Fureti?re, Dictionnaire universel contenant generalement tous les mots francois tant vieux que modernes, 3 vols (La Haye: Arnout et Reiner Lers, 1690). I, sig. [c4] r who defines woman as ?plus foible que le masle. ?Foiblese? refers to both mental and physical shortcomings. 104 Se note 89. 105 Se Paul Scott, ?The Martyr-Figure as Transgresor in Sevententh-Century French Theatre,? Les Lieux Interdits: Transgresions and French Literature, ed. L. Duffy et al (Tudor Hull: Hull University Pres, 1998) 77. 106 Se the introduction to Jean Puget de La Sere, Sainte Catherine, trag?die (Paris, 1642) Centre de Recherches sur l?Histoire du Th??tre, ed. Judith Fischer, 5 Dec. 2005 . 107 Les Trag?dies et histoires sainctes de Jean Boisin de Galardon (Lyon: Simon Rigaud, 1618) Arsenal: B.L.4 # 2645; E. Poytevin, Saincte Catherine trag?die (Paris: Mathurin Henault, 1619) Arsenal: B.L.4 #3610; Jean Puget de La Sere, Sainte Catherine trag?die (Paris: Sommavile & Courb?, 1643) BnF: Yf.382; Anon., Le Martyre de Ste Catherine trag?die (Caen: Eleazar Mangeant, 1649) Sorbonne: R.ra 414; [Soeur Marie] de la Chapele, L?Ilustre philosophe ou l?histoire de saincte Catherine d?Alexandrie,Trag?die (Autun: Blaise Simonnot, 1663) Arsenal: 8 # B.L.13880 and Paul Scott, ?Saint Catherine in Sevententh-Century French Tragedy,? Female Saints and Sinners: Saintes et Mondaines (France 1450?1650), ed. J. Britnel (Durham: Durham Modern Language Series, 2002) 39-58. 183 108 Cited in Fischer 39. 109 Se the Dictionnaire des letres fran?aises (Paris: A. Fayard, 1951) 1241. 10 Lancaster states that ?completely lacking in unity, the tragedy is litle more than a series of homilies in verse.? Se History vol. 3, 409. 11 Nicole, Trait? de la com?die et autres pi?ces d'un proc?s du th??tre, ed. Laurent Thirouin (Paris, Champion, 1998)14. The citation comes from Th?odore Act 2, Scene 2 v. 392-394. 12 Wendy Gibson, Women in Sevententh-Century France (New York: Saint Martin?s Pres, 1989) lists additional plays featuring female protagonits who atempt to escape aranged mariages employing various ruses; Desmarets de Saint Sorlin?s Mirame (IV, iv); Du Ryer?s Alcimedon (V, v); Mairet?s Silvanire, ?d R. Oto (II, ii); oli?re?s Tartuffe (I, ii); Rotrou?s L?Heureuse Constance (I, ii) and Rotrou?s La P?lerine Amoureuse (I, i and II, vii). 13 Se Gilian Cloke, This Female Man of God: women and spiritual power in the Patristic Age, AD 350-450 (London and New York: Routledge, 1995) 49. ?In the post- Constantinian period then, a girl wishing to dedicate herself to a religious life would need to have escaped the more peremptory manifestations of patria potestas and struggle against a social expectation tantamount to coercion and mariage.? 14 For more information regarding mariage in 17 th century France se Gibson and Sharon Ketering, French Society 1589-1715 (London: Pearson Ed, 2001). Also se Joan DeJean?s introduction to Against Mariage: The Correspondence of La Grande Mademoisele (Chicago: U of Chicago Pres, 2002). DeJean describes mariage as a political afair: ?In early modern Europe, the mariage of an aristocratic woman was always a thoroughly political mater: it was understood by al concerned that she was first and foremost a commodity. She belonged to her family, whose role it was to negotiate the exchange of her hand for whatever it needed most- money, social advancement, a military aliance. The higher her rank, the higher the stakes of these negotiations. And when great wealth and extensive property were added to the equation, such a mariage became truly an afair of state?(3). 15 For information on the life of the Duches of Montpensier se Joan Dejean, Against Mariage and Vincent J. Pits, La Grande Mademoisele at the Court of France: 1627- 1693 (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Pres, 2000). 16 Se Joan DeJean, Tender Geographies (New York, Columbia University Pres, 1991) 10-11. 17 Se J.L. Austin, How to do things with words (Cambridge: Harvard U Pres, 1975). Austin explains the concept of a ?performative utterance:? In some cases the ?uttering of the sentence is, or is a part of, the doing of an action, which again would not normaly be described as, or as ?just,? saying something? (3). 184 The Edition There is only one edition of Agathonphile martyr printed in 1655: AGATHONPHILE MARTYR, / TRAGI-COMEDIE. / Par D. FRAN?OISE PASCAL, / File Lyonnoise. / PREIERE EDITION. / ORACULUM. / Tali dicata signo mens fluctuare nescit. / [emblem of the city of Lyon] / A LYON. / Chez CLEMENT PETIT, en ru? Merciere, / ? l?enseigne du S. Esprit. / [solid line] / M. DC. LV. / In-8, pi?ces limin., 78 p. The edition includes a prefeace in verse signed by P. Fayol. Copies available for consultation: Arsenal GD 4.783. The Library at Johns Hopkins University posseses a bound photocopy of the microform available at the Biblioth?que de l?Arsenal in Paris (PQ1211.E37 A7 1655), which I had most aces to. This copy is part of Henry Carington Lancaster?s collection left to the library after he published A History of French Dramatic Literature in the Sevententh Century. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Pres, 1929. The text of 1655, represented here, has undergone very few changes. However, to render the play more comprehensible to a 21 st century reader, certain spelings and acents have been modified. As for speling changes, al ?i/j?s and ?u/v?s have been disimilated. Al nasals which are indicated in the original text by a tilde (?) have been resolved. To distinguish betwen such homonyms as ?plus tost? and ?plustost? I have eliminated a space or inserted a space acordingly. I have also added an apostrophe where other distinctions are necesary (ie ?qu?ele? and ?quele?). As for spelings which remain the same, I have kept any hyphens which appear in the original text as wel as any capitalization which may have been used to evoke mythological figures such as ?Amour.? 184 Modifications have been made in terms of acentuation as wel. I have placed an accent aigu on the final syllables of words ending in ?? (-?, -?s, -?es, and ??ent) and I have transformed the accent aigu into an accent grave on any final syllables ending in ? ?s (-?s, -d?s, pr?s, apr?s etc?) The exception to this modification is ?tr?s? which is not acentuated when it is followed by a hyphen to modify a word (ie ?vostre tres-humble servante?). Additionaly, an accent grave has been placed on any final syllables ending in ?? (-j?, -desj?, -voil?, -?? etc?) and I have added an accent grave to distinguish betwen homonyms ??/a, l?/la, and ?o?/ou.? Furthermore, after ?i/j?s and ?u/v?s have been disimulated, any tremas used to distinguish betwen these leters in the orginal text have been removed. The acents found in the interior syllables have been retained and the circumflexes from the original text have not been altered in any way. The annotations of this edition wil include a detailed analysis of themes and structures of the play as wel as its literary and historical sources. Additionaly, they wil contain references to Vaugelas?s comments concerning the usages of 17 th century gramar and speling, and to Fureti?re?s Dictionnaire universel, contenant g?n?ralement les mots fran?ais tant vieux que modernes or Nicot?s Thresor de la langue francoyse to clarify 17 th century words or expresions. I wil also refer to such gramarians as Tiseur and Vilefranche in regards to Fran?oise Pascal?s usage of patois lyonnais. Characters and plots relating to other plays of the 17 th century, Grek or Roman legends, or historical events which may have inspired Francoise Pascal?s plays wil be highlighted and I wil also note inventions on her part which may have inspired future playwrights? work. 185 Sumary Act I: Iren?e, the wife of a Roman, Sabin, and the Step-Mother of Agathon, reveals her lustful desires for her son-in-law to her servant C?liane. In the second scene, Iren?e sneaks up on Agathon while he is sleping in order to seduce him when he is most vulnerable. He foils her plan and manages to escape her clutches seking refuge with his friend Albin, who has been walowing in self-pity since the discovery of his lover?s apparent betrayal. Iren?e decides to take revenge on Agathon for having rejected her by teling Sabin, Agathon?s father, that his son tried to rape and kil her. Act I: Triphine, the daughter of the Roman Senator Triphon, laments the absence of her loved one, the gentleman Agathon. Her thoughts are interupted when her brother Euple arives to tel her about Agathon?s misfortunes, which he learned about through C?liane. While a page is sent to fetch Agathon, Triphine reveals her desire to become a Christian in a monologue. Meanwhile, unbeknownst to Triphine, Polydore, is making plans to woo and mary her. Act II: Agathon acepts a ring that Triphine presents to him as a token of their love for each other. During Agathon?s absence in the following scene, Triphine learns from her father, Triphon, that she is to mary C?v?re, the Roman Senator the following day. She protests through tears and sighs, but her father?s decision has been made. In the final scene of this act, Triphine tels Agathon the bad news and convinces him to steal her away by boat. Agathon goes to fetch a guide while Triphine writes a false suicide note to her father expresing her decision to throw herself into the Tiber River in her state of despair. 186 Act IV: At the stroke of midnight, Agathon returns with a guide. As they are about to depart, Triphine informs Agathon of her desire to be converted to Christianity. In the following scene, Triphone, Euple, and the servants discover Triphine?s disappearance and find her suicide note. Triphon imediately suspects that al is not what it sems, and the servants confirm his suspicions when they discover that Agathon is not with his friend Albin. They form a search party, inviting Agathon?s Father, Sabin, and C?v?re, Triphine?s fianc?, to join them. Meanwhile, Polydore, completely ignorant of what has transpired, realizes that his chances of winning the heart of Triphine are slim, so he decides to sek love elsewhere. Act V: In an anonymous wood, Agathon is mourning the loss of Triphine after their separation during the shipwreck. But in the next scene, Triphine is miraculously ?reborn?, having survived the shipwreck which she atributes to the grace of God. When they hear someone approaching they try to hide, but it is too late. They are discovered by the search party. Triphine tels her father that it is she who should be punished for their actions. She then informs the crowd of pursuers that she has converted to Christianity. Triphon tels his daughter that the Emperor has given him orders to kil her unles she reconsiders and maries C?v?re. But she of course refuses to give in to his demands. Triphine?s confesion that she is a Christian inspires an entire succesion of conversions. Soon after Triphine states that she would prefer to suffer the ?most cruel tortures ever invented? than to mary old C?v?re and abandon her faith, Euple confeses his newfound faith: ?Je dis en pr?sence de vous et de tous ceux qui sont venus ici que je me fais Chr?tien.? Carist?e imediately follows with her confesion; ?Je suis Chr?tienne aussi.? And then Iren?e follows suit after apologizing to Agathon for her lewd behavior; ?Je dirai 187 devant tous que je me fais Chr?tienne?? Iren?e?s husband Sabin imediately expreses his desire to follow his wife; ?Ha, puisqu?il est ainsi, je suis aussi Chr?tien, Je quite les faux Dieux et j?adore le tien?? In the end, only C?v?re and Triphon are left to cary out the Emperor?s orders. Triphine, Agathon, and the new converts are martyred. 188 AGATHONPHILE MARTYR TRAGI-COMEDIE Par D. FRAN?OISE PASCAL, File Lyonoise. 189 A MESIEURS MESIEURS LES PREVOST DES MARCHANDS 1 ET ESCHEVINS 2 de la Vile de Lyon. Augustes Magistrats, merveiles des Mortels, Dont les rares vertus meritent des Autels, Ce n?est pas sans raison que ce Palais Ilustre 3 Est nomm? le sejour 4 des miracles divins, Puisque vos Citoyens ravis d?un si beau lustre Vous ont tous d?une voix choisis pour Eschevins. 5 Admirable sejour de ces cinq demy-Dieux, Fais rententir leurs noms jusqu?au del? des Cieux, Puisqu?ils sont les sujets de ta magnificence: Souffre aupres de ta Lune qu?ils fasent un Soleil, Afin que jour & nuict par leur douce presence, Ils augmentent ton lustre d?un esclat non-pareil. Enfin, grands Tutelaires, c?est trop peu de mes vers, Pour envoyer vos noms au bout de l?Univers, Et ma veine ? la fin se treuveroit confuse, 1 This would be Gaspard de Montconys, Seigneur de Liergues et de Pouily who was in office from 1652-1654 or Jacques Guignard, Seigneur de Belevue, vicomte de Saint- Priest who served from 1654-1658. Se Saint-Loup, Robert de. Dictionnaire de la noblese consulaire de Lyon. Versailes: M?moire & documents, 2004. 2 In 1267, the bourgeois of Lyon decided to elect 12 men to govern the afairs of the city of Lyon. In 1594, Henri IV reduced the number of ?chevins to seven, and in 1595, he reduced it to 4 ?chevins and 1 pr?v?t des marchands. 3 Possibly a reference to the H?tel des gouverneurs, now destroyed, where the governors of Lyon resided. This residence had its own theater constructed by Nicolas de Vileroy. 4 In the 17 th century, one?s ?sejour? was used to desribe ?le lieu o? on demeure? (Nicot) or ?the place where one resides.? 5 This is a slightly idealistic conception of the selection proces. By the 17 th century the ?chevins, who already had to prove they were of noble blood, were chosen by the King. 190 Ma foiblese pourtant ose vous supplier, Que vous luy permetiez aussi bien qu?? ma Muse, D?exalter vos vertus, & de les publier. Escoutez donc, MESIEURS, ces Amants trop heureux, Et souffrez qu?ils vous disent les deseins amoureux Qui ont brusl? leurs c?urs d?une flame divine, Ils viennent ? vos yeux sans sortir du tombeau, Vous verez Agathon, & sa chere Triphine Se presenter ? vous dans un sejour si beau. Par vostre tres-humble servante, FRAN?OISE PASCAL. A MADEMOISELE FRAN?OISE PASCAL, Sur son Agathonphile Martyr. Vous, qui lirez Agathonphile, Admirez-en l?aymable style, Puisqu?il vient d?un sujet d?Amour: C?est une jeune File, ou plustost c?est un Ange; Il est juste qu?? vostre tour Vous luy donniez de la lo?ange. Vous-y verez un beau Troph?e, Puis que de la Lyre d?Orph?e, 6 Et des Armes de tous les Dieux, Ele en fait un amas pompeux, & magnifique: Vous ne pouvez en juger mieux, Que de l?estimer Angelique, Aussi bien l?humaine foiblese N?avoit jamais eu tant d?addrese, De desarmer ces sainctes mains: Et puisqu?un Jupiter luy a ced? sa foudre, N?a-ele pas sur les humains Le pouvoir de les metre en poudre? On voit aussi dans la Peinture, (Art qu?ele tient de la Nature.) Qu?ele est tousjours dans les combats; Car ayant de Pinceaux ses beles mains arm?es, Ele feroit honte ? Palas, 7 6 Fayol compares Pascal?s musical talents with those of Orpheus, master of the lyre. 7 In Grek mythology, Palas is an epithet for Athena. Athena is usualy shown as an armed warior goddes, sporting a helmet and a shield. Palas was Athena?s female 191 A la voir rompre des Arm?es. Vous pouvez la nommer Fran?oise, Puisqu?ele n?est jamais ? l?aise, Que parmy les feux & les dards: Et luy voyant en main les Armes, & la ?, Vous direz que son Pere est Mars, Et qu?ele est file de Minerve. Par son tres-humble serviteur, P. FAYOL. 8 Sic juvat insolito insolitam laudare Po?tam; Sic latio Galam Carmine laudat amor. LAPIS, Fides Au Livre, Par le mesme. Veux-tu (mon cher Agathonphile) Rendre en chacun fort empres?, Soit aileurs, ou dans cete vile, Dis que tu es ensemble vivant, & Trespas? Qu?un grand Dieu est ton Pere, Une file ta Mere, Et que quoyque tu sois de tous le premier n?, 9 Tu merites le nom d?aisn?. childhood friend who she acidentaly kiled in a sparing match. Athena mourned her loss by taking her name. Fayol compares Pascal?s ability in painting and the arts to Athena?s talents in the art of warfare. 8 The identity of Fayol remains unknown. 9 Agathonphile martyr (1655) is Pascal?s first theatrical work. 192 Avis au lecteur. Mon cher Lecteur, ne trouve pas estrange, si je n?ay dedi? ce Po?me ? quelques personnes particulieres, comme estant mon premier esay; & si j?ay voulu le donner generalement ? nostre bonne & aymable Vile de Lyon, en reconnoisance des advantages que j?y ay receus: aussi la mets-je sous les auspices de ceux qui en ont la direction. Au reste, je ne te donne pas cete Piece, comme une chose rare, & o? toutes les regles de la Po?sie de ce temps soient observ?es: Mon sexe, le peu d?exp?rience que j?ay dans c?t Art, & la basese de mon esprit, ne me permetent pas d?avoir des pens?es si hautes, & si relev?es que ces Apollons, qui y r?ussisent si bien tous les jours, se composant avec leurs merveileux ouvrages des Couronnes d?imortalit?. Je feray voir, du moins, que je n?ay rien d?rob? de leur gloire, & que ma seule veine en a tous produits les vers. 10 Tu me croiras d?s que tu en feras la lecture. Adieu. 10 The ?afected modesty topos? was often exloited in the avis of plays writen during the Clasical period. Se the preface for an analysis of Pascal?s usage of this rhetorical device. 193 LES ACTEURS. TRIPHON, Senateur Romain. AGATHON, Gentil-homme Romain. 1 EUPLE, fils de Triphon. TRIPHINE, file de Triphon, & soeur d?Euple. SABIN, Pere d?Agathon. IRENE, feme de Sabin, & Marastre d?Agathon. CEVERE, Senateur Romain, Favory de l?Empereur Decie, & amoureux de Triphine. 12 ALBIN, Gentil-homme Romain, & amy d?Agathon. CARISTE, Gouvernante de Triphine. POLYDORE, Amoureux de Triphine. 13 ALPHONSE, Maistre d?hostel de Triphon. PAGE. DOMESTIQUES. CELIANE, Suivante d?Iren?e 14 La sc?ne est ? Rome, & ? ses environs. 1 The 1694 edition of the Dictionnaire de l?Acad?mie fran?aise defines a ?gentil- homme? in the 17 th century as a nobleman, who is second in rank to a ?grand? or a prince. 12 Perhaps a borrowing of Corneile?s S?v?re, who in Polyeucte is also the favorite of the Emperor Decius. 13 Not to be confused with ?Polyphile? which means ?lover of many,? Polydorus is one of thre characters in Grek mythology. Se the introduction for more details. 14 Name of female protagonist in Rotrou?s C?liane, Tragi-com?die performed in 1634 at the H?tel de Bourgogne. 194 5 ACTE PREMIER. SCENE PREMIERE. IRENE, CELIANE. 10 [IRENE] Que ma flame 15 est contrainte, & qu?il m?est mal-ais? De cacher les ardeurs de mon coeur embras?: 15 Ce divin Agathon qui cause mon martyre 16 A si bien dans mon ame ?tably son Empyre. Que je br?le 17 pour luy depuis le premier jour Que je consideray ce prodige d?Amour: Je n?ay jamais os? luy d?couvrir ma fl?me, 18 20 J?ay gard? si long-temps ce brasier dans mon ame, Que je me vois contrainte ? le faire esclater. Celiane! Mon coeur ne peut plus resister. Ha! Dieu c?est trop long-temps me faire violence, Mon tourment me contraint ? rompre le silence. 25 ais apres tant d?ennuis, apres tant de souspirs, Il faudra qu?Agathon se range ? mes desirs, Soulage si tu peux le mal qui me tourmente, 19 Et sois de mon amour l?unique confidente: H? bien, que juges-tu d?un feu si violent? 30 [CELIANE] Ha! Madame, estouffez ce brasier aveuglant; Madame, au nom des Dieux, esteignez cete fl?me, 35 Que vous feroit paser ? jamais pour infame, Le fils de vostre Espoux! 15 Image exploited in po?sie galante. ?Se dit commun?ment de l?amour prophane. Cet amant brusle d?une flame innocente pour cete file. Il ne faut point nourir des flames crimineles? (Fureti?re). 16 Popular clich? found in lit?rature galante of the 17 th century. ?Se dit po?tiquement & frequement de la souffrance des amans. Il luy a cont? son martyr sous un nom emprunt?. Ayez piti? de mon martyre? (Fureti?re). 17 Elsewhere speled ?brusler? 18 Pascal fluctuates betwen the two spelings of ?fl?me? and ?flame? throughout the play. 19 le mal d?amour is a topos that was inspired of la courtoisie and recycled by the mondains in poetry of the 17 th century. 195 [IRENE] 40 C?est en vain que je veux Esteindre le brasier de mon coeur amoureux, Je ne puis resister ? de si fortes armes, S?ais-tu pas qu?Agathon possede tant de charmes, Qu?on ne peut s?en defendre. 45 [CELIANE] Il est vray, mais pourtant. [IRENE] 50 Enfin, c?est asez dit, rend mon esprit content, Approuve mon amour, s?ais-tu pas que dans Rome Mile jeunes beautez bruslent 20 pour ce jeune home? Se faut-il estonner? 55 [CELIANE] S?il vous plaist d?escouter. [IRENE] 60 Quoy? [CELIANE] 65 Qu?une seulement n?oseroit se vanter D?en avoir jamais eu un regard favorable, Toutes le trouvent beau, mais trop inexorable: Et qu?en pretendez-vous, sinon que le refus? 70 Mais si vous m?en croyez, vous n?y penserez plus, Rejetez, rejetez ce brasier detestable, Reprenez vos esprits, soyez plus raisonnable, Et songez qu?Agathon est fils de votre Espoux: Il est vray qu?il est beau, que ses charmes sont doux, 75 Mais vous. [IRENE] Que me dis-tu? Je ne suis pas sa mere. 80 [CELIANE] 20 Se note 15. 196 Mais ne s?avez-vous pas que Sabin est son pere? Encor 21 il est Chrestien, Croyez-vous que les Dieux N?ayent pas en horreur c?t amour odieux? 85 Croyez-vous qu?un gar?on si prudent & si sage, Qui ne regarde pas une feme au visage, Aye d?amour pour vous, Il est bien aseur? Que son mespris sera ce que vous en aurez; Mais que diray-je plus, vous estes ma maistrese, 90 Je s?ay que c?est parler avec trop d?hardiese, Mais enfin je ne puis vous parler autrement. [IRENE] 95 Ne ferois-tu pas mieux d?aleger mon tourment? Je ne s?aurois chaser ce brasier de mon ame, Tous ces discours sont vains, je me mocque du bl?me 2 , Non, tu n?avance rien de me parler ainsi, Mais, ? Dieux qu?? mes maux ton coeur est endurcy, 100 Le moyen d?estouffer un feu qui me consume, Que plus je veux esteindre, & tant plus il s?alume (sic), Tes discours m?importunent. 105 [CELIANE] H? bien, Madame, h? bien, Je n?en parleray plus, si je n?avance rien, Mais adieu, je vous quite. 110 [IRENE] Et quoy, tu m?abandonne (sic)? Est-ce l? le secours que j?ai de ta personne? 115 Ingrate C?liane, ne m?abandonne pas, Quoy, tu voudrois ainsi me causer le tr?pas? 23 H?las! Escoutes-moy, 24 ne t?enfuys pas si viste. 21 Vaugelas explains that ?encor? as opposed to ?encore? is only permited in poetry at the very end of verses, but that the best poets do not use ?encor? at al (252-3). Pascal uses both spelings throughout the play most likely in order to add or subtract a syllable when necesary. 2 Meaning ?mespriser, ne se soucier point de choses. Ce brave se moque des perils, il les afronte. Un libertin se moque de toutes les remonstrances. Un desbauch? se moque de la fortune?? (Fureti?re). 23 la mort 197 [CELIANE] 120 Non, non, j?ay trop d?horreur d?ouyr ce que vous dites. [IRENE] 125 Mais, Celiane, enfin, pense ? me secourir, Ou bien tout devant toy je me feray mourir, Songe bien maintenant ? ce que tu dois faire, Ou de me voir mourir, ou de me satisfaire. 130 [CELIANE] Que feray-je bons Dieux en cete extremit?? [IRENE] 135 M?aseureray-je enfin de ta fidelit?? Penses-y 25 de bonne heure. [CELIANE} 140 H? bien, me voicy preste, Mais [IRENE] 145 Ne propose rien, fais ce que je souhete. 26 [CELIANE] 150 Et que feray-je donc? [IRENE] Tu l?ignores, bons Dieux, Tu me veux pas servir; 155 24 Departure from standard French. Concerning the imperative form Vaugelas explains, ?en e, comme aime, ouvre, et ainsi de tous les autres de la mesme terminaison, qui de leur nature n?ont jamais d?s?? (190). 25 Ibid. 26 The author fluctuates betwen the thre spelings ?souhaiter? and ?souheter? and ?souh?ter? throughout the play. 198 [CELIANE] Si fais. 160 [IRENE] Parle donc mieux, Fais ce que je te dis, 165 Et ne demande plus ce qu?il faut que tu fase, 27 Tu ne le s?ais que trop. [CELIANE] Mais, Madame, de grace, 170 Car depuis que je vois la lumiere du jour, Jamais l?on ne me fit mesagere d?amour; Dites-moy, s?il vous plaist, ce qu?il faut que je die. [IRENE] 175 Tu ne cognois pas bien quele est ma maladie; Va trouver Agathon, parle-luy de mes feux, Dis luy que je l?adore, & qu?enfin 180 [CELIANE] Je le veux. Mais quoy, que dira-il de mon efronterie? Il s?enfuira de moi, comme d?une furie; 185 Il me va menacer de le dire ? Sabin, Il s?en ira vanter dans la maison d?Albin, L?on vous fera paser par tout pour une infame, Et moy de mesme aussi j?en recevray du bl?me De vous avoir servie. 190 [IRENE] Et quoy tu crains cela? 195 Tu ne s?ais pas encor la volont? qu?il a, Il m?honore beaucoup, il s?ait bien que je l?ayme, Encor qu?il ne s?ait pas que mon mal est extr?me, Mais enfin parle-luy, s?il se mocque de toy, 27 Digresion from ?correct usage.? The second person singular of the subjunctive tense is conjugated with an ?s. Se Vaugelas 110. 199 Qu?il mesprise mes feux, je t?engage ma foy, 200 Que s?il s?ose vanter de le dire ? son pere, Je le veux prevenir en disant le contr?re, Je diray que c?est luy. [CELIANE] 205 Quel horrible desein! Que vostre amour vous met de fureur dans le sein, Acuser l?innocent, luy supposer un crime, Que vous aurez commis, quel demon vous anime, 210 Juste ciel, quel amour horrible & furieux, Quoy, ne craignez-vous point la colere des Dieux? N?apprehendez-vous point que par un coup de foudre Leur Justice anim?e ne vous reduise en poudre, 28 Car vous n?ignorez pas que ce fils malheureux 215 Est hay de Sabin, ce pere rigoureux Traite ce pauvre fils. [IRENE] H? bien, qu?en veux-tu dire? 220 [CELIANE] Je dis que cependant que le monde l?admire Son pere le mal-traite, & qu?il vous est aisez 225 De le faire perir, car si vous supposez Qu?il vous aye voulu prendre par violence, Sabin l?imolera tout ? vostre presence. [IRENE] 230 Cet?insolente. H? quoy tu te veux donc mesler De me venir [CELIANE] 235 H? bien, je n?en veux plus parler, Mais adieu, c?en est fait, il faut que je vous quite, Ele s?en va 240 28 Divine vengeance is a theme most asociated with the Biblical tragedies of the 16 th century. Se Forsythe. 200 SCENE SECONDE. IRENE, AGATHON [IRENE] seule. 245 Bons Dieux en quel estat je me trouve reduite? Est-ce l? le secours que tu me veux donner? Ne me l?as-tu promis que pour m?abandonner? A quoy te resous-tu, malheureuse Iren?e? 250 N?es-tu pas sous le Ciel, la plus infortun?e? Mais quoy, c?est trop souffrir, il te faut donc vanger, 29 Suis ton premier desein, garde bien de changer, Il vaut mieux le perir 30 , que te perir toy-mesme, S?il refuse les dons de mon amour extr?me, 255 S?il m?prise mes feux, qu?il les aye en horeur, Mon amour ? l?instant se va metre en fureur, Et je m?en vay chercher un fer pour c?t office. Ele prend un fer,& cherche Agathon. Il faudra que tu m?ayme, ou bien que tu perise. 31 260 Suis, alons maintenant, suivons nostre desein, Pour asouvir l?amour qui me brusle le sein, Ne perdons point courage, alons dedans sa chambre, Entrons tout doucement, afin de le surprendre, Mais, Dieux, cachons ce fer, qui le peut alarmer, 265 Et quiter le desein qu?il auroit de m?aymer : Le lict paroist Mais ? Ciel, parlons bas, le voila qui sommeile, Il est desus son lict, cete douce merveile, Il dort, ce bel object, il ferme ses beaux yeux, 270 Dont les premiers regards me mirent toute en feux; 32 Doucement, mon amour, n?esclate pas encore, Ne romp pas le sommeil de celuy que j?adore: Crois-tu bien que ce fer, que dans mes mains j?ay pris, Execute le coup que j?avois entrepris? 275 Non, non, j?ay trop d?amour, & suis trop pitoyable, Pour defaire si tost un objet tant aymable! Ha! qu?il est ravisant, Dieux que d?atraits nouveaux! 29 Female vengeance is not an uncommon theme in the tragicomedy. For instance, in Rotrou?s B?lisaire (1644), the jealous Imp?ratrice tries to kil B?lisaire with a sword. 30 Faire p?rir 31 Se note 27. 32 A reversal of the Petrarchan figure of the dame sans merci whose beautiful eyes shoot piercing darts into the heart of her admirer, seting his heart aflame. Here it is Iren?e who fals victim to Agathon?s charms. 201 Qui ne voudroit brusler pour des charmes si beaux? Je me sens consumer par des nouveles fl?mes, 280 Criminele Iren?e, quite, quite ces armes, Mais quel est mon transport, 3 & mon ravisement, Eles me sont glis?es, mais insensiblement, Eles me sont tomb?es sans m?en estre apperceu?, Ha! celestes atraits-vous m?avez donc vaincu?, 285 Vos douceurs ont chas? la fureur de mon c?ur, Ouy, je vous rends les armes, adorable vainqueur: 34 Mais aymable Agathon, seroit-il bien possible; Qu?avec tant de douceurs vous fussiez insensible A l?exc?s de mon mal lorsque vous le s?aurez? 290 Mais helas! Je s?ais bien que ce que vous me direz, Sans doute vous direz que je suis une infame, Vous aurez en horreur mon amoureuse fl?me: Mais ? quoy je m?areste, il le faut ?veiler, Je ne puis plus languir, & le voir sommeiler. 295 Il s??veile, [AGATHON] Ha bon Dieu! Que vois-je? 300 Il se veut lever, ele l?empesche. [IRENE] Ma chere ame Reposez seulement demeurez. 305 [AGATHON] Ha! Madame, Que pourriez-vous juger de mon peu de respect? 310 Je s?ais que je vous dois. [IRENE] 315 Estre si circonspect 3 ?Se dit aussi figur?ment en choses morales, du trouble ou de l?agitation de l?ame par la violence des pasions? (Fureti?re). 34 Pascal uses the same oxymoron in the stances she wrote to Benserade. Here she addreses love personified with regards to Thyrsis: ?Mais ta rigeur inconcevable/Rend cet adorable vainqueur/Autant insensible qu?aimable.? Se Isac de Benserade, Po?sies de Monsieur de Benserade publi?es par Octave Uzanne (Geneve: Slatkine reprints, 1967) 47. 202 Pour moy qui vous cheris avec tant de tendrese, Usez-en autrement, mais que mon mal me prese, Il se faut d?couvrir, ?a changeons de propos, Je suis venue icy troubler vostre repos: 320 Vous reposez, mon fils, cependant que tant d?ames Vont souspirant pour vous, brusl?es de vos fl?mes, Amour ne sera-il jamais vostre vainqueur, 35 Le vera-on 36 jamais entrer dans vostre c?ur? Quoy vivrez-vous tousjours dans cete indiference? 325 Ne voulez-vous donner jamais point d?esperence? Se peut-il que l?amour vous aye fait si beau, Sans vous faire sentir l?ardeur de son flambeau? [AGATHON] 330 Madame, s?il vous plaist, que ce discours finise. [IRENE] 335 Quoy, tu rougis, mon fils? [AGATHON] Il faut que je rougise, Malgr? moy vos discours m?ont surpris. 340 [IRENE] Et pourquoy? Il est vray, bel ingrat qu?eles bruslent pour toy, 345 Enfin, tu le s?ais bien, & tu n?en fais pas compte, Crois-tu bien que l?amour jamais ne te surmonte? Ton c?ur resiste en vain, crois-tu d?en eschapper? [AGATHON] 350 Ceux-l? qui le croiroient, se pourroient bien tromper, Quoy, n?ay-je pas un c?ur sensible comme un autre? [IRENE] 355 Mais je n?en ay point veu de si dur que le vostre, 35 Love personified is a topos asociated with galanterie. 36 By this time, it was incorrect usage to leave out the ?t? yet Pascal does not observe this rule. Vaugelas states ?Si le verbe finit par une voyele devant on, comme prie-on, ala- on, il faut prononcer & escrire un, t? (10) 203 Aym?s, cher Agathon, & cedez ? ces coups, Ne cognoisez-vous pas que je brusle pour vous? 360 [AGATHON] Que vous bruslez pour moi; [IRENE] 365 Je ne le puis plus taire, Je languis, je me meurs. [AGATHON] 370 O Dieu, le puis-je croire? Est-ce pour m?esprouver, est-ce pour m?abuser? Mais que pretendez-vous? 375 [IRENE] Un amoureux baiser Sur cete bele bouche. 380 [AGATHON] ? Ciel, quele infamie! Grand Dieu, defendez-moi d?une tele ennemie. 385 [IRENE] Tu me veux eschapper, mais non, non, je te tien (sic), [AGATHON] 390 Retirez-vous d?icy, vous n?avancerez rien. Ha! Je suis eschapp?, sauvons-nous ? la fuite. Il s?enfuit. 395 [IRENE] seule. H?las! Je vay mourir, ce perfide me quite, O Ciel, que dois-je faire, o? dois-je recourir? 400 Demons, sortez d?Enfer, venez me secourir ; Sortez, noires fureurs de vos rivages sombres, 204 Venez ? mon secours, quitez ces tristes ombres, 37 Punisez c?t ingrat, que je n?ai p? toucher, Et ne permetez pas qu?il trouve o? se cacher; 405 Mais en quel lieu qu?il soit, faites que je le s?ache, Afin de le punir, n?estois-je pas bien lasche, Quand j?ay quit? ce fer? Mais quoy qu?aurois-je fait? 38 Mon furieux desein n?auroit point eu d?efect, Il manie les armes avec tant d?addrese, 410 Qu?il se seroit mocqu? de mon peu d?hardiese, Et m?auroit arach? les armes de la main, Mais mal-trait? ainsi de ce bel inhumain, Je veux estre vang?e, ? Dieux voicy son Pere. 415 SCENE TROISIEME. SABIN. IRENE, tenant le fer ? la main. [SABIN] 420 Madame, qu?avez-vous, je vous vois en cholere? [IRENE] 425 Oserai-je, bons Dieux, declarer ce mefaict? [SABIN] Et qu?est-ce, dites-moi? 430 [IRENE] Votre fils qui l?a fait, ? Ciel! 435 [SABIN] Dites-le-moy, puis que je le desire. 440 [IRENE] Ha! L?horreur que j?en ay m?empesche de le dire. 37 Compare these verses with Corneile, M?d?e: ?Files de l?Acheron, Pestes, Larves, Furies,/Noires S?urs, si jamais nostre commerce estroit/Sur vous et vos serpents me donna quelque droit,/Sort?s de vos cachots??(206-209). 38 qu?est-ce que j?aurais pu faire? 205 [SABIN] 445 N?en ayez point d?horreur, car je le veux s?avoir, Et je s?auray bien-tost le metre ? son devoir. [IRENE] 450 H?las! C?est que tantost j?estois dans cete chambre, Lors que c?t insolent m?est venue surprendre, Les yeux remplis de feux, & ce fer dans la main, Qu?il m?aloit, disoit-il, plonger dedans le sein, 455 Si tu ne veux, dit-il, contenter mon envie, Il faudra que ce fer triomphe de ta vie: Lors moy, toute efray?e, quand il parloit ainsi, J?estois demy pasm?e, et le coeur tout transi, Les yeux baign?s de larmes, et plus morte que vive, 460 Aussi-tost que j?ay dit, mais d?une voix craintive: Cruel, arestez-vous, l?on a fait certain bruit, Il a gaign? au pied, 39 & s?en ai viste fuit. [SABIN] 465 O Dieux, que dites-vous, seroit-il bien possible? [IRENE] 470 Vous en pourriez douter, la chose est bien visible, Car ce fer,& mes pleurs peuvent bien t?moigner. [SABIN] 475 Ne vous afligez point, il a beau s??loigner, Il n?en peut eschapper, il faut que je vous vange, Ouy, je le puniray d?une fa?on estrange; Mais o? s?est-il cach?, je vous donne ma foy, Qu?il n?aura jamais point d?autre boureau que moy. 480 [IRENE] Monsieur, vous s?avez bien que m?rite ce crime, Car il est aussi vray, comme je vous l?exprime. 485 [SABIN] 39 s?est enfui 206 En fin, n?en parlons plus, ces mots sont superflus, Il en moura, l?inf?me, ou je le veray plus. 490 SCENE QUATRIEME. AGATHON, ALBIN. [AGATHON] seul. 495 Grand Dieu, qui connoisez la pudeur de mon ame! Et qui m?avez sauv? des mains de cete infame, Donnez-moi quelque azyle, afin de me sauver, Et que mes ennemis ne me puisent trouver; 500 Car il est tres-certain que cete temeraire, Afin de se vanger, dira tout le contraire; Car je l?ay bien ouy lors que je me sauvois, Qu?ele crioit tout haut qu?ele s?en vangeroit, Comme ele est aseur?e, cete feme cruele, 505 Que mon pere me porte une haine mortele, Estant tonte 40 en furie, ele va supposer Mile maux contre moy, pour me faire exposer Aux plus cruels tourments que ce pere barbare Pourra s?imaginer, possible il se prepare 510 Desj? pour me perir, que dois-je devenir? Ma mort est asur?e, si l?on me peut tenir: Helas! grand Dieu du Ciel, favorisez ma fuite, Et ne permetez pas cete injuste poursuite, Alons trouver Albin, mon plus fidel amy, 515 Mais quoy! ce cher Albin est possible 41 endormy, Alons-y toutesfois pour luy faire ma plainte, Et luy dire les maux dont mon ame est atainte, Alons, mais je me trompe, ou je le vois de loing, C?est luy-mesme, il est vray, je ne me trompe point: 520 Mais qu?il est triste, ? Dieu, quelque chose le fasche, 42 Il le faut aborder, afin que je le s?ache: O? vas-tu, cher Albin, mon Dieu, l?heureux hazard! [ALBIN] 525 40 toute? 41 ?Peut-?tre que? or ?maybe.? Acording to Vaugelas, the substitution of ?possible? for ?peut-estre? which is found throughout the play, is to be avoided: ?Les uns l?acusent d?estre bas, les autres d?estre vieux. Tant y a que pour une raison, ou pour l?autre, ceux qui veulent escrire poliment, ne feront pas mal de s?en abstenir? (149). 42 l?ennuie 207 Bon soir, cher Agathon, o? t?en vas-tu si tard? Dis. [AGATHON] 530 Je te le diray bien, pourveu que tu me die, Qui te rend si pensif, quele est ta maladie? Si ce n?est point l?amour? 535 [ALBIN] Je te le fais s?avoir, Mon infidele Irys me veut plus recevoir, Ele a un autre Amant, l?ingrate, & l?inhumaine, 540 Et je ne suis plus rien que l?objet de sa haine: Ha! quele gloire estoit-ce ? ce nouvel Amant, De se voir careser d?un objet si charmant, Cete ingrate beaut? lui faisoit de careses, Que je n?ay pe? souffrir sans beaucoup de tristeses, 545 Et ce lieu m?a sembl? ce soir aussi fatal. Que je l?ay veu heureux ? ce meschant rival: Ele se sousrioit, voyant ma contenance, Me regardant tousjours avec indiference; Lors je les ay quitez, en leur disant adieu, 550 Et me suis retourn? bien triste de ce lieu: Voil? le payement de ma perseverance, Mes soins sont superflus, je n?ay plus d?esp?rence, ais je me vangeray, j?esp?re que demain Nous-nous verons tous deux nos esp?es ? la main. 555 [AGATHON] Ha, quel esprit jaloux, Dieu que tu t?imagine, Crois-tu bien qu?ele osast faire si bonne mine 560 A ce nouvel Amant, encore devant toy? Crois que cela n?est pas, je t?engage ma foy, Qu?il est asur?ment parent de cete bele, Et que tu luy fais tort de la croire infidele. 43 565 [ALBIN] Dieu, que cela me met en estrange soucy! 43 Note that Agathon discourages his friend from seking vengeance. Acts of vengeance, including the duel, are avoided in plays after 1640. Richelieu, while he was in power made the duel ilegal in 1634 to reinforce the King?s authority in maters of justice. 208 Mais, dis-moy, cependant ce qui t?amene icy? Je te vois tout troubl?, quoy que tu me consoles, 570 Tu trembles, tu fremis, pronon?ant tes paroles; N?es-tu point poursuivy par quelques ennemis, Dis-le moy promptement, car tu me l?as promis. [AGATHON] 575 Mais, Albin, je te prie, avant que je commence, Entrons dans ton logis pour estre en aseurance, Et tu veras bien-tost si je n?ay pas raison De me refugier si viste en ta maison. 580 209 ACTE DEUXIEME. SCENE PREMIERE. 585 TRIPHINE, EUPLE, PAGE. [Triphine] seule. Quel obstacle fascheux t?empesche de venir? 590 Trop aymable Agathon, qui te peut retenir? Quel destin aujourdhuy vient m?estre si contraire? Mais, ? Dieux, taisons-nous, j?entends venir mon frere. [EUPLE] 595 Ha! ma soeur, tu ne s?ais ce qu?il est arivez 4 Au cher frere Agathon, nous en sommes privez, Peut-estre pour jamais, ha! l?infame marastre! Helas, pauvre Agathon, que je plains ton desastre! 600 O Dieux, si tu s?avois [TRIPHINE] Dis-moy donc promptement 605 Ce qu?il est ariv?. 45 [EUPLE] H?las! aseur?ment, 610 Il est hors de la vile. En fin tu peux entendre Tout ce que Celiane est venue m?apprendre, Alors que je l?ay veu?, ele m?a tout surpris, Une certaine crainte a troubl? mes esprits, Qui m?a fait prevenir quelque estrange nouvele 615 De ce pauvre Gar?on, alors que j?ay sceu d?ele. Tout ce qui s?est pas?, en fin ele m?a dit, Bien plus que ma pens?e ne m?avoit pas pr?dit; Ele a dit, qu?Iren?e ne se pouvant defendre Des atraits d?Agathon, osa bien entreprendre, 620 De d?couvrir hier ses impudiques feux A Celiane mesme, cele qui craint les Dieux, Se trouva bien surprise, alors que cete Infame 4 In patois lyonnais, ?qui? becomes ?qu?? even in front of a vowel. 45 Ibid. 210 Oublia tous devoirs pour d?couvrir sa fl?me; Ele la supplioit qu?ele fist son pouvoir, 625 Pour fl?chir 46 Agathon sous un crime si noir; C?liane tousjours prioit cete Impudique, D?estouffer ce brasier qui la rendroit publique, Et qu?ele n?en auroit jamais que le refus, Et qu?il ariveroit quelque chose de plus, 630 Que sans doute Agathon le diroit ? son pere, Qu?il la feroit p?rir: En fin cete Megere Continuant tousjours son infame desein, Fit voir l?intention qu?ele avoit dans le sein; En fin ele luy dit, qu?apr?s plusieurs prieres, 635 S?il mesprisoit ses feux, eles iroit la premiere (sic) En advertir Sabin, qu?ele supposeroit A l?instant mile maux, & qu?il la vangeroit Du mespris d?Agathon, comme ele ?toit certaine, Qu?il portoit ? son fils une si grande haine, 640 Ele s?imaginoit qu?il qu?il luy seroit permis De l?acouser des maux qu?il n?auroit pas commis: Celiane voyant cete horrible entreprise, Abandonna ces lieux, la laisant bien surprise; Mais ele ne s?ait pas comme tout s?est pasez, 645 Sinon qu?ele n?en croit qu?un tres-mauvais succ?z: Ce malheureux Gar?on que chacun idolatre, Est pour estre imel? 47 aux yeux de sa marastre, S?il n?est entre les mains du furieux Sabin, Il se sera cach? dans la maison d?Albin, 650 Voil? ce que j?ay s?eu d?ele. [TRIPHINE] Mandons sur l?heure Un page en la maison o? son amy demeure. 655 [EUPLE] faut mander querir Albin. 660 [TRIPHINE] Ouy promptement. [EUPLE] 665 46 ?Flechir quelqu'un, et le tourner ? ce qu'on veut? (Nicot) 47 imol? 211 Page, escoute. [PAGE] 670 Seigneur. [EUPLE] Alez secretement 675 Dans le logis d?Albin, & que le convie A venir jusqu?icy, que j?aurois bien envie De luy communiquer quelque chose en scret, Alez-y de ce pas. 48 680 [PAGE] Seigneur, me voicy prest. SCENE SECONDE. 685 [POLYDORE] Qui m?a fait dans le coeur cete playe nouvele? Quoy, ne seroit-ce point les yeux de cete bele? 49 690 Qui ne seroit charm? de ses divins regards? Qui peuvent alumer des feux de toutes parts, Au moment que je vis cete bele Triphine, Je fus ravy des traits de sa face divine; 50 Ma raison se perdit ? force d?admirer 695 Tant d?aymables appas qui me font souspirer; En fin, puisant amour, malgr? ma resistance Tu m?a fait resentir quele estoit ta puisance? N??tois-tu point alors asis dans ces beaux yeux, Puis que dans un moment je con?eus tant de feux? 700 Jamais je n?ay tant veu de beaut?, ny de charmes, Ny l?amour n?a jamais alum? tant de fl?mes Dans le c?ur d?un Amant, comme il a dans le mien: 48 Alez-y tout de suite 49 Topos inspired by P?trarque ? ?la dame sans merci? whose cruel eyes pierce the heart of her admirer is used in its traditional sense. 50 This may be a provincialism. ?Face? is no longer used in place of ?visage.? Vaugelas states that ?comme aussi on a condamn? face quand il signifie visage, pour une raison encore plus ridicule & plus extravagante que l?autre.? (60) and Fureti?re states ?il faut remarquer que le mot de face pour visage ne se dit plus gueres en ce sens qu?en railerie d?un visage qui est trop gros ou trop large.? 212 Mais ne pourrois-je pas trouver quelque moyen D?aborder cete Bele, Amoureux Polydore, 705 Quand d?couvriras-tu 51 le feu qui te devore? Quand approcheras-tu cete aymable beaut?, Quand en oseras-tu prendre la libert?? Alez, tristes souspirs, alez voir cete Bele, Et luy faites s?avoir que je brusle pour ele: 710 Alez donc promptement, mesagers de mon c?ur, Et luy faites s?avoir l?exc?s de ma langueur: Mais ne retardez pas, venez ? l?heure mesme, Et faites-luy s?avoir que mon mal est extr?me: Mais, que dis-je insens?, que j?ay peu de raison, 715 Que de vouloir ainsi chercher ma guerison, Ne peux-je pas trouver quelque meileur remede Pour soulager un peu le mal qui me possede, Te peux-tu pas servir de ce jeune Agathon, Qu?on favorise tant au Palais de Triphon? 720 Autant par sa beaut?, comme par son addrese, Et par son bel esprit, & par sa gentilese, Il s?est acquis l?estime, & d?Euple, et de sa soeur, Mesme leurs amitiez, En fin j?en suis trop seur, Je m?en vay le prier qu?il parle de ma fl?me 725 A c?t aymable objet, mais cependant mon ame Sois un peu plus tranquile. SCENE TROISIEME. 730 TRIPHINE, CARISTE. [TRIPHINE] seule. O Dieux, que j?ai d?ennuys, Les jours me font cent fois plus fascheux que les nuicts, 735 Ne saurois-je trouver un moment favorable? Mais quelqu?un vient encor, que je suis miserable! [TRIPHINE] 740 O? vas-tu, Carist?e? [CARISTE] Madame, je viens voir 745 Si je vous suis utile? 51 Quand d?clareras-tu? or ?when wil you declare? 213 [TRIPHINE] O l?importun devoir! 750 Laise-moy seule icy. [CARISTE] Dieu, quele solitude? 755 Qui cause ces souspirs, et cete inquietude? Ou si je n?auray point de part ? vos secrets, Si je vous ay trahie, montrez-m?en les efects. En fin, vous ay-je est? quelquefois indiscrete, Ne vous ay-je pas bien tousjours est? secrete? 760 [TRIPHINE] Dieux! que tu m?importune, avecque tes discours, Quoy! t?imagines-tu que je puises (sic) tousjours 765 Estre de mesme humeur? Mais parlons d?autres choses, As-tu point veu mon frere? [CARISTE] 770 Il est del? qui cause. [TRIPHINE] Il cause, avec qui? 775 [CARISTE] Tout seul avec Albin. [TRIPHINE] 780 Et dequoy parlent-ils? [CARISTE] 785 D?Agathon, de Sabin. [TRIPHINE] H? bien. 790 [CARISTE] 214 Lors que j?estois ? la chambre prochaine, Albin a dit, Seigneur, ne soyez plus en peine, 795 Agathon est chez moy, mais n?apprehendez pas, Ceux qui le vont cherchant ne perdent que leurs pas, Il est trop bien cach?, alors je suis venu?, Sans entendre rien plus, de crainte d?estre veue. 800 [TRIPHINE] Je suis contente, en fin, mais fais-moy ce plaisir, Laise-moy seule ici, satisfais mon desir. 805 [CARISTE] Quel changement d?humeur, que ce discours me trouble! O Dieux, de plus en plus ma crainte se redouble! Ha! Madame, pourquoy me voulez-vous cacher? 810 [TRIPHINE] Carist?e, cela ne te doit point fascher, 52 Je l?advo?e, il est vray, j?ay quelque inquietude, 815 Et depuis quelque temps j?ayme la solitude. [CARISTE] Dites-m?en le sujet. 820 [TRIPHINE] Je te le dirois bien, Mais en fin je ne puis, puisque je n?en s?ay rien; 825 H? quoy, ne t?ay-je pas tousjours dit mes pens?es, Et les plus raisonnables, & les plus insens?es? Mais depuis quelque temps, je sens qu?? tout propos Un chagrin importun vient troubler mon repos, Et me fait aymer seule. 830 [CARISTE] H? bien, adieu Madame, Mais je demande au Ciel le repos de vostre ame, 835 Et changez donc d?humeur, car pour moy je ne puis Vous souffrir seule ici avec tant d?ennuys. 53 52 Cela ne doit pas te pr?occuper 215 [TRIPHINE] 840 Vient (sic) dans une heure, ou deux. [CARISTE] Je vous veux satisfaire, 845 Je reviendray bien-tost. [TRIPHINE] N?entens-je pas mon frere? 850 C?est luy-mesme, il est vray, qui drese icy ses pas. [CARISTE] C?est luy. 855 [TRIPHINE] Dis que je dors. 860 [CARISTE] Je n?y manqueray pas. 865 SCENE QUATRIEME. [TRIPHINE] seule. Me voicy seule en fin, ? moins que la fortune 870 Ne me renvoye encor quelqu?un qui m?importune: Ha! que j?ay de soucis du depuis le moment Que l?Amour me fit voir Agathon si charmant: Je l?ay plus regard? avec cete innocence Dont je le regardois dans nostre jeune enfance: 875 Un certain feu nouveau commence ? m?emfl?mer, 54 Avec tant de douceur, qu?il me fait presumer, Que mon c?ur est ateint d?une flame amoureuse; En fin, je ne peux plus estre si rigoureuse, Malgr? ma resistance, amour est mon vainqueur, 880 53 Meaning ?Je ne peux pas vous laiser seule ici? 54 m?enflamer? 216 Il a tant d?coch? de fl?ches dans mon coeur, Que la derniere en fin a fait une bleseure, 5 Que malgr? mes eforts il faut qu?ele y demeure. C?t aymable Agathon possede tant d?appas, Et des traits si charmants, que pour me l?aymer pas, 885 Il faut estre insensible, il n?est rien dans le monde De plus parfait que luy, ny rien qui le seconde, Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil Son merveileux esprit qui n?a pas rien de pareil: Ses beles qualitez supplent ? la fortune, 890 Qui la fait moins que moy, c?est ce qui m?importune; C?est le plus grand obstacle ? mon contentement, 56 Mais neantmoins mon c?ur l?aime si constament, Que je ne puis, sinon que d?estre toute sienne, Et le suivre partout, & me faire Chr?tienne: 895 Je veux doresnavant abhorrer les faux Dieux, Et veux d?s maintenant qu?ils me soient audieux: 57 Mais ce cher Agathon ignore ma pens?e, Il ne s?ait pas encor que mon ame est bles?e, Il le s?aura bien-tost, s?il peut venir icy, 900 Mais, Dieu, que son malheur me donne du soucy! Il faut aler s?avoir qu?Albin dit ? mon frere, Pour me metre en repos. SCENE CINQUIEME. 905 AGATHON, ALBIN. [AGATHON] seul. 910 Ha bon Dieu, qu?il espere! Mais malgr? mon malheur, je le veux contenter, Et m?estonne pourtant qu?il ose se flater D?une tele esperance, h? pauvre Polydore, Que ton espoir est vain, tu ne s?ais pas encore, 915 Si Triphine est d?humeur ? souffrir des Amants, Cete aymable Beaut?, qu?on voit ? tous moments, Aym?e & recherch?e de toute la Noblese, 5 Se note 32. 56 Unequal clas status which threatens to tear two lovers apart is a common theme in the tragicomedy. Se the preface. 57 Triphine is the exact opposite of Corneile?s Pauline who resists converting to Christianity until the very end of the play after her husband is martyred. Her character may be inspired by Camus?s Deucalie, who in the novel, Agathon, is easily converted by her fianc?. 217 Des plus dignes Seigneurs qui font gloire sans cese D?adorer ses appas, & si pas un de tous 920 N?a jamais receu d?ele un traitement bien doux, A moins que tes thresors ne charment cete bele, Je ne suis pas certain que tu sois aym? d?ele; Car moy qui suis tousjours aupr?s de cet objet, Je me crois seulement son indigne subject, 925 Encor que je ne puis souffrir tans de merveiles, Sans en estre charm?, mes yeux & mes oreiles Sont ravis ? l?aspect d?une tele beaut?, Ses discours seulement ostent la libert?, Les moindres de ses traits peuvent brusler les ames 930 Insensibles ? l?amour, & luy rendre les armes: Un seul de ses regards enchaisne tous les c?urs; De ses admirateurs, ces aymables vainqueurs, Lan?ant de si beaux feux, que j?ay beau m?en defendre, Il faut que malgr? moy mon c?ur s?y laise prendre; 935 Je suis autant que toy, car pour tes qualitez Ne sont pas. [ALBIN] 940 Agathon, vas 58 sans dificultez Au Palais de Triphon, Triphine te demande. [AGATHON] 945 Il y faut donc aler, puis qu?ele le commande. [ALBIN] Carist?e l?a dit, & n?appr?hendez rien, 950 Le palais est si pr?s d?icy. [AGATHON] Je le s?ay bien, 955 Je te veray bien-tost. [ALBIN] Et moy, l?heure me prese D?aler voir que dira mon ingrate Maistrese. 960 58 Vaugelas afirms that the imperative for the first person singular should be pronounced and speled ?va? (189) 218 SCENE SIXIEME. TRIPHON, CEVERE. 965 [TRIPHON] Je ne merite pas un semblable bon-heur, Et seray glorieux qu?un si puisant Seigneur Soit mon Gendre. 970 [CEVERE] Monsieur, j?en recevray la gloire, Et le contentement, car en fin je veux croire, 975 Que si ce bien m?arive, et que je sois Espoux D?un si rare sujet. [TRIPHON] 980 Monsieur, aseurez-vous De ce que j?ay jur?, & croyez que Triphine Se sousmetra tousjours. [CEVERE] 985 Ouy, mais je m?imagine Que comme ele est si jeune. [TRIPHON] 990 Ha! Monsieur, croyez-moy, En fin, d?s maintenant je vous donne sa foy, Quand bien ele en feroit un peu de resistance, Vous s?avez bien qu?un pere a beaucoup de puisance, 995 Sur l?esprit d?un enfant. [CEVERE] Faites vostre pouvoir. 1000 [TRIPHON] Croyez que je s?auray la metre ? son devoir. 1005 [CEVERE] 219 Gardez bien, toutefois d?user de violence, J?aymerois mieux mourir que de lui faire ofense, Encor que je souhaite 59 en estre posseseur, 1010 Traitez-l? neantmoins avec bien de douceur. [TRIPHON] Vous vous defiez bien, Monsieur, je vous aseure, 1015 Que Triphine est ? vous, puis que je vous le jure. [CEVERE] Monsieur, c?est un bon-heur o? j?aspire si fort, 1020 Que s?il peut m?ariver, je croiray que mon sort Est le plus doux du monde. [TRIPHON] 1025 Ele vous est acquise. [CEVERE] S?il est aussi certain, comme ele m?est promise, 1030 Que je sois son Epoux, je serai trop heureux, Mais le peu d?asurance ? mon coeur amoureux, Qu?une jeune beaut? puise ainsi se soumetre Sous cete dure loy 60 vous la pouvez prometre. 1035 [TRIPHON] Je m?en vay de ce pas 61 la faire preparer A ce bel hymen?e, & pouvez esp?rer. Triphon s?en va. 1040 [CEVERE] H? bien, Monsieur, alez, car mon amour me prese D?aler voir aujourdhuy cete bele Maistrese, 1045 Que mes longues ann?es font tort ? mes amours! Puis-je bien esperer de me voir quelques jours Posseseur d?un objet le plus parfait du monde? Une jeune beaut?, qui n?a point de seconde, 59 Se note 26. 60 Meaning ?commandement? 61 Tout de suite 220 Toutesfois esperons, il m?en aseure bien, 1050 Mais desous un espoir par o? je n?atends rien. SCENE SEPTIEME. [CELIANE] 1055 O Grands Dieux imortels, je vous rends mile graces, Car malgr? ses prieres, & malgr? ses menaces Je suis hors de ses mains, car j?avois trop horeur D?entendre ces discours si remplis de fureur, 1060 Qu?ele estoit en courroux quand je suis delog?e, La furie & l?amour la rendoit enrag?e. Helas! pauvre Agathon, que je plains vostre sort, Cete Infame s?en va conspirer vostre mort, Car ele le crioit quand je me suis enfuite, 1065 Et la peur me faisoit encor aler plus vite, Je craignois, la voyant dans un si grand courroux, Qu?ele me fit mourir aussi bien comme vous: Si vous n?estes eschapp? alors que cete Infame Vous aura descouvert son amoureuse fl?me, 1070 Il est tres-aseur? qu?on vous fera mourir; Helas! je voudrois bien vous pouvoir secourir, Mais peut-estre les Dieux, secours des miserables, Vous voyant innocent, vous seront secourables. 1075 221 1075 ACTE TROISIEME. SCENE PREMIERE. AGATHON, TRIPHINE, CARISTE 1080 [TRIPHINE] Mon frere, c?est asez, je vous en prie encore, Ne m?importunez pas plus des feux de Polydore, Je me ris de ses peines, & de tous ses tourments. 1085 [AGATHON] Madame, j?obeys ? vos commandements. 62 1090 [TRIPHINE] Ne me proposez point d?autre amour que le vostre, Je vous aime, mon fr?re, & n?en ayme point d?autre, Croyez que je vous ayme, & d?un amour si fort, 1095 Qu?il ne poura jamais finir que par ma mort: 63 Enfin, soyez certain que Triphine vous ayme, Et qu?eternelement ele sera la mesme; Je fais voeux de n?aymer jamais autre que vous, Non, je n?auray jamais qu?Agathon pour Espoux, 1100 Mais vous estes interdit, respondez-moy mon frere. [AGATHON] O Dieu, dois-je respondre, ou bien me dois-je taire? 1105 En quel d?gr? de gloire, ? c?ur trop genereux! Vos bontez veulent rendre un pauvre malheureux! Ha! fortune, est-il vray, m?es-tu si favorable? Es-tu las?e enfin de me voir miserable? Mais puis-je meriter un semblable bon-heur? 1110 [TRIPHINE] Quoy, mon frere, un object de si peu de valeur. [AGATHON] 1115 62 Topos galant. Agathon is the amant parfait who obeys his Mistres as a slave would his Master. 63 With these words Triphine foreshadows her own tragic death in Act 5. 222 Ha! Madame, c?est trop, vostre bont? m?acable, Helas, vous s?avez bien que j?en suis incapable, Non, Madame, c?est trop, non, c?est trop, je ne puis, Songez ce que vous estes, & moy ce que je suis; 1120 Songez que je ne suis qu?un Simple Gentil-homme, Et que vous estes n?e d?un Senateur de Rome, Que sans doute vostre ?ge, & vostre afection Vous empesche de voir que vostre pasion Ne peut continuer, sans qu?il y ayt d?obstacle, 1125 Alors qu?on le s?auroit, he, combien de miracles En feroient vos parents, bon Dieu que diroit on? Que vous eussiez d?amour pour ce jeune Agathon, A mon occasion vous recevriez du bl?me, Ha, si vous m?en croyez, n?y pensez plus, Madame, 1130 Que j?aye le bon-heur de vivre aupres de vous, Mais non pas pour penser que je sois vostre Espoux; Cela ne se peut pas, la chose est impossible. [TRIPHINE] 1135 Ha, cruel Agathon, ? coeur trop insensible! Je vous donne mon c?ur, & vous le refusez. J?ay tant d?amour pour vous, & vous en abusez; Enfin, si vous m?aymez, ne cherchez point d?excuse 1140 Pour me rendre ? jamais malheureuse & confuse, Quoy, vous pourriez douter. [AGATHON] Ha! Madame, croyez 1145 Qu?Agathon vous adore, & quoy que vous soyez Ferme dans vos serments, vous s?avez bien qu?un pere Vous pourroit empescher. [TRIPHINE] 1150 Ha! l?excuse legere, Et puis que je vous dis que la mort seulement N?auroit pas le pouvoir de rompre mon serment, 64 H? quoy, pouriez-vous bien douter de ma constance? 65 1155 Vous en verez l?efect par ma perseverance. [AGATHON] 64 Se previous note. 65 ?La plus bele qualit? qu?on demande ? un amant, c?est la constance.? (Fureti?re) 223 Madame, c?est asez, non, non, n?en dites plus, 1160 Je me jete ? vos pieds tout honteux & confus, En fin, je vous consacre un?amour eternele Mais ne bannisons point c?t amour fraternele, Ce nom de frere encor vous continuerez, Dont vostre bele bouche a tousjours m?honor?, 1165 Nous pourrons sous ce nom vivre tousjours ensemble, Sans qu?on s?ache jamais que l?amour nous asemble, Et ne penseray plus qu?? mon bon-heur present. [TRIPHINE] 1170 Vous prendrez mon amour pour vostre partisan, Lors qu?un jour l?on s?aura que Triphine vous ayme, Ouy, mon frere, je veux dire que c?est moy-m?me, 6 Qui vous ay fait l?object de mon afection, 1175 Et qu?on ne peut changer mon inclination, Vous en verez l?efect, & vous le devez croire, Que je suis toute ? vous. [AGATHON] 1180 Justes Cieux, que de gloire! [TRIPHINE] 1185 Mon frere, c?est asez, je vous donne ma foy, En fin, je suis ? vous, soyez donc tout ? moy, Et soyez bien secret, gardez qu?on nous soup?onne. Recevant c?t anneau que Triphine vous donne. 1190 [AGATHON] C?est ? genoux, Ma soeur, que je le recevray, O heureux Agathon, h? bien, n?est-il pas vray, Que peux-tu desirer apres un si beau gage? 1195 Pourrois-tu bien encor souhaiter d?avantage? Je re?ois c?t anneau de vos divines mains, Comme le plus heureux d?encore tous les humains, Je benis ce beau lieu, t?moin de ma conqueste. 1200 [TRIPHINE] Mon frere, c?est asez, j?ai ce que je souhaite. 6 This speling of ?mesme? with an ??? is inconsistent with how it is speled elsewhere. 224 [AGATHON] 1205 Vivons donc constament dans nos chastes amours, Jusqu?? ce que la Parque en termine le cours: 67 Mais Polydore, encor que luy pouray-je dire? Ou pourra-il aler soulager son martyre? 1210 [TRIPHINE] Selon mon sentiment, je trouverois meileurs Plutost que le prier d?aler chercher aileurs 1215 Que du depuis long-temps j?honore ses merites, Qu?il vienne seulement me rendre ses visites, Mais alors qu?il viendra venez avecque 68 luy, Sa presence ne peut me servir que d?ennuy, Si vous n?estes present, faites ce que j?ordonne, 1220 Car cete invention m?a sembl?e asez bonne, En voyant mon refus, il peut s?imaginer, Que possible c?est vous. [AGATHON] 1225 il pourroit soup?onner, Que possible moy mesme en suis la seule cause, Et que je l?ay trahy. 1230 [TRIPHINE] Dites qu?il se dispose, Le voyant pr?s de nous, nous en rirons tous deux, Mon frere, faites ainsi. 1235 [AGATHON] Ouy, ma s?ur, je le veux. 1240 [TRIPHINE] 67 In Grek legend, la Parque, mentioned here is another name for death. Her function was to weave together the days of the mortals. Later the Greks distinguished betwen thre Parques who represented the past, present, and the future. Sometimes they came to collect the mortals to whom they delivered the fatal blow. Se H.J. Jansen, ?Comment les anciens on repr?sent? la mort,? Recueil de pi?ces int?resantes concernant les antiquit?s (Paris: Chez Barois, 1787-96). 68 This speling of ?avec? was permited in poetry to add a syllable. Se Vaugelas 311-2. 225 Mais quelqu?un vient icy. [AGATHON] 1245 Je m?en vay donc, Madame Il s?en va. [TRIPHINE] 1250 Ouy, revenez tantost, quel trouble j?ay dans l?ame, Que tout cela me met en estrange soucy? Si ce Cevere, ? Dieux, que viens-tu faire icy? 69 Que dis-tu de nouveau? 1255 [CARISTE] Je venois pour vous dire, Que vostre pere viens (sic), je ne s?ais qu?il d?sire, 1260 Mais dedans vostre chambre il doit bien-tost venir. [TRIPHINE] Que feray-je, bons Dieux, que vay-je devenir? 1265 [CARISTE] Madame, ce discours vous fait changer de face? 70 ais le voicy qui vient. 1270 [TRIPHINE] O Dieu, le sang me glace! SCENE SECONDE. 1275 TRIPHON, TRIPHINE, EUPLE ALPHONSE, CARISTE [TRIPHON] 1280 69 Since she mentions C?v?re?s name here, we must asume that Triphine has already heard something about her father?s decision to mary her to C?v?re. In addition to her newfound felings for Agathon, this may have been what was causing her to fret so much in Act 2, Scene 3: ?Je l?advo?e, il est vray, j?ay quelque inquietude,/Et depuis quelque temps j?ayme la solitude.? 70 Meaning a change of expresion. Se note 49. 226 C?est ma file aujourdhuy qu?il vous faut preparer A recevoir celuy qui vous veut honorer Des qualitez d?Espoux, c?est l?ilustre Cevere, Ce puisant Senateur, que l?Empire revere, Comme un autre Empereur, Enfin le favory 1285 De l?Empereur Decie, 71 il sera ton Mary. [TRIPHINE] N?est-ce pas ma pens?e? 72 1290 [ALPHONSE] ? Euple. Helas! Ele soupire. 1295 [TRIPHINE] Ha! Seigneur, permetez, [TRIPHON] 1300 En fin, qu?alez-vous dire? Vous voudriez refuser Cevere? [TRIPHINE] 1305 Un tel Espoux! [TRIPHON] Quoy, vous ne le trouvez asez digne de vous? Il est d?age, il est vray, mais ses rares vertus 1310 Pourroient faire blasmer ton injuste refus, Prepare-toy, ma file, & demeure en ton lustre, 73 Pour paroistre agreable ? cet Espoux ilustre. [TRIPHINE] 1315 71 Emperor Gaius Mesius Quintus Traianus Decius (c. 201-June 251) was Roman Emperor from 249-251. In his last year as Emperor he ruled alongside his son Herennius Etruscus until they were both kiled in the Batle of Abritus. 72 Taken to mean ?This is contrary to what I was thinking!? The negation indicates a direct refusal to respect her role as a dutiful daughter. 73 This is a figurative expresion aluding to her ?virtue? more so than her beauty. Lustre ?se dit aussi figur?ment en choses morales. Dans les grandes charges, la valeur, la vertu paroisent dans tout leur lustre, dans tout leur ?clat. Cete beaut? a paru ? ce bal dans son lustre.? (Fureti?re) 227 Mais, Seigneur! [TRIPHON] 1320 C?en est fait, vous me priez en vain Il faut que l?Hymen?e s?acomplise demain, Resolvez-vous bien-tost, car quoy qu?il en avienne 74 J?ay donn? ma parole, il faut que je la tienne. 1325 [TRIPHINE] Ouy bien, si je ne meurs. [TRIPHON] 1330 Ha! Vous ne mourez pas. [TRIPHINE] 1335 Si mon rigoureux sort ne me le permet pas. [EUPLE] bas. Que sa douleur me touche. 1340 [ALPHONSE] bas. Helas, & moy de mesme. 1345 [TRIPHINE] Que feray-je bons Dieux dans ce malheur extr?me? Ha! Seigneur, si mes pleurs 75 ne vous peuvent ?mouvoir. 1350 [TRIPHON] Il r?entre. Non, non, preparez-vous ? le bien recevoir. 1355 [TRIPHINE] H? Dieux! Quele rigueur, son coeur est insensible, Croire de le toucher, c?est tenter l?impossible. 74 Quoy qu?il en puise ariver 75 larmes 228 1360 [EUPLE] Helas! ma chere soeur, ? quoy servent ces pleurs? Consolez-vous, de grace, & calmez ces douleurs. 1365 [TRIPHINE] Helas! je n?en puis plus. [CARISTE] 1370 O Dieux, ele se pasme! Soustenez-la. Seigneur. [EUPLE] 1375 Ha, ma s?ur. [CARISTE] 1380 Ha, Madame! [EUPLE] Portons-la sur son lict, Pere sans amiti?, 1385 Peut-estre c?t object te fera-il piti?. SCENE TROISIEME. [AGATHON] 1390 Qu?ay-je veu, qu?ay-je ouy, ha! Ciel quele merveile? Aurois-je jamais creu ma fortune pareile? Ou si le Ciel en fin m?a rendu si heureux, Et s?il a pris piti? de mon sort malheureux, 1395 Il n?en faut plus douter, c?est Triphine ele mesme, C?est ele aseur?ment qui m?a dit qu?ele m?ayme; En fin ce beau present m?est un gage aseur?, De ce que ma Triphine aujourd?huy m?a jur?, Je crois que le destin va finir mon desastre, 1400 En d?pit des rigeurs d?une infame marastre, Et de ce pere encor remply de cruaut?, Que je vois contre moy laschement irit?. Me faisant criminel de ce que je deteste. Je n?ay fait que trembler depuis l?heure funeste 1405 229 Que cete Infame osa me descouvrir ses feux, Dont les horribles ardeurs paroisaient dans les yeux: Quand le Ciel eut permis que je m?eschappay d?ele, La rage & le d?pit saisit cete cruele, Lors que je la fuyois avecque tant d?horeur, 1410 Son amour ? l?instant se mit tout en fureur, Et pour justifier son crime detestable, Dont je suis innocent, ele me fait coulpable, Ce cruel pere, helas! me cherche en tous les lieux, Tout remply de fureur, pour m?imoler aux yeux 1415 De cete malheureuse, ha pere inexorable, Crois-tu que ce grand Dieu ne me soit secourable? Il s?ait mon innocence, & malgr? tes rigueurs Le Ciel veut commencer ? finir mes malheurs: C?est ma Triphine, ? Dieu, cete beaut? charmante 1420 Me fait l?unique objet de sa flame innocente. oy, l?Amant de Triphine! ha quel ravisement, Puis-je pas faire envie aux plus heureux Amants? Mais n?apper?ois-je pas l?amoureux Polydore, Qui me vient demander, si j?ay rien dit encore 1425 A sa nouvele Amante, h? le pauvre gar?on Je m?en vay l?abuser 76 d?une estrange fa?on. [POLYDORE] 1430 H? bien, cher Agathon, as-tu veu cete bele? As-tu parl? pour moy, n?est-ele point cruele? [AGATHON] 1435 Vous serez plus heureux que vous ne pensez pas, Adorez seulement ses aymables appas. [POLYDORE] 1440 Dieux! qu?a-t?ele donc dit? [AGATHON] Je m?en vay vous l?apprendre, 1445 Mais pour estre en repos entrons dans cete chambre. 76 Meaning ?l?exploiter? ou ?le manipuler.? 230 SCENE QUATRIEME TRIPHINE, EUPLE, CARISTE 1450 [TRIPHINE] Il est inexorable, & plus dur qu?un rocher, Mes larmes, & ma douleur ne le peuvent toucher, 1455 Carist?e tu m?a veu? ? ses pieds presque morte, O Dieu l?aurois-je creu barbare de la sorte? Il m?a veu? tantost sur le poinct d?expirer, Il cherche les moyens de me desesperer, J?ay beau le supplier, j?ay beau verser des larmes, 1460 Que pour le toucher sont des trop foibles armes, Cevere & ses thresors sont encore plus puisants, Ses beles dignitez ont tant charm? ses sens, Que ma mort seulement 1465 [CARISTE] Ha! vostre mort, Madame, T?chez de moderer la douleur de vostre ame, Et ne ternisez pas l?esclat de vos beaux yeux 1470 Par d?inutiles pleurs, de graces faites mieux. [TRIPHINE] A quoy bon conserver mes beautez pour Cevere, 1475 Non, chere Carist?e, je voudrois au contraire Me rendre bien hideuse, afin qu?il eut horreur: Ha! fatale beaut?. 7 [CARISTE] 1480 Bons Dieux, quele fureur? De vouloir deschirer ce visage adorable, Madame, au nom des Dieux soyez plus raisonnable, Et contentez Triphon, recevez c?t Espoux, 1485 Et quoy, s?il est ag?, c?est le meileur pour vous. 7 Disfigurement is a motif found often in the tragicomedy of the 30s when female heroines wanted to discourage an unwanted male suitor. For example, in C?lid?e by Rayssiguier, the heroine disfigures herself with a diamond in order to put of Alidor, who is only in love with her for her beauty. 231 [TRIPHINE] Est-ce de la fa?on que je suis consol?e? 1490 Est-ce bien soulager un ame (sic) d?sol?e? H?las! C?est bien m?aymer que me parler ainsi; Ha! que de ma douleur tu prends peu de soucy. [CARISTE] 1495 Quoy, vous ne croyez pas que vostre mal me touche? Si je vous le pouvois exprimer par ma bouche? Pleust aux Dieux, 78 visiez-vous dans mon interieur, Ou plutost visiez-vous dans le fonds de mon coeur, 79 1500 Combien il est sensible au tourment qui vous prese, Mais helas, je ne puis. [TRIPHINE] 1505 C?t exc?s de tendrese Flate bien peu mes maux, puisque tu daigne (sic) 80 bien Me preser [CARISTE] 1510 Taisons-nous, j?entens quelqu?un qui vient. [TRIPHINE] Que veulent-ils encor? Ha, vous voicy mon frere, 1515 Et bien, que dites-vous? [EUPLE] Je vous dis que mon Pere 1520 Veut que vous receviez c?t Espoux d?s demain, Je me suis ? ses pieds trois fois jet? en vain, Plutost que l?addoucir, j?irite sa cholere. [TRIPHINE] 1525 O Ciel, quele rigueur, mais qu?est-ce qu?il espere? Croit-il bien que jamais je puise consentir 78 Subjontive tense of the verb ?plaire? meaning literaly ?If it be pleasing to God?? or in this case ?If it be pleasing to the gods?? 79 Si vous pouviez voir jusqu?au fonds de mon c?ur? 80 Tu m?rites. 232 A ce cruel hymen? 1530 [EUPLE] Taschez de divertir C?est (sic) exc?s de douleur, taschez de vous resoudre Aux vouloirs de mon Pere. 1535 [TRIPHINE] O Cieux, quel coup de foudre! 81 Ha cruel frere! 1540 [EUPLE] Helas que feray-je donc plus? Puis que tous mes propos se trouvent superflus, 1545 Je fais ce que je puis, & si quoy que je fase Vous irite tous deux. [TRIPHINE] 1550 Escoutez-moy, de grace, Puis que c?est donc en vain que je verse des pleurs Et que personne n?est sensible ? mes douleurs, Il faut donc 1555 [EUPLE] Mais en vain vous faites resistence Vous faites pas traiter avec violence. 82 1560 [TRIPHINE] Il me faut donc resoudre, il faudra donc en fin, Que je cede aux rigueurs de mon cruel destin. 1565 [EUPLE] H?, que je suis ravy de vous voir resolu? De contenter mon pere. 1570 [TRIPHINE] 81 Meaning ?Such cruel injustice!? 82 Vous risquez de vous faire mal traiter 233 O devoir qui me tue, 83 Faut-il qu?un tel Espoux? 1575 [EUPLE] Helas, ma chere s?ur, Possible 84 c?t hymen aura plus de douceur Que vous ne croyez pas. 1580 [TRIPHINE] Avant qu?il s?acomplise, Avant qu?on me prepare un si cruel supplice, 1585 Mon frere, je vous prie, alez-moy demander 85 Du moins un jour ou deux, s?il veut me l?acorder, Possible en ce temps l? 86 je pouray me remetre. [EUPLE] 1590 Ne faut-il que cela, l?on peut vous le prometre, Ma s?ur, il est certain que je vas 87 l?obtenir, Je ne tarderay pas long-temps ? revenir. Il r?entre. 1595 [TRIPHINE] Carist?e, permets moy de reposer une heure. 1600 [CARISTE] Et quoy, vous laiser seule? [TRIPHINE] 1605 As-tu peur que je meure? Pleust au Ciel. [CARISTE] 1610 83 Compare these lines with S?v?re?s in Coreneile?s Polyeucte ?? devoir qui me perd et qui me d?sesp?re!? (Act 2, Scene 2) 84 Se note 41. 85 demander de ma part 86 Peut-?tre que durant ce temps je pourai 87 This is a provincial conjugation of this verb. 234 Ha! Madame, vous demandez tousjours? [TRIPHINE] Ouy, je demande encor la mort ? mon secours. 1615 Ha funeste hymen?e! [CARISTE] H?, cesez de vous plaindre. 1620 [TRIPHINE] En fin, c?est asez dit, je ne puis me contraindre, De grace, Carist?e, laise moy reposer. 1625 [CARISTE] Ele r?entre. Et bien, reposez vous. [TRIPHINE] 1630 C?est pour les abuser, J?ay bien d?autres soucis, mais pour mieux entreprendre Ce que j?ay r?solu, je le veux faire atendres (sic) Moy, que je recevrois c?t Espoux odieux, Ha, si j?ay demand? du moins un jour ou deux, 1635 C?est pour me preparer ? m?oster leur pr?sence, 8 Ouy, je veux qu?Agathon connoise ma constance, 89 C?est luy qui tient mon c?ur, c?est luy seul qui l?aura Jamais autre que luy ne le possedera, Mais il faut qu?Agathon sans aucune remise 1640 D?s qu?il sera venu s?ache mon entreprise, J?osteray ma pr?sence ? ce pere inhumain, Qui regarde mes pleurs avec tant de dedain, N?avoir que deux enfans, & les traiter ainsi, C?est bien de son malheur avoir peu de soucy, 1645 Puis qu?il s?en va causer un si grand par ma perte. Sans espoir que jamais je luy sois recouverte, Je vay bien-tost leur dire un eternel adieu, 90 M?esloignant pour jamais de ce funeste lieus (sic) ais mon frere revient. 1650 8 les quiter 89 Se note 65. 90 The words ?eternal goodbye? indicate that she has already begun thinking about the suicide note that she wil compose and leave for her father to find. 235 [EUPLE] Bons Dieux? 1655 [TRIPHINE] Et bien, mon frere Vous voicy de retour, que vous a dit mon Pere? Vous ne respondez rien, je vous vois interdit, 1660 Vous a il refus?? [EUPLE] O Ciel qui l?auroit dit? 91 1665 Non, il ne se veut pas, je ne sais plus que dire, Mais si vous m?en croyez pas, faites ce qu?il desire. [TRIPHINE] 1670 Quele rigueur, ? Dieux? H?las! Vit-on jamais Un pere si cruel? [EUPLE] 1675 Il estoit au Palais, Alors qu?en l?abordant j?ai leu sur son visage De ma juste demande un sinistre presage, Il me l?a refus? avec tant de rigueur, Que ses mots m?ont bles? jusqu?au fonds du c?ur; 1680 Il m?a dit de ce pas, 92 Alez dire ? Triphine, Qu?il faut que cela soit, & qu?ele s?examine, D?icy jusques ? demain, le terme est asez long, Il faut que cela soit, le ve?ile-ele, ou non. En fin, ma chere s?ur, si vous me voulez croire, 1685 Vous ferez ce qu?il veut. [TRIPHINE] Il le faudra bien faire, 1690 Je vais donc esayer ? calmer, si je puis; Par un peu de repos l?exc?s de mes ennuis. 91 Qui l?aurait cru? 92 Meaning ?Tout ? l?heure.? 236 SCENE CINQUIEME. AGATHON, ALBIN. 1695 [AGATHON] Te voila bien remis avecque ta maistrese, Je te l?avois bien dit. 1700 [ALBIN] Je n?ay plus de tristese. Je m?en suis inform? aujourd?huy le matin, 1705 L?on m?a dit que c?estoit seulement son cousin, Mais changeons de propos, parlons de ton desastre, Je te veux demander depuis quand ta marastre Avoit conceu pour toy c?t impudique amour, Si ce fut seulement hier le premier jour, 1710 Qu?ele te d?couvrit cete flame amoureuse? [AGATHON] Helas! ce fut hier que cete malheureuse 1715 Me d?couvrit sa flame, apres l?avoir long-temps Gard?e dans son sein. Car du depuis huict ans Qu?ele est avec mon pere, ele m?a fait paroistre Son impudique amours, (sic) & me faisoit connoistre Dans tous ses mouvements le secret de son c?ur, 1720 Je voyois tous les jours augmenter sa langueur, La voyant pr?s de moy, je fremisois de crainte, Qu?ele me d?couvrist 93 un amour si contrainte; Pour moy je la traitois tousjours civilement, Mais quoy? je la voyois venir incesament. 1725 Aupres de ma personne, en fin donc ses visites Etoient ? tous propos sans aucunes limites, L?amour & la fureur commencerent ? saisir Le c?ur de cete infame, ele n?eut plus desir Que de se contenter, car l?amour & la rage 1730 Avoient saisi son ame avec tant d?avantage, Qu?ele avoit fait desein d?un fer qu?ele avoit pris De m?aracher le c?ur. [ALBIN] 1735 93 ele m?a d?clar? 237 Que tu me rends surpris, Tu me l?avois pas dit, qu?ele eust fait entreprise De te faire mourir. 1740 [AGATHON] Celiane surprise, En voyant ce desein infame & furieux, Ele se resolut d?abondonner ces lieux. 1745 [ALBIN] Le fils du Senateur me l?a dit que c?est d?ele Qu?il a sceu tout cela. 1750 [AGATHON] Cete file fidele Nous a servy long-temps, mais en fin c?est est fait, 1755 Ils ne la veront plus. [ALBIN] Agathon s?il te plaist 1760 Seray-je si heureux de s?avoir ta pens?e, Car malgr? la douleur dont ton ame est pres?e, Je connois 94 dans tes yeux quelque chose de gay, Qu?on ne voyoit jadis. 1765 [AGATHON] Albin, je te diray Le secret de mon coeur, mais au moins prens bien garde De trahir. 1770 [ALBIN] Ne crains point pour ce qui te regarde, J?aymerois mieux mourir que trahir ton secret, 1775 Car je t?honore trop. [AGATHON] Je te crois trop discret, 1780 94 In patois lyonnais, the verb ?conna?tre? is often used instead of ?voir.? 238 Mais changeons de propos, c?est que l?heure me prese, Il me faut acquiter viste de ma promese, Je m?en vay chez Triphon, ils me l?ont command?, Et j?ay peur seulement d?avoir trop retard?, Je ne demeure pas, ? moins qu?on ne m?areste, 1785 Et te feray secret de ce que tu souh?te. 95 [ALBIN] Le Palais n?est pas loing, tu n?apprehendes pas 96 1790 De rencontrer ton Pere. [AGATHON] H?, ce n?est que deux pas, 1795 Adieu. SCENE SIXIEME. TRIPHINE, AGATHON. 1800 [TRIPHINE] Que feras-tu, malheureuse Triphine? O? sera ton recours, destin qui m?asasine? 1805 Par un coup si cruel, sans me faire mourir, Helas, permets au moins, que ce triste souspir Puise estre le dernier qui finise mes plaintes; Quoy, mon c?ur, peux-tu bien dans ces dures ateintes Souffrir encore la vie, ha barbare Triphon! 1810 N?as-tu point de regret, Mais je crois qu?Agathon N?est pas trop loing d?icy. [AGATHON] 1815 Vous le pouvez bien croire, Ouy, ma s?ur, c?est luy-mesme. [TRIPHINE] 1820 Estes-vous l?, mon frere? Venez en aseurance. 95 Se note 26. 96 Tu ne risques pas 239 [AGATHON] 1825 O Ciel, quel changement? Quoy, je vous trouve en pleurs? [TRIPHINE] 1830 Tu me vois, cher amant En l?estat o? je suis tu me vois presque morte. [AGATHON] 1835 Helas, aurois-je creu vous trouver de la sorte; Auroit-on d?couvert nos deseins amoureux? Pourrois-je bien, Madame, estre asez malheureux, Pour causer vos malheurs, ma s?ur, en suis-je cause? Pour m?avoir trop aym?? 1840 [TRIPHINE] Non, non, c?est autre chose, Helas! tu ne s?ais pas ce que l?on fait icy, 1845 L?on prepare mes nopces, & mon cercueil aussi, Mon frere, je mouray, si tu n?y mets remede, ais ne permetez pas qu?un autre me possede, Le vieux Cevere croit de triompher de moy, Il atend d?s demain, & mon c?ur, & ma foy. 1850 [AGATHON] H? quoy, l?on vous marie? Ha fortune cruele! Je s?avois bien, ma s?ur, que vous estiez trop bele 1855 Pour demeurer long-temps ? captiver les c?urs Des plus grands de la tere au moins dans les langueurs O? mon ame sera le reste de ma vie. Depuis ce fatal jour que vous m?estes ravie, Vous vous resouviendrez 1860 [TRIPHINE] Qu?alez-vous proposer? Malheureux Agathon, il vous faut disposer 1865 A m?oster de ces lieux. [AGATHON] 240 O Dieu? quele entreprise? 1870 Ma s?ur, que ce desein rend mon ame surprise, Vous ostez de ce lieu, helas songez-vous bien A ce que vous me dites, o? trouver le moyen? De vous oster d?icy, comme quoy l?entreprendre? Quand nous croirions fuyr, l?on vous viendra surprendre, 1875 Et le terme est si court. [TRIPHINE] Dites si vous m?aymez 1880 [AGATHON] Puisiez-vous voir l?ardeur de ce c?ur enfl?mez, Ma s?ur, je vous adore. 1885 [TRIPHINE] Ha! S?il est veritable Que vostre amour soit tel, soyez donc secourable 1890 A cele qui ne vit que pour vous seulement, Faites voir que vous estes un veritable Amant. [AGATHON] 1895 Que je suis malheureux, que le sort m?est contraire; Non content des rigueurs que je souffre d?un pere, Il veut permetre encor qu?on me vienne ravir Un bien que seulement je venois d?acquerir, Et quoy, ma chere s?ur, vous a-on pe? prometre 1900 Sans s?avoir seulement [TRIPHINE] Helas, sans me permetre 1905 D?y penser un moment, mais quoy pour y penser, Voyant que ses rigueurs ne pouvaient pas ceser, Et que malgr? les pleurs que j?ay versez sans cese Depuis cete nouvele, en fin avec addrese J?ay suppli? mon fr?re; Alez-moy demander 1910 Du moins un jour ou deux, loin de me l?acorder Mon pere m?a mand?, que sans point de remise A Cevere demain j?estois toute promise, Mais il faut qu?aujourdhuy 1915 241 [AGATHON] Que ferons-nous, Madame? Chacun dans ce Palais se va metre en alarme, L?on nous fera chercher, & l?on nous trouvera, En fin apres cela, jugez que l?on fera: 1920 Madame croyez-moy, calmez cete tristese, Vous voyez que Cevere est charg? de vieilese, Et qu?il ne poura pas faire icy long sejour, 97 La mort luy ravira la lumiere du jour, Ne pouvant pas souffrir que c?t Espoux avare 1925 Soit long-temps posseseur d?une beaut? si rare: Il mourra tout combl? de ses felicitez, Ne pouvant supporter l?esclat de vos beautez, Son c?ur desja tout foible, & ses longues ann?es, Par une prompte mort s?en vont estre born?es, 1930 Alors vous serez libre, & pourez disposer Mieux de vos volontez. [TRIPHINE] 1935 Pouvez-vous m?imposer Une si dure loy, quoy vous m?aymez encore, 98 Vous pouvez dire encor, ma s?ur je vous adore, Alez volage, alez, c?ur de rocher, Mes larmes & mes douleurs ne vous s?auroient toucher 1940 Ha! cruel Agathon, tu veux donc que je meure, Car je ne puis icy faire longue demeure, Puis que tu m?abandonne ? ton cruel Rival; Veit-on jamais malheur qui fust au mien esgal! Ne parlez plus ainsi, car c?est perdre vos peines, 1945 Ne me proposez plus par des paroles vaines, De recevoir Cevere, & soyez aseur?, Que c?t amour si pur que je vous ay jur? Ne finira jamais, il est trop v?ritable, S?achez qu?? mes serments je suis inviolable, 1950 Et qu?avant que Triphine ayme un autre que vous La nature viendra ? renverser sur nous, Et le Tybre plustost montera vers sa source, Ou plustost le Soleil arestera sa source; Alons, cher Agathon, abandonnons ces lieux, 1955 Cherchons quelque sejour qui nous soit moins facheux, Ostez-moy promptement de ce Palais funeste, Helas! sauvez le peu de vie qui me reste, 97 Il ne pourra pas vivre longtemps 98 Here ?quoy? functions as the conjunction ?quoy que.? 242 Et ne doutez jamais de ma fid?lit?. 1960 [AGATHON] O? me reduisez-vous, genereuse beaut?, C?est trop, en fin c?est trop, Meurs Agathon de honte, De souffir qu?une file en amour te surmonte, 1965 Ceste aymable beaut? t?ayme si constament, Qu?ele fait aujourdhuy l?office d?un Amant, Puisque vous me rendez le plus heureux des hommes, Quitons tout maintenant cete tere o? nous sommes, Que ferons-nous, ma s?ur, o? pourrons-nous sortir, 1970 Sans estre apperceus, quand nous voudrons partir? Songez bien. [TRIPHINE] 1975 Par la porte o? l?on va dans le Tybre, C?est le lieu le plus seur, le pasage plus libre, L?on pase par icy quand on y veut aler, Et sans estre entendus nous-nous pourrons parler, Vous viendrez ? minuict, je seray toute preste, 1980 Servons-nous du beau temps que le Ciel nous appreste, Ce bel astre desja commence d?esclairer, Je vois l?air si serain, qui me fait esperer, Qu?il veut favoriser 1985 [AGATHON] Mais ma s?ur, je veux dire; Il faudra bien trouver quelqu?un pour nous conduire, Nous prendrons ce barquot. 9 1990 [TRIPHINE] Le barquot est tout prest Remarquez seulement en quele place il est, 1995 Mais ne pourriez-vous pas trouver dedans la vile Quelqu?un pour nous mener? [AGATHON] 2000 Il n?est pas dificile, Ouy, je trouveray quelqu?un pour nous mener, 9 Word for ?litle boat? in patois lyonnais. 243 L?argent fait tout oser. [TRIPHINE] 2005 Il luy faudra donner Tant qu?il demandera, pourveu qu?il soit fidele Je le contenteray. 2010 [AGATHON] Et Carist?e est-ele Couch?e loin de vous, n?entendra-ele point Lors que vous sortirez? 2015 [TRIPHINE] Ele en couche asez loing, Pour ne nous pas ouyr, car avant que je sorte 2020 J?esteindray les flambeaux, & fermeray la porte, Pour me donner le temps de nous viste sauver, Car avant qu?ele soit preste de se lever, Et de trouver du feu, nous aurons pris la fuite, Et l?on n?en fera pas si viste la poursuite, 2025 Je me vay preparer tout le reste du soir A prendre le plus beau que je puise avoir, Pour nos necesitez, & veux encore faire, Une letre ? mon pere, o? je luy feray croire Que je me suis jet?e de desespoir dans l?eau, 2030 Que j?ay voulu choisir le Tybre pour Tombeau. [AGATHON] Ma s?ur, il seroit bon de chercher de bon?heure 2035 Quelqu?un pour nous mener, mais mon c?ur vous de- meure, Vous me verez au temps que m?avez ordonnez, 10 [TRIPHINE] 2040 Mais revenez bien-tost, car si vous ne venez, Vous ne me verez plus. [AGATHON] 2045 10 Awkward phrasing due to the fact that the pronoun ?vous? has been dropped in the subordinate clause. 244 Ha! c?est me faire injure, Que de douter ainsi de ce que je vous jure. 245 ACTE QUATRIEME 2050 SCENE PREMIERE. TRIPHINE, AGATHON. 2055 [TRIPHINE] seule. Que mon cher Agathon demeure de venir, 101 En fin je ne s?ais pas qui le peut retenir, M?auroit-il point tromp?e, ? Dieux j?en fremis toute, 2060 Pareseux Agathon que tu me tiens en doute, Le voicy, je l?entends. [AGATHON] 2065 Ouy, ma s?ur, me voicy. [TRIPHINE] Depschons promptement de nous oster d?icy, 2070 Car tout est maintenant dans un profond silence, Et nous pouvons sortir avec toute aseurance, Mais avez-vous trouv? un homme? [AGATHON] 2075 Oui, Madame. Il nous atend en bas. [TRIPHINE] 2080 Alons donc, ma chere ame. [AGATHON] Remetons nostre sort au grand Dieu. 2085 [TRIPHINE] Ha! C?est lui, Que je veux invoquer, j?en fais v?u aujourdhuy, 2090 101 Meaning Agathon ?prend son temps.? This usage of ?demeurer? followed by the preposition ?de? not found in Fureti?re may be a provincialism. 246 [AGATHON] Que vous me ravisez, ha! ma chere Triphine, Prions incesament cete bont? divine, 2095 Qu?il conduise nos pas. [TRIPHINE] Alons, mon cher Amant, 2100 Donnez-moy vostre main, & sortons doucement. SCENE DEUXIEME CARISTE, TRIPHON, EUPLE ALPHONSE, DOMESTIQUES. 2105 [CARISTE] seule. Dieux, je ne l?entends plus, la lumi?re est esteinte, Que sera tout cecy, mon c?ur fremit de crainte, 2110 Madame, ha, Madame, ele ne respond rien, Ha! bons Dieux, c?en est fait, quel malheur est le mien! L?on me l?a mis en garde, helas que dois-je faire? Mais possible 102 ele dort, & je me desespere, Approchons doucement sans faire point de bruit, 2115 Qu?ele repose un peu le reste de la nuit, Approchons-nous du lict, mais je n?entends personne, Ha dans quel desespoir le destin m?abandonne! O Ciel, ele est perdue, au secours, au secours, Levez-vous promptement, mais personne ne court. 2120 [ALPHONSE] Qu?avez-vous Carist?e? 2125 [CARISTE] O Dieux, courez Alphonse. [ALPHONSE] 2130 Dites que vous avez [CARISTE] 2135 102 Se note 41. 247 Helas je vous annonce Que Triphine n?est plus. [ALPHONSE] 2140 Que dites-vous, bons Dieux? Comme 103 le s?avez-vous! [CARISTE] 2145 Ha! p?re rigoureux, Alumez des flambeaux pour en voir quelque chose, La rigueur de Triphon en est la seule cause, L?on apporte un flambeau, voyons tout promptement Si nous ne verons rien. 2150 [ALPHONSE] C?est inutilement, 104 Que nous alons chercher, en fin, pere barbare, 2155 Le Ciel t?a bien puny de ton humeur avare. [CARISTE] Mais je viens de trouver une letre. 2160 [ALPHONSE] aux domestiques Courez En advertir Triphon viste, vous luy direz, 2165 Que Triphine est perdue, alez en diligence, Je n?en atendois pas d?autre resjouyssance, J?imaginois bien en voyant sa douleur, Qu?il n?en ariveroit que quelque grand malheur, Et lors que je la veis si viste resolue, 2170 Apres tant de sanglots, ele fut viste creue: Vous vous imaginez. [CARISTE] 2175 Helas, qu?eussions-nous fait? Vous nous en deviez donc advertir. 103 Acording to Vaugelas, ?comme? and ?comment? are interchangeable in some cases, but when posing a question, one should use ?comment.? (334) 104 Meaning ?in vain? 248 [ALPHONE] 2180 En efet, Mais, je ne croyois pas que vous l?eussiez quit?e En la voyant ainsi. [CARISTE] 2185 Meschante Carist?e, Que ne la veilois-tu, mais helas tout le soir Ele fut si tranquile. 2190 [ALPHONSE] Oui, c?estoit sur l?espoir Qu?ele avoit. 2195 [CARISTE] Taisons-nous, Triphon vient, je l?entends. Voila ce qu?il aura du bon-heur qu?il pretends. Il ne doit acuser personne que luy-mesme. 2200 [TRIPHON] Qu?est-il donc ariv?? 105 2205 [EUPLE] Ha! desplaisir extreme, Quoy, ma s?ur est perdue? 2210 [ALPHONSE] Ouy, Seigneur. [TRIPHON] 2215 Justes Cieux! La meschante qu?ele est, ele a quit? ces lieux. Et s?est al?e cacher? 2220 [CARISTE] 105 Qu?est-ce qui s?est pas?? 249 Monstrez voir cete letre. [TRIPHON] 2225 Alphonse, lisez-la. [CARISTE] 2230 Dieux, o? me dois-je metre! 106 Helas! pourquoy la mort, quand le sommeil m?a pris N?esteint-ele d?un temps mes sens & mes esprits? [ALPHONSE] lit. 2235 Le Tybre m?a receu au milieu de son onde, Pour finir mes langueurs, & pour me separer Du plus grand ennemy que j?aye dans le monde: 107 Vos rigueurs m?ont contrainte ? me desesperer, 2240 Quand j?ai veu que mes cris, ny mes pleurs, ny mes larmes Ne pouvoient amollir vostre c?ur de diamant, Je m?estois resolue ? perir par les armes, Mais les ondes me font mourir plus doucement: Du moins si vous pleurez une mort si funeste, 2245 Il n?en faut acuser personne autre que vous, Et Cevere vera comme je le deteste, Puis que je vay l? bas chercher un autre Espoux. 108 [TRIPHON] 2250 Ha Pere malheureux! [EUPLE] 2255 Quoy, ma s?ur est donc morte? O Dieux! on l?a contrainte ? mourir de la sorte, Vous, Seigneur. [TRIPHON] 2260 Taisez-vous, qu?alez-vous proposer? 106 Meaning ?Qu?est-ce que je dois faire?? or ?what should I do?? 107 Obviously aluding to her father. 108 ?L?-bas? is of course a reference to the afterlife and ?un autre Espoux? is a reference to Christ. 250 Ne vous afligez pas, il se faut disposer A la chercher par tout, ele n?est point perdue. 2265 [EUPLE] Permetez juste Ciel qu?ele nous soit rendue. [TRIPHON] 2270 Alez voir dans le Tybre, alumez de flambeaux, Que l?on cherche par tout. [EUPLE] 2275 Faites par vos travaux Qu?ele. [TRIPHON] 2280 S?ais-tu mon fils ce qu?il faut que l?on fa?e, Qu?on voye si le barquot est encor ? sa place, [DOMESTIQUES] 2285 Alons en diligence. [EUPLE] 2290 Alez. [TRIPHON] Ha! juste Ciel, 2295 Pourquoy me faites-vous resentir tant de fiel? Que vous avois-je fait, de quoy suis-je coulpable? La rebele qu?ele est, ele est incapable D?un semblable bon-heur, mais malheureux Espoux. Venerable Cevere, helas que direz-vous? 2300 Vous avois-je aseur? qie vous seriez mon gendre, Avec tant d?aseurance, & vous alez apprendre, Que cete malheureuse. [EUPLE] 2305 Il eust bien mieux valu 251 La pas violenter, 109 si vous eussiez voulu Luy donner ces deux jours, ele se fut remise, Car j?advo?e, Seigneur, que vous l?eussiez promise; 2310 Mais Cevere pourtant n?estoit pas si presez, Il eust bien atendu, [TRIPHON] 2315 N?estoit-ce pas asez, Mais j?entends revenir. [DOMESTIQUES] 2320 Seigneur, prenez courage, Car l?on a destach? le barquot du rivage, [TRIPHON] 2325 O Dieux, il est bien vray, c?est le plus seur tesmoing 10 Qu?ele n?est pas perd?e, et qu?ele n?est pas loing, Que sa malice, ? Ciel doit bien estre punie. [CARISTE] 2330 Mais s?est-ele sauv?e sans point de compagnie? [TRIPHON] 2335 En efect, voyez voir si tous se sont levez, S?il en reste quelqu?un, il peut s?estre sauvez Avec ele [DOMESTIQUES] 2340 Seigneur, au bruit de Carist?e Tout le monde est couru. [TRIPHON] 2345 Quand vous l?eustes quit?e Estoit-ele bien triste? [CARISTE] 2350 109 Meaning ?mal traiter? or to ?mistreat? in this case. 10 eaning ?preuve" or ?proof? 252 Ha, Seigneur, nullement, Ele estoit si tranquile. [TRIPHON] 2355 Un si prompte changement Devoit bien tesmoigner le secret de son ame. [CARISTE] 2360 Seigneur, je ne dois point estre digne de blasme, Un autre en auroit fait possible autant que moy, Je n?ay pas tout le tort, vous s?avez. 2365 [TRIPHON] Je le croy, Mais songeons promptement qui peut estre avec ele, Quel peut estre celuy qui luy fut si fidel? 2370 [EUPLE] Alez tout de ce pas dans la maison d?Albin, Alez luy demander, si le fils de Sabin 2375 N?est pas tousjours chez luy, car possible luy-mesme A suivye ma soeur. [CARISTE] bas ? Euple. 2380 En efect, ele l?ayme, 11 Ils pourroient bien ce soir s?estre donnez le mot, 12 Alez-y promptement, nous le s?aurons bien-tost. SCENE TROISIEME. 2385 POLYDORE. Me voila bien tromp?, puis qu?ele m?est ravie, O Dieux de quel malheur mon amour est suivie! 2390 Helas! ? quoy me sert d?avoir tant souspir?, 11 It?s curious as to how Carist?e would know this since Triphine refused to confide in her. We have to asume that Carist?e was able to arive at this conclusion by observation only. 12 Meaning they may have eloped. 253 En fin ? quoy me sert d?avoir tant esper?: Depuis le premier jour que je veis cete bele, Jamais je n?ay ces? de souspirir pour ele: H? quoy, sera-il dit, qu?entre les amoureux 2395 Je sois le plus constant & le plus malheureux? Avoir tousjours vescu dans la perseverance, Et m?estre ainsi repeu 13 D?une vaine esperance, Qu?ele me recevroit comme ele avoit promis, Ha Dieux! lorsque je sceus qu?il me seroit permis 2400 De voir cete beaut?, je fus si ravy d?aise, Que je ne pensay plus qu?? nourir cete braise, Quand le jeune Agathon vint au soir m?advertir De ce funeste hymen, il me fit resentir Un desplaisir si grand, qu?il me fut impossible 2405 D?apprendre sans regret un malheur si sensible; Mais ? quoy tant de pleurs, ? quoy bon des tourments? Taschons de divertir ces beaux atachements, Brisons tout maintenant ces amoureuses chaines, Et ne languisons plus desous ces douces peines, 2410 Mais cherchons le repos apres tant de souspirs, Puis qu?on vient ruiner l?efet de mes desirs. SCENE QUATRIEME 2415 TRIPHON, EUPLE, CEVERE, ALPHONSE CARISTE, DOMESTIQUES. [DOMESTIQUES] 2420 Il n?est que trop certain qu?ils s?en sont fuis ensemble, Car ils estoient tousjours. [UN DOMESTIQUE] 2425 Quelqu?un vient, si me semble. [TRIPHON] Et bien qu?avez-vous fait, avez-vous bien cherch?? 2430 [DOMESTIQUE] Seigneur, Albin a dit qu?il estoit bien fasch?, 13 Repeu, particip. m. acut. Celuy qui a mang? et beu ? suffisance, Pastus, Je suis bien repeu (Nicot) 254 Qu?Agathon l?avoit mis fort long-temps en atente, 2435 Et qu?il ne l?a point veu. [TRIPHON] Ele est donc bien contente, 2440 La perfide qu?ele est, je ne m?estonne plus Du tour qu?ele m?a fait, ny de tant de refus, Ha, ce jeune insolent, il l?a donc enlev?e, Et malgr? luy, je veux qu?ele soit retreuv?e: Mais encor, s?ils sont pris, je veux qu?au mesme instant 2445 Il soit mis en prison, & je seray content, L?Empereur le s?aura, qui m?en fera Justice, Et moi-mesme je veux le conduire au supplice, Ce jeune temeraire, il est. 2450 [EUPLE] Mais il est temps De les faire chercher. 2455 [TRIPHON] Ouy dea, 14 car je pr?tends Qu?ils seront retrouvez n?espargnez point vos peines, Et supplions les Dieux qu?eles ne soient point vaines. 2460 [PAGE] Seigneur, Cevere vient, il veut entrer. 2465 [TRIPHON] Icy. [PAGE] 2470 Ouy, Seigneur. [TRIPHON] Ha, bons Dieux, j?en ay le c?ur transi, H?, Monsieur, vous voyez dans quel estat funeste. 2475 [CEVERE] 14 Dea ?Est une interjection laquele enforce la diction o? ele est appos?e, comme, Non de?, ouy de?.? (Nicot) 255 La preuve m?en estoit desja trop manifeste, Alors que je me veis trait? si froidement, 2480 Encor qu?ele ne sceust mon desein nullement, Je vous le dis, Monsieur, & vous me deviez croire, La prendre par douceur. [TRIPHON] 2485 Ha, je l?ay voulu faire J?ay fait tous mes eforts pour en venir ? bout, Et n?ay rien advanc?, mais je vous diray tout, La meschante qu?ele est, ele estoit engag?e, 15 2490 Et je n?en s?avois rien, car ele s?est rang?e Sous la protection d?un infame Chrestien, S?estant imagin?e qu?il seroit son soustien: Ele l?a donc suivy, ce traistre, ce rebele, Que j?avois si long-temps lais? vivre aupres d?ele, 2495 Ne m?imaginant pas que ce jeune insolent Eust conceu pour ma file un feu si violent, Ce jeune audacieux, en fin je vous le nomme, C?est le fils de Sabin, un simple Gentil-homme. 2500 [CEVERE] Quoy, j?avois un rival se faut-il estonner Du refus qu?ele a fait: mais quoy s?abandonner A ce petit gar?on qu?ele estoit aveugl?e, 2505 Que son afection me semble desregl?e, Imprudente Triphine. [TRIPHON] 2510 Ha, valoit-il pas mieux Qu?ele se fust sousmise ? ce joug glorieux, Que d?estre entre les mains d?un jeune temeraire. [CEVERE] 2515 Mais il m?est incogneu. [EUPLE] 15 Meaning ?betrothed: ?On dit aussi, Engager son coeur, pour dire, Donner son coeur, aimer. Les jeunes gens engagent leur coeur facilement.? (Dictionnaire de l?Acad?mie fran?aise 1694) 256 2520 Monsieur, je ne puis taire Qu?il possede des dons du corps & de l?esprit, Que ma bouche ne peut en faire le r?cit, Quand ils ont reconnus l?un & l?autre leurs charmes L?innocence ? l?amour a rendues les armes, (sic) 2525 Triphine est toute bele, Agathon tout parfait, [TRIPHON] Ha, le traistre, il est vray qu?il n?est que trop bien fait. 2530 Mais encore faloit-il. [CEVERE] Vous deviez bien connoistre 2535 Lors que cete beaut? commen?oit ? paroistre, Vous deviez bien penser, qu?estant si beaux tous deux, Que ce jeune insolent deviendroit amoureux, Et qu?ele pourroit bien. 2540 [TRIPHON] Ha que mon imprudence Me cause maintenant. 2545 [CEVERE] Vivons en esperance Ele sera treuv?e. 2550 [TRIPHON] En fin que ferons-nous? [CEVERE] 2555 Pour moi je veux aler la chercher avec vous, Et faire par mes soins qu?ele soit recouverte, Car je ne peux souffrir une semblable perte, Sans un grand desplaisir, mais encore je veux 2560 En suppliant le Ciel qu?il exauce mes v?ux, Que s?ils sont recouverts, ainsi que je l?espere, Punir c?t insolent. [TRIPHON] 2565 257 Et moy je desespere De ne les pas trouver, afin de le punir. [CEVERE] 2570 Moy-mesme je le feray, si je le peux tenir, Je le veux imoler aux yeux de son Amante, C?est ainsi qu?il faudra que mon c?ur se contente, Puis que cete inhumaine a voulu mespriser 2575 Mon amour. [TRIPHON] Ha, le traistre, comme a-il peu oser 2580 Se metre en ces hazards, la croit-il long-temps sienne! [CEVERE] Mais il est tres-certain qu?ele sera Chrestienne. 2585 Car vous pouvez penser qu?il fera ses eforts, Afin de la ranger. [TRIPHON] 2590 Inventons mile morts A ce meschant Chrestien, car il est veritable, Il n?en faut pas douter que cete mis?rable Aura quit? les Dieux. 2595 [CEVERE] Monsieur, il est ainsi, Il faut auparavant que de sortir d?icy Aler crier vengeance ? l?Empereur Decie, 2600 Ce prince me ch?rit plus que sa propre vie. [TRIPHON] Je le s?ay bien, Monsieur, & ce grand Empereur 2605 N?entendra point ce fait, sans en avoir horeur, Je suis bien aseur? qu?il nous fera vengeance, Alons tout de ce pas implorer sa clemence: Mais encor il faudroit avant que de partir 16 16 In 17 th century gramar ?que? is retained. (Se Vaugelas 319-20) 258 Mander querir Sabin, afin de l?advertir 2610 Du crime de son fils, car je crois qu?il ignore Tout ce qui s?est pas?. [EUPLE] 2615 Il est vray, mais encore Sabin cherche Agathon pour le faire mourir, Ce pauvre malheureux ne s?ait o? recourir, Qu?en la maison d?Albin, imitant la furie Du rigoureux Sabin. 2620 [CEVERE] Mais encore, je vous prie, Dites-nous le sujet. 2625 [EUPLE] Monsieur, je n?en s?ay rien, Il m?en avoit rien dit, mais je vous diray bien, 2630 Qu?Albin m?en aseura, qu?on l?acusoit d?un crime Qu?il n ?a jamais commis, qu?Iren?e l?anime A le faire perir par certains faux rapports, Qu?ele avoit avanc?, Sabin fait ses eforts, Afin de le trouver. 2635 [TRIPHON] Que l?on aile sur l?heure Au logis de Sabin, viste, qu?on ne demeure, 17 2640 Dites-luy que Triphon l?atend dans le Palais, Qu?il vienne promptement. [EUPLE] bas ? Carist?e. 2645 C?est pour faire la paix De Sabin & son fils, ? Dieux quele infortune! [TRIPHON] 2650 Entrons dans le palais, car cela m?importune, Je ne puis demeurer dans ce triste sejour, O? cete malheureuse a jo?? ce beau tour. 17 Meaning ?qu?on ne traine pas.? 259 2655 ACTE CINQUIEME SCENE PREMIERE [AGATHON] dans un bois. 2660 Il n?est que trop certain, mon Amante est perd?e, Sans espoir que jamais ele me soit rend?e; Ha perfide element, jaloux de nos beaux feux, Tu trompes donc ainsi les chastes amoureux? Puisque mon beau Soleil s?est eclyps? dans l?onde, 2665 Je ne souhaite plus de vivre dans le monde, O? sont donc ces beaux yeux tout remplis de clart?, Ces beaux astres d?amour qui m?avoient enchant?? Cete bouche o? l?amour faisoit son plus beau Temple, Ne vous veray-je plus, merveile sans exemple, 2670 Bele bouche, c?est vous que par vos doux acents 18 M?aviez nomm? l?objet de vos feux innocents; C?est vous dont je receus cete bele promese, Que vous seriez toujours ma s?ur & ma maistrese: Ha, cruels souvenirs qui croisez mes douleurs, 2675 Qui faites encore enfler la source de mes pleurs, Vous voila, chere s?ur dans le Ciel bien contente, Et moy je vay trainant ma vie languisante: Grand Dieu qui commandez par desus l?Univers, Qui me voyez courir dans ces afreux deserts, 2680 Permets qui cele-l? pour qui mon c?ur souspire Puise me recevoir dans ton celeste Empire, Car cete chere S?ur m?avoit donn? sa foy, Qu?ele ne connoisoit point d?autre Dieu que toy. C?est pourquoy, mon Seigneur, je crois que sa bel?ame 2685 Qui n?a jamais brusl? que d?une saincte fl?me, Doit estre maintenant au rang des bien-heureux, Cependant qu?icy bas un Amant malheureux Implore ton secours, ? bont? souveraine, Permetez que la mort mete fin ? ma peine: 2690 Mais l?Echo me respond, touch? de ma langueur, Cependant que le sort exerce sa rigueur. STANCES 19 18 These few verses are reminiscent of the genre of the blason, in which the poet describes the female?s beauty beginning with a description of her eyes in this case and then moving on to her mouth. 260 2695 J?entends le zephyr qui souspire, Comme de mon tourment surpris, Les Echos respondent ? mes cris, Mais le sort ne fait que s?en rire: Escoute, impitoyable sort 2700 Ce petit ruiseau qui murmure, Chaque chose fait en efort Pour guerir le mal que j?endure: Mais Echo respond moy, console mes douleurs, Dis moy qu?il m?adviendra apres tant de mal?heurs 2705 [ECHO] Dis moy quel heur 120 je dois atendre, Puis que mon Amante n?est plus 2710 Mon espoir seroit seroit superflu, (sic) De vouloir encore pretendre, Tu s?ais qu?un perfide Element 121 Me l?a ravie dans son onde, e faisant perdre en un moment 2715 Ce que j?aymois le plus au monde: Mais qu?auray-je ? la fin pour tout mon reconfort, Dis moy, que dois-je atendre, ou la vie, ou la mort? 12 La mort, & pourquoy ne vient-ele, 2720 Quand je la souhaite si fort? Je ne demande que la mort, Mais quoy, ma peine est imortele, Tygres, Lyons, fiers animaux, Venez ? moy, je vous en prie, 2725 Si vous metez fin ? mes maux, Je beniray vostre furie: Mais que feray je encor pour mon plus grand bon-heur, Respond-moy, cher Echo, contente mon humeur. 2730 Helas, cher Echo que je meure, 19 Note the change from alexandrine to octosyllabic meter which is typical of stances from this period. Se Marie-France Hilgar, La Mode des Stances dans le Th??tre Tragique fran?ais (Paris: Nizet, 1974). 120 ?heure? is feminine in most cases, but here the author has taken some liberties in order to respect the octosylabic meter. 121 The Tiber River 12 Baroque topos. Compare the opening lines of this monologue with those found at the beginning of Hamlet?s famous soliloquy in act 3 scene 1: ?To be or not to be.? 261 Je le voudrois, & ne peux pas, Tu dis bien, mais tu ne s?ais pas, Le destin veut que je demeure, Et que je meure sans mourir, 2735 Qu?eternelement je languise, Et tousjours me plaindre & souffrir. Sans que mon tourment se finise, Tes discours innocents ne font rien esperer, Et tout ce que tu dis me fait desesperer. 2740 SCENE DEUXIEME AGATHON. TRIPHINE. 2745 [AGATHON] seul. O? vas-tu malheureux, & que pretends-tu faire? O? sera ton recours, puis que tout t?est contraire? Mais je ne suis pas seul qui me plains dans ce bois, 2750 Car j?entends les acents de quelque triste voix. O Ciel, arestons-nous. [TRIPHINE] 2755 Amante d?sol?e, Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux que tu fusses imol?e? Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux t?estre donn? la mort, Que de t?estre expos?e ? la rigueur du sort? Que d?erer maintenant parmy ces forests sombres, 2760 O? tu ne vois qu?horreur, & que de tristes ombres. [AGATHON] O Dieu, que cete voix? 2765 [TRIPHINE] Ha rigoreux Triphon Tu cause (sic) donc ma perte, & cele d?Agathon. 2770 H?, mon cher Agathon. [AGATHON] Ma douleur diminu?, 2775 H? cete ch?re voix m?est maintenant conn?e. 262 [TRIPHINE] paroisant. O ma chere Triphine. 2780 [TRIPHINE] Ha mon frere, est-ce vous? Apr?s tant de malheurs le sort me devient doux, 2785 Mon coeur pasme de joye. [AGATHON] O ma soeur, je me pusme, 123 Bon Dieu, que de transports je resens dans mon ame, 2790 En fin, ma chere s?ur, que puis-je desirer, Vous ayant recouverte? [TRIPHINE] 2795 En alant expirer J?ai trouv? mon Amant. [AGATHON] 2800 Et moy ma chere Amante, Je vous rends graces, ? Ciel. [TRIPHINE] 2805 H?, que je suis contente, Ne languis plus, mon c?ur, mes yeux ne pleurez plus. [AGATHON] 2810 Sans nous entretenir de propos superflus, Dites-moy, chere s?ur, quele heureuse avanture Vous a rend?e icy? [TRIPHINE] 2815 L?Autheur de la Nature, Me sauva du danger, quand mon cruel destin Croyoit de me donner ? la mort pour butin, Lors que nous eusmes fait ce funeste naufrage, 2820 Les ondes me jetant sur le bord du rivage, 123 Je me pasme? 263 O? j?alois expirer sans quelques paysans, Que pour me secourir se trouverent presens, L?un me prit dans ses bras, & je fus emport?e Dans leur pauvre cabane, o? je fus asist?e 2825 De leur petit pouvoir, mais lors que je repris Par un si prompt secours mes sens & mes esprits, Helas! ce fut alors que je fis mile plaintes, Dont mes liberateurs sentoient leurs ames ateintes, Car en fin je croyois que vous fussiez perdu, 2830 Sans espoir que jamais vous me fussiez rendu; Tousjours ces bonnes gens m?en demandoient la cause, Et ne peurent jamais en s?avoir autre chose, 124 Je me separay d?eux les ayant contentez D?un anneau que j?avois, & les ayant quitez 2835 Je courus tous les bois, o? j?appelay sans cese La mort ? mon secours. [AGATHON] 2840 N?ayez plus de tristese, Et croyez que le mort auroit dificultez D?acorder ses horreurs parmy tant de beautez, Et les Lyons auroient mod?r? leurs furies A l?aspect d?un object. 2845 [TRIPHINE] Cesez vos flateries Et mon cher Agathon, dites-moy donc aussi 2850 Par quel heureux hazard nous-nous trouvons icy, Et comme quoy vous peustes eschapper les tempestes Dont l?horrible fureur preparoit nos defaites. [AGATHON] 2855 Je fus heureusement jet? desus le bord, O? dans le mesme instant je me veis asez fort Pour m?oster de ces lieux, e& consid?reant l?onde, Alors je commen?ay de faire ouvrir la bonde 2860 Aux larmes, aux sanglots, & regardant toujours, Si je ne verois point l?objet de mes amours, Si je ne verois point ces precieuses restes 125 124 Meaning ?ils avaient peur de ne jamais savoir? or they feared they would never know the reason for her sadnes. 125 Meaning ?son corps? or ?her body? 264 Sortir au bout d?un temps de ces ombres funestes; Mais alors que je veis que je vous voyois plus, 2865 Que la mer ne jetoit que son flux & reflux, O Dieu, ce fut alors que je quitay la place, Me plaignant mile fois sur ma grande disgrace. Que ne disois-je point, quel estoient mes regrets Courant incesament dans ces tristes forests: 2870 Enfin ma chere s?ur, j?ay ce que je desire, Je vous ay retrouv?e. [TRIPHINE] 2875 H? quoy faut-il pas dire Que ce grand Dieu du Ciel est nostre souverain Que sans doute c?est luy qui nous presta la main Quand nous estions perdus. 2880 [AGATHON] Ouy, ma chere Triphine Il n?en faut pas douter, & que je m?imagine Que c?est luy qui des flots nous avoit defendus 126 2885 Au malheureux moment que nous estions perdus; Mais ma s?ur il est temps de chercher quelque azile, Et nous ostons d?icy. [TRIPHINE] 2890 Que je me sens debile. 127 [AGATHON] 2895 Je le crois ma chere ame, alons. (sic) SCENE DEUXIEME. TRIPHON, CEVERE, EUPLE 2900 ALPHONSE, SABIN, IRENE, CARISTE, DOMESTIQUES AGATHON, TRIPHINE. 126 Meaning ?C?est lui qui nous avons prot?g? des flots? or ?It is he who has protected us from the waves.? 127 Perhaps she fels this way because after having been reunited with her lost love, she has forgotten al about the fact that their lives are in danger? 265 [TRIPHON] 2905 Courons ces bois, Il faut chercher partout, car j?entens quelques voix. [AGATHON] 2910 O Dieu, nous sommes pris. [TRIPHINE] O Ciel, je vois mon Pere, 2915 C?en est fait. [TRIPHON] Justes Cieux, c?est eux-mesmes, 128 Cevere, 2920 Courez, les voila pris. [TRIPHINE] Ha! ce pere inhumain. 2925 [AGATHON] Rendez-vous, ma Triphine. 2930 [TRIPHON] Arestez, c?est en vain, Je vous tiens fugitifs, en fin il se faut rendre. 2935 [SABIN] Temeraire insolent qui te fit entreprendre D?enlever cete Dame? 2940 [CEVERE] Ha! traistre raviseur Et quoy, vous esperiez d?en estre posseseur, Mais, ingrate beaut? qui fustes si cruele 2945 A mes justes souhaits, si vous estiez trop bele, 128 Ce sont eux. Molard notes this eror in his Dictionnaire gramatical du mauvais langage ou recueil des expresions et des phrases vicieuses usil?es en France, et notament ? Lyon (Lyon: Chez l?auteur, 1803) 50. 266 Pour vous sousmetre ainsi sous cete dure loy, Quoy, ce jeune Agathon estoit-il plus que moy? 129 Encor qu?il soit bien fait, & que je sois fort d??ge, N?auriez-vous pas encor eu d?honneur d?avantage, 2950 Que d?estre maintenant surprise dans ces lieux Avec que ce jeune homme. [SABIN] 2955 Et vous souffriez, bons Dieux, Que ce traictre eust pouvoir? [TRIPHON] 2960 Quoy, malheureuse file, Vous ferez donc ainsi honneur ? ma famile? Vous estes d?rob?e ainsi de mon Palais, Pour aler nuict & jour erant parmy ces bois? Estre sortie ainsi du milieu des delices, 2965 Pour vous venir jeter parmy des precipices, Au lieu de recevoir ce puisant Senateur, Vous-vous estes donn?e ? ce jeune flateur: Vous ne respondez rien, rompez donc le silence. 2970 [TRIPHINE] Je ne demande rien qu?un moment d?audience, Pour vous dire, Seigneur, que j?ay donn? ma foy A ce cher Agathon, & vous dis que c?est moy, 2975 Qui suis cause de tout, ce fut par ma priere, Qu?il m?osta de ces lieux, & c?est moy la premiere, Qui descouvrit mes feux, luy disant, que jamais Je n?aymerois que luy. 2980 [TRIPHON] Voila donc les efects, Mais en fin, dites donc [TRIPHINE] 2985 Qu?outre 130 que je suis sienne, Et qu?il est tout ? moy, je suis encor Chrestienne. 129 Here Cevere is directly refering to the fact that Agathon?s financial status is les than to be desired. 130 En outre 267 [TRIPHON] 2990 Ha, meschante, est-il vray? [CEVERE] 2995 Que je m?en doutois bien, Qu?ele suivroit les loix de ce meschant Chrestien, bas Prenez-la de douceur, Monsieur, je vous supplie Pour en venir ? bout. 3000 [TRIPHON] Veux-tu qu?on te publie? Quoy, ma file veux-tu que ces cruels desirs Me fasent en peu de temps mourir de desplaisirs: 3005 a file au nom des Dieux contente mon envie Tache de conserver ton honneur & ta vie, L?Empereur m?a donn? pouvoir de vous perir, 131 Il m?a dit en un mot de vous faire mourir, Sinon que si tu veux encore te soubmetre. 3010 Voila Cevere prest. [CEVERE] Ouy, prest ? me remetre 3015 Soubs vos aymables loix, & d?estre vostre Espoux. [TRIPHON] Ma file fleschis?toi sous un hymen si doux, 3020 Puis que ce digne amant te veut pour Espous?e, Encor que son Rival. [TRIPHINE] 3025 Que je sois expos?e Aux plus cruels tourments qu?on pourroit m?inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l?on peut m?apprester N?auront jamais pourvoir d?esbranler ma constance: Mais s?il me faut mourir, espargner l?innocence, 3030 Sauvez mon Agathon puis que pour m?obeyr Il s?est mis aux hazards. 131 de vous faire p?rir 268 [AGATHON] 3035 Daignerez vous m?ouyr, Non divine beaut?, c?est me faire un injure Que de parler ainsi, car enfin je vous jure Que si l?on me vouloit exempter de la mort Et qu?on vous fist mourir que l?on me fist ce tort 3040 De vouloir m?empescher. [TRIPHON] Il est temps de se taire, 3045 Ma file songe bien ? ce que tu veux faire, Euple, que songez vous, 132 faitct vostre pouvoir, Tachez que vostre s?ur se mete ? son devoir, Peut estre vos discours auront plus de puisance. 3050 [EUPLE] Je n?ay garde, Seigneur, car je dis en presence De vous & de tous ceux qui sont venus icy Que je me fais Chrestien. 3055 [CARISTE] Je suis Chrestienne aussi. 3060 [EUPLE] J?en fais v?ux desormais. [TRIPHON] 3065 Dieux, que viens-je d?entendre Que dis tu malheureux. [EUPLE] 3070 Que je veux vous apprendre C?est que j?ay resolu d?adorer le vray Dieu. [TRIPHON] 3075 132 Meaning ?r?veilez-vous? or ?wake up!? 269 Quoy, mon fils tu veux donc que je meure en ce lieu, Tu veux suivre ta s?ur. [EUPLE] 3080 Ouy, faites comme nous, Seigneur soyez Chrestien. [CEVERE] 3085 Euple que songez vous Ha! changez de desein. [EUPLE] 3090 Il est trop raisonnable, Je ne puis le changer, c?est est fait. [TRIPHON] 3095 Miserable. [EUPLE] 3100 Que je sois expos? aux plus cruels tourments Que l?on peut inventer ? ces chastes Amants. Je suis prest d?endurer. [CARISTE] 3105 J?en ay la mesme envie. [TRIPHON] 3110 M?chante Carist?e, tu peux perdre la vie, Tu veux faire comme?eux! [AGATHON] 3115 Que vous serez heureux, Euple, & vous Carist?e! [SABIN] 3120 Ha, traistre audacieux. Qui t?a fait si hardy de parler de la sorte? 270 Se jetant sur son fils Devant ces deux Seigneurs, si la fureur m?emporte. Je vous prie, Seigneur, que j?aye le pouvoir 3125 De l?imoler icy, car je me s?aurois voir. [IRENE] N?en faites pas, Sabin, vous-mesme La Justice, Il faut un?autre main pour faire c?t ofice, 3130 Bas Ne s?avez-vous pas bien quele offence il me fit? [SABIN] Puis-je bien me nomer le pere d?un tel fils? 3135 Infame, oseras-tu maintenant me respondre? Le crime que tu fis doit-il pas te confondre? 13 En fin, n?est-il pas vray ce qu?Iren?e dit? Respond-moy, malheureux, ne sois pas interdit. 3140 [AGATHON] Et bien, s?il m?est permis encor de me defendre, Madame, est-il bien vray, quand osay-je entreprendre De vous ravir l?honneur, h?, s?avez-vous pas bien, 3145 Que cela n?est pas vray? [IRENE] Non, non, ne cachons rien, 3150 Non, il est innocent, & moy je suis coulpable; En fin, de quel tourment ne suis-je pas capable? Ce fut moy, que brusl?e par des charmes si doux, Me laisant emporter ? ses aymables coups, Je resolus, en fin, de surmonter la honte, 3155 Et de couvrir mes maux, dont il ne fit pas compte, Et quand je veis ainsi mon amour mespris?, Afin de me vanger, j?avois donc suppos?, Qu?il vouloit m?imoler, encor avec les armes Que j?avois dans les mains, avec de feintes larmes, 3160 Je vous fis animer contre c?t innocent; Mais pour purger mon crime, en le reconnoisant, Je diray devant tous que je me fais Chrestienne, O grand Dieu des Chrestiens, si?il se peut que j?obtienne Le pardon de mes maux, je suis preste ? souffrir 3165 13 ?confondre? means to literaly shut the mouth of one?s adversary: ?convaincre, fermer la bouche ? son adversaire.? (Fureti?re) 271 Les plus rudes tourments que l?on pourra m?offrir; En fin, sage Agathon, je me sens criminele. Je s?ay que je merite une peine eternele; Il faut donc qu?? genoux. 3170 [AGATHON] Madame, levez-vous, Quoy, je pourois souffrir de vous voir ? genoux? Non, non, je vous pardonne, & mon ame est ravie 3175 Que vous croyez en Dieu. [IRENE] C?est tout ce que j?envie. 3180 [SABIN] Ha, puis qu?il est ainsi, je suis aussi Chrestien, Je quite les faux Dieux, & j?adore le tien, 3185 Je te suivray, mon fils, au milieu des supplices, Je veux me retirer de ces vaines delices. [AGATHON] 3190 O Dieu, que de bon-heur je re?ois ? la fois! Je benis le destin qui m?a mis dans ce bois, Mon p?re est-il certain apres tant de menaces, Vous voila donc chang?, mon Dieu je vous rends graces Puis que. 3195 [TRIPHON] Quel changement, ha destin rigoreux? Quoy vous aussi Sabin suivez ces malheureux. 3200 [SABIN] Ouy, Seigneur, je les suis. 3205 [CEVERE] O changement estrange! Quel malheur, justes Cieux o? ce vieillard se?range: Sabin, vous qui devriez tascher de les ranger. 3210 272 [SABIN] Le desein que j?ay pris ne se s?auroit changer, Je suis Chrestien, Seigneur. 3215 [TRIPHON] Mon fils je te supplie Change de volont?, quite cete folie 3220 Et puis qu?enfin ta s?ur ne se veut pas fleschir A mes vouloirs. [EUPLE] 3225 Seigneur, ele veut s?acquerir Au milieu des tourments la Couronne Imortele, Et moy je dis aussi que mon envie est tele, Et que je veux mourir pour ce diven Sauveur, Lequel pour tous mes maux implore la faveur. 3230 [TRIPHON] Mon fils, ne s?ais-tu pas que l?Empereur D?cie 3235 ?a permis aujourdhuy de vous oster la vie, Et je dis de tous ceux qui briseront les loix Des Dieux. [EUPLE] 3240 Non, non, Seigneur, voila mon dernier choix, J?adore le vray Dieu, je deteste les vostres. [CEVERE] 3245 H? quoy, malheureux fils, vous detestez les nostres? Ces grands Dieux Souverains. [EUPLE] 3250 Je n?en reconnois point Que celuy des Chrestiens. [ALPHONSE] 3255 Moy, je quite le soing 273 De garder ces Amants, & je veux aussi suivre Leur Dieu. 3260 [TRIPHON] H? quoy, meschant, tu ne veux donc plus vivre, Tu veux mourir aussi? 3265 [ALPHONSE] C?est mon plus grand desir De mourir pour celuy. 3270 [TRIPHON] Bons Dieux, quel desplaisir! Ils sont tous d?un vouloir, ces meschants, ces rebeles, Ces Impies. 3275 [CEVERE] O Ciel! queles tristes nouveles Recevra l?Empereur, il les luy faut mener. 3280 [TRIPHON] Je s?ay bien qu?? l?instant il va les condamner. Songez-y malheureux. 3285 [SABIN] Je suis toujours le mesme. 134 3290 [AGATHON] Je ne changeray point. [TRIPHINE] 3295 Mon serment est extr?me. 135 [IRENE] Je le proteste encor. 3300 134 Meaning ?I won?t change my decision.? 135 eaning ?my words are final.? 274 [ALPHONSE] Et moy j?en fais serment. 3305 [EUPLE] Et moy je le diray jusqu?au dernier moment. [CARISTE] 3310 Je viens aussi mourir. [TRIPHON] 3315 Ha funeste journ?e, O? nous exposes-tu cruele destin?e? 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